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Présentation

Listening to socialisation. Analysing the sociogenesis of musical practices

Rémi Deslyper, Alexandre Robert et Irina Kirchner
Traduction de Maggie Jones
Cet article est une traduction de :
À l’écoute des socialisations. Analyser la sociogenèse des pratiques musicales [fr]

Texte intégral

  • 1 Bourdieu Pierre, The Logic of Practice, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1990; Bourdieu Pierre (...)
  • 2 It should not be confused with the notion of “sociability”, which refers to the modes of interpers (...)

1The notion of “socialisation” is firmly established in the theoretical landscape of the social sciences. Rooted in a long tradition of research1, and particularly operative in French sociology, it refers to the process by which the social world (institutions, groups, etc.) forms and transforms individuals by instilling in them a number of dispositions, i.e. ways of thinking, believing, acting, etc2. Research in this vein seeks to define the sociogenesis of practices and ways of doing things, by revealing their institutional and relational conditions of possibility, and establishing the dynamic succession of stages and interactions by which they are formed.

  • 3 Socialisation can also fail to produce the expected effects, as its ‘success’ depends on certain s (...)

2Socialisation processes generally can be broken down into three dimensions: frameworks, modalities and effects. Socialisation frameworks structure the interactions between the individuals involved. Whether institutional or not, and whether or not they involve the explicit aim of transforming individuals, these frameworks are defined by the presence of actors or agents who transmit, instruct and prescribe, and by the existence of dynamics of domination, roles and instituted relational structures. Secondly, socialisation processes are characterised by the way in which they actually occur, involving varying experiential time scales and more or less formalised modalities. Thirdly, socialisation processes can produce varyingly durable effects on individuals via the schemes of thinking and acting that they forge3.

  • 4 Halbwachs Maurice, “La mémoire collective chez les musiciens”, La Revue Philosophique, March-April (...)

3Eminently cross-cutting, the notion of socialisation points to a class of phenomena that can be observed in all of fields of practice, forms of activity and types of experience that the social world can offer. Within this tradition of sociological research, there is a whole body of work on musical socialisation processes – to which we will return below – including Maurice Halbwachs’ famous article “La mémoire collective chez les musiciens”4 (Collective memory in the case of musicians), a pioneering example. In his effort to extricate musical memory, meaning and emotion from the sole realm of physiology, and to reveal their profoundly collective nature, Halbwachs maintained that, for music to resonate in the brain, individuals must have already been familiarised (whether by means of “popular” and oral or “academic” and written vectors, he notes) with a whole range of sound combinations, signs, conventions and symbolic hierarchies originating in “musician society”. He moreover points out that even non-musicians’ ears socially contract habits throughout the individuals’ biographical trajectories, due to their varyingly active and explicit involvement in a host of musical practices (parental lullabies, play and work songs, listening to recorded music, etc.).

4In the field of musicology, this prism of analysis is not entirely absent – even if the notion of “socialisation” is not used explicitly – and traces of it can even be found in various classic works. To cite several examples, and by no means an exhaustive list, the following three authors, while hailing from starkly different backgrounds, have the commonality of engaging in robust dialogue with the social sciences. Discussing the formation of composers’ thinking, Theodor W. Adorno writes:

  • 5 Adorno Theodor W., Introduction to the Sociology of Music, New York, The Seabury Press, 1976, p. 2 (...)

Subjectivity cannot be absolutized esthetically either. A composer is always a zoon politikon as well, the more so the more emphatic his purely musical claim. None is tabula rasa. In early childhood they adjusted to the goings-on around them; later they are moved by ideas expressing their own, already socialized form of reaction. […] The subjective mediation, the social element of the composing individuals and the behavior patterns that make them work so and not otherwise, consists in the fact that the compositorial subject, however necessarily it may mistake itself for a mere being-for-itself, constitutes a moment of the social productive forces5.

