Introduction1

2Now, the notion of community-based tourism can be traced in the literature since the 1990s, and most of it is focused on peasant-indigenous communities or native populations, making reference to the way in which these communities self-manage tourism in their own territories. Community based tourism has been evolving in Latin America over a long period as an inclusive development approach that is based on sustainability principles. This model differs from traditional and dominant practices by prioritizing the socioeconomic equity of the communities where it is implemented, while promoting respect for the environment and cultural heritage (Inostroza, 2008; Sansolo and Burstzyn, 2009; Cañada, 2013; Cabanilla, 2018; Hruby et al., 2019). Although there are different ways of conceptualizing it, the common aspect refers to the participation of the local community, which plays an active role in decision-making and equitably perceives the benefits that the activity generates (González and Izacara, 2019; Hruby et al., 2019). Generally, it takes place in both traditional and indigenous communities that have historically been displaced and made invisible (Somoza, 2011). In recent years, community tourism has also begun to develop in the peripheral areas (both symbolic and material) of large cities, emerging as community-based initiatives. This contrasts with the traditional conception that associated it only with rural or peasant societies (Cabanilla, 2018). Specially in Brazil, some studies located in favelas pointed out the compatibility of touristic practices with this type of management model, which until then had never been applied to urban areas.

3Following this idea, it is worth asking ourselves about the idea of the “community” in the Plan carried out by the Government of Buenos Aires. This program included three stages: talent development and labor inclusion, tourism development, and communication and promotion. Initially, the actions were carried out in two well-known slum areas located in the center of the city and surrounded by multiple tourist attractions: Barrio Mugica (Villa 31) and Barrio Rodrigo Bueno (Villa Costanera Sur). This work focuses on the case of the Rodrigo Bueno neighborhood and asks about the specificities that these practices have and the contradictions in the “sustainable tourism development” promoted by a neoliberal government.

I. Questions and Methodology

4The main question that guides the following work is how community tourism ventures implemented by the government are presented as development tools or strategies of implementation of neoliberalism. The idea arises to adapt existing knowledge about community-based tourism in the peasant and ethnic level to a big city, specifically the area of the Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (CABA). Given the emergence of initiatives that can be identified as “tourism” whose management model is based on the “community base”, research that analyzes them from different scientific disciplines is also beginning to appear. On the one hand, the first questions were about how these offers were organized, about the reason that prompted their creation, about the impact on the people who carry them out, the relationship they present (or not) with new global tourism trends. that are observed in CABA and the role of the Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires (GCBA) as the main driver of tourism development in areas with great contrasts of inequality. From these issues, seeing the notable progress made in the different popular neighborhoods of the city that are in the process of (re)urbanization, questions arise about the sustainability of these communities, in a city positioned as an important tourist destination internationally. Transferring the cases of some projects with similar characteristics to other Latin American countries and other Argentine cities, the decision was to focus the research on the role of tourism practice and its contribution to inclusive and sustainable human development. Therefore, the question was constructed taking into account the specific case of CABA, based on the few similar studies that exist on the TCU.

5For the methodology, a descriptive qualitative study is proposed, understood as one that seeks to “characterize and specify the important properties of people, groups, communities or any other phenomenon that is subjected to analysis” (Batthyány and Cabrera, 2011, p. 33 ). In this case, we seek to record the characteristics of the tourism initiatives of the Rodrigo Bueno neighborhood, emphasizing their weaknesses and strengths, taking into account their relationship with the tourism development model they represent. The methodological design contemplated the use of different data collection techniques, from both primary and secondary sources. On the one hand, it included conducting three semi-structured interviews with neighbors who participate in the initiatives, and two interviews with members of the state entities involved in the development of the ventures. It was decided to keep the identity of the people interviewed anonymous, so their names will not be used. On the other hand, participant observation was also used, through assistance to the projects, which involved systematic visits to the neighborhood for months, observing the work and daily development of the analyzed projects. The empirical work for this text was realized at the end of 2021 and lasted 12 months. Currently, contact with the field is maintained, as of new investigation projects. To complete the collection of primary data, the virtual dimension was also considered, and information was collected from the official social networks of the ventures and official channels of the city's tourism entity. For secondary sources, a search was carried out for related articles in specialized scientific databases, including scientific articles, theses (undergraduate and postgraduate) and conference papers. Here, I want to highlight the use of bibliography in Spanish and written by Latin American authors, since it is a political and epistemological positioning, to dialogue and discuss the specific problems of the region. At the same time, press releases about the case analyzed were taken into account, as well as videos or social media publications that allow an account of its current situation.