  • 6 Meyer Leonard B., Style and Music. Theory, History and Ideology, Chicago, University of Chicago Pr (...)
  • 7 Ibid., p. 55.
  • 8 Ibid., p. 139.
  • 9 Ibid., p. 115 and 158.

5Second, in his classic study on “style” in music, Leonard B. Meyer examines the role of individuals’ or groups’ “internalized constraints6” or “fundamental habits and dispositions” – which he defines as “modes of perceiving and responding to the world that are so ingrained that they cannot be denied7” – in shaping their styles of musical practice. In Meyer’s view, these “proclivities ingrained through cultural experience8” can come in fairly unique forms, insofar as each individual forges them according to their particular belonging to multiple and different fields or spheres of activity9. Our third example is Christopher Small’s theory of “musicking”, according to which the meaning of music is derived from the various relations that structure musical performances – relations between the physical environment and the actors, relations between the actors themselves, relations between the sounds – and in which the perceptual relationship to these relations results from socially situated learning:

  • 10 Small Christopher, Musicking. The Meanings of Performing and Listening, Middletown, Wesleyan Unive (...)

All of us, in fact, carry around with us our own way of making sense of the world and its relationships. From the moment of birth, and perhaps before, we learn which relationships are of value to us and which are not, what to remember and what to forget, and how to order our experience of the world into categories. None of these are god-given but are the result of an active engagement with the world outside us. […] Since how we learn which relationships are of value and which are not is a matter of our experience, it is to be expected that although each person has his or her own ideas of relationships, those held by members of the same social group, whose experiences are broadly similar, will also tend to be broadly similar and in that way serve to reinforce one another […] Of course, we all belong at the same time to more than one social group; membership in a nation or empire is not incompatible with membership of a family or, for that matter, with membership of a trade union, a stamp club, a football supporters’ club, an occupational group, a political party, a religious organization, an ethnic group and a particular sexual orientation. Our membership of each of these groups shapes our perception of reality10.

6The aim of this issue of Transposition is to tackle head-on this theme of musical socialisation, and to apply the conceptual and methodological tools of this research tradition to musical questions, examining their specificities, insofar as they stem from fields with unique histories and encompass activities with distinct characteristics.

7In considering the process by which practices are socially shaped, the concept of socialisation offers several heuristic virtues for the field of music, which we wish to underscore here. First and foremost, socialisation is a powerful denaturalisation implement, in that it reintroduces a social dimension to aspects of musical practice that are still too often attributed – through innatist thinking – to the arbitrariness of unique individual qualities. Secondly, it sheds light on the origins of differentiation in musical practices and relationships to music.

1. Socialisation as a denaturalisation implement

  • 11 See for example McPherson Gary, “The role of parents in children’s musical development”, Psycholog (...)
  • 12 Coulangeon Philippe, Les musiciens interprètes en France. Portrait d’une profession, Paris, La Doc (...)

8First and foremost, the analysis of musical socialisation disrupts all sorts of innatist explanations for skills and behaviours. Giftedness, genius, talent, vocation, an ear for music, and being musically inclined are all preconceptions, widely held and perpetuated by music institutions and actors, that associate musical practices with inherent qualities rooted in individual nature; and these innatist representations and beliefs are not without socialising effects of their own, as has been found by a number of studies in developmental psychology11. The theoretical prism of socialisation brings into focus the frameworks and processes of socialisation that underlie the construction of musical skills, of the sense of vocation, and even of personal preferences. Quantitative approaches can provide a first approximation of the conditions in which musical practices take root. For example, as several studies have shown12, a significant proportion of professional classical musicians are the offspring of parents who are themselves professional musicians – an important indicator of the role of family socialisation in vocational construction. Then, the smaller the scale of observation, the easier it is to grasp the fine mechanisms of socialisation, as can be achieved through qualitative approaches, insofar as the socialisation they examine is less presupposed than concretely demonstrated.

  • 13 Elias Norbert, Mozart. Portrait of a Genius, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1993 [1991].
  • 14 Ibid., p. 57.