II. Buenos Aires City in the Neoliberal Process

6As Almeida and Perez Martín (2023) explain, neoliberalism is defined as an array of economic policies that include political, ideological and cultural aspects. Analyzing these elements helps us understand more precisely the circumstances and the environment that generate the collective response to neoliberalism. At the same time, Grimson (2014), explains that this concept also implies socio-cultural configurations that allow the existence of these economic policies, and result in them. Thus, this work understands the importance of analyzing the repercussions that public policies have on its inhabitants. In regards to the relation between tourism and neoliberalism, different authors have offered diverse views and reflections. To Ferreira Da Silva, et al. (2019) it’s fundamental to know the critical view of the actors involved in the touristic dynamics, in this way, while the development of touristic activity can bring economic benefits to the inhabitants of the visited locations, it can also run the risk that the commodification of cultural values can act in their detriment. In turn, Wallingre affirms in those countries defined as “developing countries” neoliberalism had a big impact, which implied the “estrangement of the State-centric models, permeabilized strategies of privatization, deregulation and political instrumentation in favor of big scale transactional capitalism” (2017, p.6). In this way, tourism, among other activities considered “services”, suffered a process of delocalization, such as the incidence of housing and financial bubbles.

7In regard to the city of Buenos Aires, Pírez, explains that to “produce a city” you need soil. In this way, intervention to facilitate adequate soil for housing development in the last decades has followed two main approaches: the commodification and private property. In CABA, these approaches materialized through two different policies. On of them seek to transfer (privatize) public lands to housing developers, while the other, more complex and contradictory, seeks to integrate lands occupied irregularly by popular sectors to the formal market (Pírez, 2022). It’s for that reason, that hereafter, the work will review the history of a neighborhood that went from being subject to policies of “relocation” to being a protagonist of plans of “touristic positioning”.

III. Rodrigo Bueno Neighborhood History

8The Rodrigo Bueno neighborhood emerged during the 1976 dictatorship due to job insecurity and housing deficit, merging two land occupations in the Reserva Ecológica Costanera Sur and Avenida España. Initially it lacked infrastructure and was known as an "informal settlement," but over time residents turned it into a four-block neighborhood. (Lekerman, 2016; Carman et al., 2017). Over the years, it faced transformations due to projects such as Puerto Madero and the Boca Juniors Sports City, attracting high-net-worth residents and generating pressure for its eradication. Starting in 2004, an attempt was made to eradicate the neighborhood, justified by larger urban projects, with policies of “apathy” and “harassment” by the local government. The Ecological Reserve Land Recovery Program was implemented in 2005 to eradicate the village in exchange for mortgage subsidies, based on the environmental importance of the reserve and its negative impact (Lekerman, 2016).

9Around 2005-2009, the Government's various attempts to use the land for “other uses” came to fruition. Thus, under the arguments of public space, the inhabitants of Rodrigo Bueno, who were considered invaders who prevented environmental care and the development of certain urban enterprises for the enjoyment of the rest of society, were stigmatized (Rodríguez, 2009). As a consequence, the case had greater significance as an environmental problem than as a social problem, with the housing and economic crisis of its residents (Yacovino, 2010), taking into account that in 2005, it was estimated that about 500 families lived in Rodrigo Bueno, according to the Secretaría de Desarrollo Social del GCBA (Crovara, 2016).