9Though not phrased as such, this perspective can already be seen in Norbert Elias’s study of the case of Mozart, Portrait of a Genius13. Elias’s analysis shows that the Austrian composer’s genius was in fact the result of musical skills acquired through unique family socialisation – from a very young age, his father “rewarded [him] for each musical achievement with a big prize in terms of affection14” – and a social environment (that of the European courts of the late 18th century) that both encouraged the development of these skills and helped them to be recognised as exceptional. This example makes clear that a socialisation-informed approach does not call into question the musical qualities, abilities or skills attributed to a musician, but does offer a social explanation for their origin.

  • 15 Robert Alexandre, “La transformation d’une oreille. Déodat de Séverac à la Schola Cantorum”, Revue (...)
  • 16 Kirchberg Irina, “Écouter par corps. La socialisation de l’oreille en natation synchronisée”, Cult (...)

10Several studies have sought to reconstruct, from this angle, processes of (trans)forming the ear – here, considered not a mere biological organ but an ensemble of schemes of perception and appreciation acquired during socialising experiences. Drawing on historical sources, Alexandre Robert15 shows, for example, how the dominant influence of the music school La Schola Cantorum, at the turn of the 20th century, lastingly shaped the young composer Déodat de Séverac’s manner of listening to and appreciating music. In a similar vein albeit a completely different field, Irina Kirchberg16 examines the implicit training of the ear of synchronised swimmers, which is essential for effective collective synchronisation. A number of studies have also analysed the sociogenesis of vocation in various musical populations.

  • 17 Ravet Hyacinthe, “Devenir clarinettiste. Carrières féminines en milieu masculin”, Actes de la rech (...)
  • 18 Pégourdie Adrien, “Devenir musicien ‘ordinaire’. Construction et entretien des vocations des ensei (...)
  • 19 Deslyper Rémi, “Les conditions sociales d’une vocation tardive. Le cas des apprentis musicos d’une (...)

11Research by Hyacinthe Ravet17 examines the specific forms of socialisation and social trajectories that enable women clarinettists to develop careers in a role historically and symbolically viewed as male. Adrien Pégourdie’s study18 explores the construction of vocation among conservatory music teachers and, more specifically, the factors involved in the inculcation of their sense of predestination and in the acquisition of their ascetic dispositions. Also of note is Rémi Deslyper’s work19 on the social construction of vocation in the unique case of musicians in the popular music genre who start at a later age and without family precedence.

  • 20 This term, used by Norbert Elias, refers to the (fallacious) conception of the individual as an is (...)
  • 21 Robert Alexandre, “La fabrication d’œuvres de musique contemporaine. Enquête auprès de compositeur (...)

12This first heuristic virtue also allows for the factoring in of personal preferences and choices which, although they tend to be interpreted through the lens of “homo clausus”20, are in fact the product of various socialisation processes, both musical and non-musical. This has been shown, for example, by Alexandre Robert, who in his ethnographic study of a composition class at the Ircam21 examines the young composers’ artistic “choices” from the intersecting vantage points of, one, the socialising experience of the present educational context, and, two, the various forms of socialisation (family, school, friends and professional, as well as class, gender, age, etc.) to which they have been subjected.

  • 22 Monnod Catherine, De la harpe au trombone. Apprentissage instrumental et construction du genre, Re (...)
  • 23 Hall Clare, Masculinity, Class and Music Education. Boys Performing Middle-Class Masculinities thr (...)

13In a similar register, various research challenges the idea that preferences in instrumental or vocal practices are merely a matter of mysterious and unfathomable “personality”. Catherine Monnod, for example, dissects the social mechanisms involved in the “choice” of instrument played by children and teens, which in large part depends on – historically and socially constructed – gendered connotations (the “sex” of certain instruments), and on the forms of femininities and masculinities to which the children and adolescents have been socialised22. In this regard, we might also cite the work of Clare Hall, whose study of Australian choirboys seeks to understand and explain the atypical case of young boys engaging in an intensive singing practice, combining analysis of their musical socialisation with analysis of their family socialisation, from which stem their class and gender dispositions23.