10As Rogers (2021) explains, in 2005, the residents of Rodrigo Bueno, with the support of the Asamblea Permanente por los Derechos Humanos (APDH), presented a legal protection against the eviction decrees. The court ruled that the Government of the City of Buenos Aires must ensure the right to decent housing through the development of the neighborhood or by providing adequate housing in the City, in compliance with the local and national Constitution and international treaties. The ruling highlighted the lack of equity in the allocation of land, benefiting companies to the detriment of the most vulnerable sectors. The "right to the city" was recognized as fundamental, criticizing the contradictory actions of the local government. Despite being appealed and subsequently overturned, this court ruling underlined the importance of protecting the rights of the inhabitants of Rodrigo Bueno and promoting its social inclusion and redevelopment. He demonstrated the viability of coexistence between the Ecological Reserve and the neighborhood, discrediting the arguments to eradicate the slum and emphasizing the need to integrate vulnerable sectors into society.

11After this process with comings and goings between the different administrations of the GCBA and their relationship with those who live in Rodrigo Bueno, which in turn shows the relationship of the neighbors with their territory (synthesized in the fight for their right to inhabit those lands), the “redevelopment” stage is reached. Together with the mandate of Rodriguez Larreta as governor of the city, the Process of social-urban Integration begins in the Rodrigo Bueno neighborhood and continues to progress today, seeking to “strengthen the community through redevelopment, zoning and social and cultural integration.” and urban.” In 2017, Law No. 5,798 was approved to guarantee the permanence of residents in the neighborhood, with principles of “equality, spatial justice, integration and non-discrimination.” The "Re-urbanization" recognizes the autonomous work of the inhabitants in the configuration of the territory (Sánchez and Aldao, 2020). The IRSA Urban Megaproject on the land of the former sports city of Boca has been fundamental in the development of the neighborhood, since there were plans to build a “second stage of Puerto Madero” near Rodrigo Bueno. Despite criticism and social and environmental challenges, the "Costa Urbana" project was approved in December 2021. The beginning of the Socio-Urban Integration Process has generated criticism for business with the public, external debt and sale of public lands. The sale of "Casa Amarilla" land to the Club Deportivo Boca Juniors coincided with real estate development in the area.

12Regarding the specifications of the redevelopment process, they were based on different instances of meetings with neighbors and groups, as well as what was established in the judicial process. To do this, the official data from a census carried out in 2016 by the IVC was taken as a reference, which indicates that 2,665 people live in the neighborhood in 563 homes, which represents a total of 996 families (Instituto de la Vivienda, GCBA, 2016). The statistics published during that same year indicated that, at the time of the survey, most of the homes were connected to a corridor (81%), had informal connections to access the public water service (88%), did not have electric light meter (99.2%), they supplied themselves with gas bottles to obtain gas (95.9%) and used cesspits (57%) that sometimes drained into the Río de la Plata (38%).

13An important factor was the creation of the worktables of participative-gestion (Mesas de Gestión Participativa - MGP), contemplated in Law 5798, whose objective is to ensure that the residents of the neighborhood had effective participation throughout the different stages proposed for the urbanization process. that is, diagnosis, design, execution, control, monitoring and evaluation of the project. Of those tables participate: the IVC, the block representatives of the Comité de Delegados del barrio, representatives of the Ministerio Público de la Defensa de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, the Procuración General de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires y el Ministerio Público Tutelar de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (Instituto de la Vivienda, s/f). At the same time, worktables are held open to the community, as well as to interested parties in general (whether they are social organizations or different actors).

14Lastly, the law establishes in its Article 5 that the MGP will be the spaces where the intervention guidelines for different issues are decided, such as the construction and allocation of housing, the opening of public roads and the installation of infrastructure of urban services, among others. Regarding the priority criteria for moving families to new homes, it was decided to start with those homes and businesses in danger of collapse, as well as those affected by the opening of streets, passages and flooding, both in their homes and in their businesses, in addition to prioritizing cases of people experiencing gender violence, people with disabilities, and older adults (Casali, 2021). As part of the aforementioned process, the construction of new housing complexes and reconditioning of certain pre-existing buildings was contemplated. In total, 611 new homes with 2, 3 and 4 rooms were built; At the time of this research, 400 families moved and 6 commercial premises were opened (located on the ground floor of the new buildings) (Insituto de la Vivienda, 05/21/2021). For this, “each owner received a loan granted by the IVC and Banco Ciudad and must pay a fee that may not exceed 20% of his income” (Giambartolomei, 2019, s/n).