2. Socialisation and systems of differentiation

  • 24 In the words of Pierre Bourdieu, “It would be the task of a genetic sociology to establish how thi (...)

14The approach through the prism of socialisation is also highly useful in accounting for the sociogenesis of the diversity of practices and relationships to music that coexist in the social world. The notion of socialisation – because it is rooted in a dispositionalist school of sociology attentive to social differentiation in relationships to the world, and the ensuing struggles, notably shaped by the thinking of Pierre Bourdieu24 – sheds new light on certain musical partitions that are pervasive in the social world. In this regard, it can be said that musical socialisation exists not as one thing but rather as myriad (varyingly different and antagonist) forms or cases of musical socialisation; and that socialisation-informed analysis seeks to understand not so much how one becomes a musician or a listener as how one becomes a certain type of musician or listener. We propose here to take a closer look at three of these systems of differentiation, which strike us as useful in structuring the plurality of relationships to music, and which we separate below for our purposes here but which may partially overlap: socialisation into different musical genres; professional versus amateur socialisation; and academic versus non-academic socialisation.

  • 25 Humeau Pierig, À corps et à cris. Sociologie des punks français, Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 2021.
  • 26 (Our translation). Ibid., p. 159.

15The first system, and the most obvious, is that which divides listeners and musicians by musical genre. While common sense tends to seize on music genres to structure the musical sphere (one is not the same listener or musician depending on whether one listens to or plays rap, chanson, metal, jazz, contemporary music, etc.), little is actually known about genre-specific socialisation processes and their effects on musical practices. How exactly do the manners of listening to and producing rap, chanson, metal, jazz, contemporary music, etc. differ, and how are these differences constructed? In this area of reflection, Pierig Humeau’s work on French punks25 is of particular interest. He shows how engaging in the practice of punk music involves adopting a DIY ethic and a specific bodily hexis (heaviness of step, virile, friendly tussling, etc.) and, musically, implementing resistance to legitimate instrumental techniques and displaying heterodox manners of playing, e.g. for drummers, playing “with the arms” rather than “with the wrists”, or even “holding the sticks backwards”26. However, classifying listeners and musicians by musical genre, i.e. such an obvious basis of differentiation, tends to obscure other systems of differentiation producing distinctions that are just as, if not more, profound.

  • 27 Perrenoud Marc, Les musicos. Enquête sur des musiciens ordinaires, La Découverte, 2007.

16Studies have also examined musical socialisation based on another system of differentiating relationships to music, e.g.in production, with research on professional versus amateur socialisation. In terms of musicianship, becoming a professional musician requires specific socialisation different from that involved in cultivating an amateur musical practice. Based on an ethnographic study conducted over a span of almost ten years, Marc Perrenoud27 describes the mechanisms for entering the music profession and how this affects the way music is made and thought. He points out the need, in order to make a living from music, for diversifying (having multiple income streams in the industry) and operating in different performance settings (varyingly formal and music-oriented), all factors that create a specific relationship to musicianship once music becomes one’s profession.

  • 28 Hatzipetrou-Andronikou Reguina, Papastavrou Dimitra, “Des instruments sur le devant de la scène. A (...)

17More recently, Reguina Hatzipetrou-Andronikou and Dimitra Papastavrou studied the career paths of Greek folk musicians (traditional and bluegrass), demonstrating the key role of group playing in their professional socialisation, and asserting that “professional socialisation and working methods can be a dividing principle in the study of folk musicians”28.

  • 29 Coulangeon Philippe, Les musiciens de jazz en France, Paris, L’Harmattan, 1999.

18However, while there appears to be a split, of sorts, between professional socialisation and amateur socialisation, there are also splits within professional socialisation itself, as observed by Philippe Coulangeon29 in his study of the evolution of professional socialisation in jazz following the genre’s institutionalisation – and academising – in the second half of the 20th century. Through this diachronic approach, he points to the shift from informal professional socialisation – based on relational assets and a fairly blurred line between learning the trade and entering the job market, which was dominant until the late 1970s – to much more formalised and objectified professional socialisation, with specific titles and identified skills, in the years that followed. This shift prompted the “tertiarising” of careers in jazz, as growing numbers of musicians went into teaching or giving music workshops, etc. In short, Philippe Coulangeon observes that these changes in the professional socialisation of jazz musicians created a generational divide in the genre: younger jazzmen and their forebears were not socialised into the profession in the same way, and therefore conducted their careers differently.

  • 30 A concept constructed by Guy Vincent (in L’école primaire française. Étude sociologique, Lyon, PUL (...)

19Finally, an approach through the prism of socialisation sheds light on another dividing line in music, namely, modes of transmission. Indeed, the academic mode of socialisation30, on the one hand, and learning without any formal training, on the other, are two radically different socialising experiences that do not lead to the same relationship with music and its practice. Examining the atypical case of a self-taught jazzman who became a symphony orchestra musician, Bernard Lehmann notes that

  • 31 (Our translation). Lehmann, op. cit., p. 126.

what distinguishes a self-taught jazz musician from a classical musician “moulded” by conservatory training from an early age is almost everything: they do not perceive music in the same way, penetrate it in the same way, or even fashion it in the same way31.

  • 32 The common-sense distinction between students and self-taught people is in fact relatively unsatis (...)

20It is thus of real scientific import to closely study these two forms of musical socialisation, in order to understand what separates, to put it simply, the self-taught from the formally trained32.

  • 33 Octobre Sylvie, Détrez Christine, Mercklé Pierre and Berthommier Nathalie, L’enfance des loisirs. (...)
  • 34 Pasquier Dominique, Cultures lycéennes. La tyrannie de la majorité, Paris, Autrement, 2005.
  • 35 Mabru Lothaire, “De l’écriture du corps dans les pratiques musicales à transmission ‘orale’ : le c (...)
  • 36 As Marc Perrenoud writes (our translation): “Enormously in the popular musical field, there is an (...)

21Musical socialisation not involving any formal training has elicited some interest in the social sciences. We know that the development of recorded music and the advent of cultural industries in the 20th century considerably weakened the socialising power of educational institutions – including music education at school – in the construction of music appreciation. Various authors have examined the central roles of the family in childhood33 and peers in adolescence34, in the musical socialisation of listeners. With regard to musical practice, there have been a number of studies on non-academic socialisation in popular music35 and the cardinal role of peer influence, a key factor in the passage from being a listener to taking up an instrumental or vocal practice36, and then joining a group in which learning and practice merge, and where the musical practice exists only in action, in a practical sense, i.e. outside of any theoretical knowledge and in contexts largely driven by sociability and fun.

  • 37 Bonnéry Stéphane, “L’enseignement de la musique entre institutions scolaires et conservatoires. Éc (...)
  • 38 Bonnéry Stéphane & Fenard Manon, « La scolarisation de la musique dans l’enseignement secondaire a (...)
  • 39 Deslyper Rémi, “Method over Genre. Ways of learning as a source of diversity in making and thinkin (...)

22However, research on academic musical socialisation is more lacking37. With regard to music education at school, this is probably due to its weak socialising power in the construction of listener appreciation. With regard to conservatories, it may be that their hegemony in the training of classical musicians makes this form of institution so obvious as to escape the notice of researchers. Yet studying this institutional form of musical socialisation holds great scientific interest, notably to foreground the divergence between these institutions’ stated approach and their actual practices. Countering the anti-academic postures embraced by recent pedagogical developments in music education and teaching, several studies have highlighted the persistence of academic socialisation in these institutions38 which, whatever they may say, continue to be oriented towards transmitting a formal and reflexive relationship to music. In the teaching of popular music, a period of academic socialisation results in the construction of a specific form of practice – in which the musical practice becomes its own end in itself – in stark contrast to a practice born out of non-academic socialisation39.