15500 housing improvements were also planned, for which there is no information available (Observatorio de la ciudad, 2021). According to Defensoría del Pueblo (in charge of monitoring the MGP) said improvements imply “connection to public services and structural improvement of the homes to guarantee adequate habitability conditions for their occupants, in addition to finishes, ceramics, equipment, etc.” (Defensoría del Pueblo , 2021, s/n) and the IVC expressed in writing during the participatory spaces that the budget tendered in 2019 was not enough so they would begin in stages, starting with 223 homes. As Sánchez and Aldao (2020, p. 61) indicate, “the execution of the budget was oriented primarily toward new housing complexes and the refurbishments of existing homes were relegated.” This generated a differentiation between those who were actually able to access the new construction and those who still remain in the historic massif, who sometimes could not access the services and infrastructure. On the other hand, three streets were opened, for which part of the homes located in the old or historic part (previously inhabited by those who had already relocated to the new constructions) were demolished [See figure 2]. It is necessary to highlight, for the understanding of the analysis carried out in this work, the eight-faculty granted to the MGP in the aforementioned article, which establishes that they are responsible for the decision on the “Carrying out concrete actions that prioritize the development of productive activities and economic situation of the inhabitants of the neighborhood.” It is in this instance where the actions related to the promotion of tourism in the neighborhood are included, as will be explained throughout this work.

16To the left you can see the ecological reserve, then the new buildings, and to the right “the historical part” of the neighborhood. On the far right you can see the former Boca Sports City. At the upper limit is the Río de la Plata, and at the lower end is Avenida España.

IV. Urban Community Based Tourism Program in Rodrigo Bueno

17As officials from the tourism development area of ENTUR express, Plan de Turismo Comunitario Urbano (hereinafter PTCU) of the Ente de Turismo de CABA arises after two years of work with the IVC in popular neighborhoods of the city. At the end of 2017, el Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad (IVC) contacted said address and requested the collaboration of ENTUR within the framework of different socio-urban integration projects. First, they were asked if it was possible to make a tourist job bank available, with the aim of collaborating with the labor insertion of the inhabitants of the Lamadrid neighborhood, which is located in the La Boca neighborhood (according to the Observatorio de Turismo de la ciudad, one of the most visited). However, since ENTUR did not have a job bank, they offered them an alternative proposal, since at that time they were working together with the Dirección de Formación of the Ministerio de Turismo²⁴ in all types of training related to tourism. In this way, an ENTUR team began to provide different instances of training and tourist awareness to some residents of the Lamadrid neighborhood. To do this, they had a space at the Instituto de Formación Superior n°23 (tertiary with courses oriented toward tourism), which is in the Caballito neighborhood. There, talks and workshops were held with the main theme: what is tourism, what are its impacts on the city and what are its job opportunities. In the words of ENTUR members “this represented a success for us, because then nine people became enthusiastic about the career and began to study tourism technology, to date three people have already received it” (Canal DEyA UNQ, 2021, pp. 51-53).

18The Plan de Turismo Comunitario Urbano (PTCU) of the Ente de Turismo de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (CABA) emerged after two years of collaboration with the Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad (IVC) in popular neighborhoods. In 2017, the IVC requested the cooperation of ENTUR for socio-urban integration projects in neighborhoods such as Lamadrid in La Boca. In the absence of a job bank, ENTUR offered tourism training to residents, which resulted in the training and graduation of nine people in tourism. This approach was expanded to the Mugica neighborhood through the Secretaría de Integración Social y Urbana (SISU), seeking to make visible and promote tourism in the area. Inspired by Turismo Comunitario Urbano in Medellín, ENTUR began research and collaborations with Colombian professionals to adapt the model to Buenos Aires neighborhoods. In 2019, once progress was made in the transformation and social integration of the neighborhoods, ENTUR presented the PTCU to the IVC. In this way, a project began to be designed based on the Rodrigo Bueno Neighborhood (RB), because not only was it already quite advanced in several of the works of its Redevelopment Law, but it had characteristics that allowed the Ente de Turismo carry out a more detailed work than in Barrio 31. After the Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad (IVC) was contacted to generate an articulation in RB, the response was affirmative because “It is a much, much, much smaller neighborhood (...). That's why we started with Rodrigo Bueno, because it was much easier to work on it as it was smaller and more compact, it was much easier to be able to articulate” (official 1, personal interview, November 2021).

19Both the IVC and the Ministerio de Desarrollo Humano y Hábitat were in charge of the social and urban integration of the neighborhood, a process that will be discussed in depth in the next chapter. In the words of the interviewee, the request that these organizations make to ENTUR is related to “promoting the neighborhood from the tourist perspective to generate greater economic development and get involved in the urban fabric of the city” (official 1, personal interview, November 2021). Although people had not yet begun to think about community based tourism, actions were beginning to be planned for this purpose. After carrying out several visits and surveys in the neighborhood, ENTUR detected the “tourism potential” of RB, which, as they expressed, was until then “an area that we had never taken into account.” However, later “Rodrigo Bueno was the pilot neighborhood on which we developed the TCU model in CABA” (official 1, personal interview, November 2021). Once the Urban Community Tourism Plan has been diagrammed, at the beginning of 2020, work begins in the Rodrigo Bueno neighborhood, and subsequently, that case is used as a central axis to replicate said process in the Mugica neighborhood, in collaboration with the SISU. The choice of these neighborhoods was due to the fact that they are located in the tourist corridor and the main tourist area of the city.

V. From the Government Plan to its Implementation: Rodrigo Bueno and Tourism

20Although it is located in an area close to major tourist attractions in CABA, it was not until the moment the redevelopment plan was launched that it began to be thought about in terms of tourism. As the ENTUR officials expressed, members of the IVC approached the Entity with the objective of creating a link where the Rodrigo Bueno productive dynamics could be enhanced as part of the social integration project. Hence, the neighborhood was the pilot on which the aforementioned ENTUR Plan de Turismo Comunitario Urbano was developed.

21The choice to start diagramming the plan based on Rodrigo Bueno was, on one hand, because the urbanization project was quite advanced thanks to the self-organization of its neighbors and, on the other hand, its geographical and demographic characteristics. Mainly, because not only is it located in an area of great tourist attraction in the city, but its size (much smaller in space and population than other neighborhoods in the process of urbanization) allowed for the generation of concrete actions to test the TCU model in CABA.

22The existence of the Patio Gastronómico Rodrigo Bueno (hereinafter PGRB) and La Vivera Orgánica (LVO), which were created in 2019, was also of great relevance. Both ventures were developed by the IVC in conjunction with other entities to promote the productive profile of the neighborhood. At the same time, in various meetings held at the MGP (Participatory Management Roundtable) there was talk about promoting tourism in the neighborhood and, after the neighbors expressed their consent, work on tourism began.

“Thanks to the development of these proposals such as La Vivera and El Patio, added to the transformation of the neighborhood and the desire expressed by the neighbors at the participation tables, the IVC convenes the Tourism Entity in 2019 to promote tourism in the area. Neighborhood” (official 2, in personal communication, January 2022).

23After initial contact with the IVC and members of the Ministerio de Desarrollo Social y Hábitat(MDSyH), surveys began in 2019 to understand the area, since it was an area that ENTUR had not previously taken into account in its projects. Later, once the PTCU was officially generated, work began on its work axes based on the particularities of RB.