***

23The articles compiled in this issue reflect these two heuristic virtues (denaturalisation and grasping differentiation) by explicitly applying the notion of socialisation to a variety of subjects and fields. They also show that the different dimensions of socialisation processes – frameworks, modalities and effects – can be reconstructed using varied (and sometimes combined) qualitative methodologies, from archival research to fieldwork techniques such as ethnography and interviews.

24From an in-depth analysis of Sofiane, a conservatory student, Samuel Chagnard examines a case of musical socialisation that “failed”, in the sense that it did not produce the type of musical practice intended by the institution. This author’s approach shows the predominance of the academic mode of socialisation in conservatories, but also how this socialisation may have come into conflict with the prior socialisation, in this case that of a working-class background. We see that Sofiane did develop a musical practice but that it did not match the institution’s expectations, notably because his practice was contextualised and geared towards instant gratification. This dispositional divergence elicited negative feedback on the part of the institution, and dissatisfaction for Sofiane, ultimately leading him to quit the conservatory.

25From a study of the parade of samba schools in Rio de Janeiro, combining archival analysis and ethnography, Antoinette Kuijlaars reconstructs the dynamics of the continuous acceleration of bateria tempo since the 1960s, driven by media and economic constraints, and shows that the various bateria mestres, and then the jurors who judge them, respond differently to this accelerated tempo according to their social and musical backgrounds. The construction of their criteria for judging the tempo lies at the crossroads of, one, their informal peer socialisation (jurors on one side, ritmistas on the other) and, two, the prior socialisation in various forms to which they have been subjected.

26In his article, Marc Perrenoud historicises the question of musical socialisation by reviewing the conditions of possibility and the modalities of participation in the practice of popular music over the last six decades. He shows that these musical practices are largely determined by sociohistorical contexts which, depending on the period, attribute varying degrees of legitimacy to popular musical registers (and therefore do not attract the same social profiles), but also by musicians’ varying cultural and economic capital, leading them to appropriate these musical practices in different forms.

27Apolline Gouzi and Arthur Macé examine the socialisation framework provided by the Union des femmes artistes-musiciennes (UFAM), an organisation operating as both a charity and a trade union which aimed to help female musicians facing difficulties in the music job market in the 1910s-1920s. Their detailed analysis of the running of this institution shows that it offered unprecedented conditions for practice and employment in music, in stark contrast to the more usual – and much less favourable – forms of professional socialisation that its members were likely to have encountered elsewhere: e.g. through symbolic support and strengthening their sense of legitimacy, financial security, protecting a “by women, for women” space for socialising and networking, cultivating relational assets, etc.

28To conclude this brief, non-exhaustive presentation of the avenues of reflection that the notion of socialisation has opened up in the analysis of musical practices, we wish to emphasise the mirroring light that research in other fields of practice should provide. Given that the socialisation-informed approach aims to apply to all areas of activity, we believe that reflections on other fields and subjects can provide valuable insight into questions about musical socialisation. As Muriel Darmon articulates:

  • 40 (Our translation). Darmon Muriel, Pichonnaz David and Toffel Kevin, “‘La socialisation secondaire (...)

Studying socialisation consists in conducting a sociological analysis of the world, not from a circumscribed field of facts that would first interest us, such as work or school, but by looking at a process, that of socialisation, that occurs “everywhere” […]. It is also the idea that potentially all subjects can be approached in this manner, even when highly specific, in highly specialised fields, by asking broad questions, those at the foundation of sociology. These questions are quite basic: how are individuals made? Why do they adopt this practice and not another, this way of thinking and not another40?

  • 41 See for example Faure Sylvia, Apprendre par corps. Socio-anthropologie des techniques de danse, Pa (...)
  • 42 Bertrand Julien, La fabrique des footballeurs, La Dispute, 2012; Wacquant Loïc, Corps et âme. Carn (...)