24The PTCU was designed to contribute to the urban integration of popular neighborhoods. For this reason, its objectives were mainly aimed at collaborating with the human development of the neighbors. In the words of a former official of the Dirección de Desarrollo Turístico:

“We don't want people, tourists, to go see what the vulnerable neighborhoods of the city of Buenos Aires are like, but what we want is for the people who live in the neighborhoods to be able to develop through tourism” (official 1, interview staff, November 2021).

25It is in this aspect where ENTUR's perspective differs from other types of tourism development in vulnerable communities in Latin America, where tourism practice was more linked to the observation of the adverse reality of the communities visited (tourism in slum neighborhoods), such as It occurred in some cases in the favelas of Brazil. As the interviewee indicates: “we realized that it was not the model we wanted to carry out here. For example, there is Rocinha in Brazil. But it has another approach, going to see how people live in the neighborhood” (official 1, personal interview, November 2021).

26The axles, with their respective objectives and implementations are developed in the next chart.

Development of the pcu on rodrigo bueno

DEVELOPMENT OF THE PCU ON RODRIGO BUENO
STAGE	DESCRIPTION	OBJECTIVE	IMPLEMENTATION	VOICES
1.	Development of talents and laboral inclusion - Human Talent	Offering neighbors tools that allow them to have an approach to tourism.	Training of “touristic hosts”, for inhabitants of the neighborhood with finished highschool degrees. Only one person completed this course.	The idea was to train them, first what was… giving them an introduction about tourism, the importance of tourism for CABA, how tourism impacts the city, and how, at the same time, that tourism can generate a spillover for the neighborhood, and how it can benefit it, say the importance that tourism can have for them in the development of their activities. (civil servant 1, in personal communication, november 2021).
		strengthening of entrepreneurs.	Through the promotion two projects were strengthened in the neighborhood (Patio Gastronómico y Vivera Orgánica).	Tourism is, as I can tell you, a special guest. That one can come home and have it, take care of it, contain it, and give it everything it needs, showing trust. It seems to me that that is what we expect from tourism, for me that is what tourism is. And without tourism we would not grow as a neighborhood (member of the PGRB 1, in personal communication, january 2021).
		Promoting superior education in tourism and laboral inclusion.	Raising awareness about tourism, through workshops open to the community.
2	tourism development	Study of perception	Virtual and qualitative. Made by the city's tourism observatory. The sample included residents directly and indirectly linked to the tourism sector, as well as people unrelated to the industry. According to the analysis of the ENTUR tourism development area, the study revealed a favorable disposition for tourism development in the neighborhood. Those with no connection to tourism mainly showed indifference towards the proposal, although their responses were mostly varied. Some residents expressed concerns about visitor safety in relation to tourism activity.	It was verified if there really was an interest on the part of the community to receive tourism so as to “not introduce the activity in a forced manner” (Civil servant 1, in personal communication, november 2021).
		Plan of infrastructure, equipment and signaling.	Work with Ciudad Legible. 9 steerers.	For much of 2020 you couldn't even go out, not even we could go sightseeing in the city. All this was postponed and we focused on doing in the first stage what had to do with the focus and surveys of neighbors. It was also difficult for us because they could not be done in person. The truth is that it was like an ambitious Plan that really had a lot to do, but well we were able to do little things (Civil servant 1, in personal communication, november 2021).
		Design of tourist circuits.	Inclusion within the Puerto Madero circuit. There are no original circuits at the moment.
		Generation and co-creation of tourism experiences.	New ventures dedicated exclusively to tourism have not yet been developed.
3	Communication and promotion	Tours with journalists, influencers and tourism providers.	Presence in traditional media and social networks.	The idea was always to be able to integrate the attractions of the neighborhood into the general offer, as one more, but at the same time being careful and being aware that the tourist knew what they were getting into, because there is also a reality where sometimes someone can to surprise (civil servant 1, in personal communication, november 2021)
		Web notes and content integration in landing	Two notes in the official tourism web from CABA.
		Content in presentations for trade.	Talks with local operators and universities.
Figure 3: Sourcee: self elaboration.

Figure 3: Sourcee: self elaboration.

VI. Discussion of Results

27The urbanization process carried out in the Rodrigo Bueno neighborhood is the result of the constant efforts of its neighbors. Despite the difficulties that have occurred in recent decades, its inhabitants were able to consolidate in their territory, after many approaches and estrangements with the GCBA and a long judicial process that finally ruled in favor of their settlement, which resulted in law 5798. /2017.

28In this way, new projects emerge that aim to develop the neighborhood according to sustainability criteria, within the framework of the RB redevelopment process, which in addition to contemplating the classic elements of urbanization, also took into account social and urban integration. and productive participatory. As a result of this, in 2019 the creation of La Vivera Orgánica (self-sustainable garden enterprise managed by 14 residents of the neighborhood) and El Patio Gastronomico Rodrigo Bueno (which integrates Latin American gastronomy enterprises of 7 residents of the neighborhood and private actors) took place. These projects were approved by the GCBA and had the support of different government areas, as well as private entities and non-governmental organizations.

29Added to this was the ENTUR Community Tourism Plan, which was created based on Rodrigo Bueno and proposed to position the two aforementioned ventures for tourism, taking advantage of the neighborhood's proximity to other attractions in CABA. To achieve this, there was validation from the local community to promote tourism, neighbors were trained in specific skills and dissemination actions were carried out to increase the number of visitors. In this way, it was sought to publicize not only the Vivera and Patio Gastronómico project, but also the actions carried out by the GCBA within the framework of the transformation of the neighborhood.

30The ventures analyzed showed multiple strengths and weaknesses. However, when analyzing each case, LVO can be classified as a community initiative, but the PGRB does not meet all the characteristics of this type of undertaking. However, it is worth emphasizing that the residents of the neighborhood not only gave their consent, but that some actively participated (and participate) in the tourist initiatives. Although they do have an active role, they present limitations as CT ventures. Currently there are no proposals that are exclusively touristic but rather tourism represents a complement to the activities they carry out. It is worth noting that, so far, the largest number of clients and visitors are residents of CABA, although it is expected to receive tourists from other origins (national and international). The Vivera and the Patio Gastronómico were designed to be sustainable projects over time. Now, both represent different results when analyzing the dimensions that make up sustainable tourism development. Although the ventures are quite recent (added to the fact that the pandemic paralyzed tourist activity), some characteristics present in the project can be outlined to analyze its sustainability. At a general level, they present a certain degree of economic and political dependence as it has been a project promoted and supported by the GCBA, but also by other external actors. Regarding the environment, although it seems to be the most careful aspect, the existence of new real estate projects in the area could negatively affect the territory. Finally, regarding the sociocultural aspect, tourism in Rodrigo Bueno depends strongly on the results of the social integration process carried out by IVC.

31The Community Tourism Plan is positioned as a way to promote sustainable tourism, since in theory this type of experience can contribute significantly to the construction of more sustainable cities. In this sense, the PTCU proposed by the Ente de Turismo de CABA, which is currently being carried out in two popular neighborhoods of the city, was analyzed. The project was carefully planned taking into account the particularities of community tourism and seeking to adapt this model, more present in rural areas, to the characteristics of CABA. The biggest question when it comes to cataloging certain initiatives within the term “Community Based Tourism” or not lies in the lack of consensus regarding its definition, manifested in the multiplicity of variants that we find of it. Community Based tourism can be developed in urban areas as long as its main character is respected, that is, the active participation of the local community and the equitable distribution of its benefits. Now, because the term “community based tourism” is usually used synonymously with other tourism modalities, we can find a wide plurality of voices in community experiences, as a result of the diversification of the nominations of these proposals.

32Regarding the case analyzed, in Rodrigo Bueno there are still no community proposals that are dedicated exclusively to the provision of tourist services. In turn, the GCBA carries out tourist activities, such as guided tours and the inclusion of the neighborhood in festivals and events in the city, which do not correspond to the "community" character because they have little participation from the local community. Until now, tourism is presented as another activity that complements the income of some of the neighborhood's inhabitants. Although, from theory, the ENTUR Urban Community Tourism Plan aims to contribute to the human and sustainable development of its inhabitants, in the case of Rodrigo Bueno, tourist activities are not yet developed in a self-managed manner by the community itself.

33As developed in this text, in Rodrigo Bueno, within the framework of the PTCU, it was decided to work on the tourist positioning of these two pre-existing initiatives: La Vivera Orgánica and Patio Gastronómico Rodrigo Bueno. Now, these are not tourist projects per se, but due to their characteristics, they seek to position them as attractions, in part, because they are close to other attractions in the city (especially Puerto Madero and the Ecological Reserve). This coincides with Puig and Mereta´s (2014) idea that tourism must “come later”, that is, the community must first be strengthened and organized, and then open to tourist activity. However, based on the theory presented and the empirical material presented, it can be stated that La Vivera is constituted in a community manner, while El Patio Gastronómico is made up of various members that do not make up “a community”, since it is integrating public and private actors that are not permanent. At the same time, it is evident that the analyzed ventures contribute to the development of their members; however, the sustainability of said projects could be affected due to the degrees of dependence on external actors that they demonstrate. In this sense, tourism in the city has great territorial impacts that contribute to producing symbolic and material changes in different parts of Buenos Aires. The official speeches of the GCBA point out that the tourism sector develops in terms of sustainability, and the ENTUR affirms that they currently do not present problems in terms of its environmental aspect (Natale, 2021). Now, to diversify the city's tourist offer, the positioning of new attractions and the creation of new proposals such as LVO and PGRB are carried out.

34Responding to the question of what the motivation of the local state was to implement this type of tourism, it was observed that the tourist activity, in this case, responds to the needs arising from other projects. That is, a central aspect of the research is the linking of tourist activity in popular neighborhoods linked to the processes of redevelopment and socio-urban integration that have been carried out since 2016. Now, in the positioning of these activities, mostly promoted by different areas of government of the city, the image that is transmitted of these spaces is always linked to the transformation promoted by the GCBA. However, the positive aspects and participatory nature of said process are usually emphasized, although conflicts regarding it are generally avoided.

Closing Reflections

35In closing, I am interested in returning to some of the theoretical discussions presented at the beginning of the work. As we have seen, the idea of ​​“community tourism” in Latin America has had different meanings over time, starting as a phenomenon linked to the notion of “community” with ethnic interpretations, until today, where this term refers to a management model. This allows us to observe the performative nature of tourism, and the different implications that it has when this type of project is proposed from visions external to the “community” that manages tourism. In Rodrigo Bueno, we observe that the government’s intentions to install a community rhetoric to develop tourism in the neighborhood did not have the expected results. The official image built about the neighborhood, through different media, has changed in recent decades based on the specific needs and interests of the different governments (generally linked to economic and real estate interests). Although the official discourse is linked to sustainability and community, seeking to integrate the neighborhood with the tourist attractions of the area, in previous years it was the product of different types of stigmatizations due to the dissonance of the neighborhood with its surroundings. From a sociocultural point of view, this aspect has implications for the durability of the government plan. As noted, the practices did not necessarily correspond to community tourism practices, which allows us to reflect on the use of this term by external agents to create images about the territory.

36However, it should be noted that at the time this article was written, the PTCU was still in development, and that, in turn, the pandemic slowed down tourist activity and reduced the pace of implementation of the plan. In addition, there are projects in the process of implementation (such as the Costa Urbana real estate project, urban changes in the neighborhood itself, and new tourist proposals, typical of the neoliberal context), which could have a direct implication within tourism in Rodrigo Bueno. In this sense, it is essential that in the future a follow-up is carried out in which, above all, the impacts perceived by the local population are analyzed. In this way, the aim is not to negatively point out, or in terms of “commodification”, the construction of the neighborhood as a tourist attraction, but rather to highlight the agency of its own actors in decision-making regarding this process. Thus, the use of community management tools in tourism practice becomes a positioning of interests by the local population itself.