29The areas of reflection presented here are largely shared by other artistic disciplines41 or related fields of practice – e.g. sports42 – which have also been analysed through the prism of socialisation. While acknowledging the complexities specific to music, the study of musical socialisation has much to gain from looking at work on socialisation in different (and sometimes very distant) practices, not only to improve our knowledge of this subject, but also to contribute to more general knowledge of socialisation processes.

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Ravet Hyacinthe, “Devenir clarinettiste. Carrières féminines en milieu masculin”, Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, Vol. 168, 2007, p. 50-67.

Robert Alexandre, “La transformation d’une oreille. Déodat de Séverac à la Schola Cantorum”, Revue de Musicologie, Vol. 103, No. 1, 2017, p. 53-92.

Robert Alexandre, “La fabrication d’œuvres de musique contemporaine. Enquête auprès de compositeurs en formation”, Sociétés contemporaines, Vol. 119, 2020, p. 115-141.

Robert Alexandre, “Rationaliser la création musicale ? Ethnographie d’une classe de composition”, Revue de Musicologie, Vol. 108, No. 1, 2022, p. 83-110.

Small Christopher, Musicking. The Meanings of Performing and Listening, Middletown, Wesleyan University Press, 1998.

Vincent Guy, L’école primaire française. Étude sociologique, Lyon, PUL, 1980

Vincent Guy, Lahire Bernard and Thin Daniel, “Sur l’histoire et la théorie de la forme scolaire”, in Vincent Guy (ed.), L’éducation prisonnière de la forme scolaire ? Scolarisation et socialisation dans les sociétés industrielles, Lyon, PUL, 1994, p. 11-48.

Wacquant Loïc, Corps et âme. Carnet ethnographique d’un apprenti boxeur, Marseille, Agone, 2001.

Williams Patrick, “Leçons de musique. Guitare et langue chez les Tsiganes de France”, Recherche et formation, No. 27, 1998, p. 29-40.

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Notes

1 Bourdieu Pierre, The Logic of Practice, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1990; Bourdieu Pierre, Pascalian Meditations, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2000; Darmon Muriel, Socialization, New-York, Polity, 2023; Lahire Bernard, Dans les plis singuliers du social. Individus, institutions, socialisations, Paris, La Découverte, 2013. For a recent review of the use of this notion in sociology in the United States, see Guhin Jeffrey, McCrory Calarco Jessica, Miller-Idriss Cynthia, “Whatever Happened to Socialization?”, Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 47, 2021, p. 109-129.

2 It should not be confused with the notion of “sociability”, which refers to the modes of interpersonal relations and interactions within defined groups (e.g. “male sociability”, “student sociability”, “worker sociability”, etc.).

3 Socialisation can also fail to produce the expected effects, as its ‘success’ depends on certain social conditions (see, for example, Samuel Chagnard’s article in this issue).

4 Halbwachs Maurice, “La mémoire collective chez les musiciens”, La Revue Philosophique, March-April 1939, p. 136-165.

5 Adorno Theodor W., Introduction to the Sociology of Music, New York, The Seabury Press, 1976, p. 211.

6 Meyer Leonard B., Style and Music. Theory, History and Ideology, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1996 [1989], p. 10.

7 Ibid., p. 55.

8 Ibid., p. 139.

9 Ibid., p. 115 and 158.

10 Small Christopher, Musicking. The Meanings of Performing and Listening, Middletown, Wesleyan University Press, 1998, p. 130-131.

11 See for example McPherson Gary, “The role of parents in children’s musical development”, Psychology of Music, Vol. 37, No. 1, 2009, p. 91-110. The research discussed on p. 95-96, in particular, shows how parents’ beliefs can turn into self-fulfilling prophecies when it comes to their children’s musical performance.

12 Coulangeon Philippe, Les musiciens interprètes en France. Portrait d’une profession, Paris, La Documentation française, 2004; Lehmann Bernard, L’orchestre dans tous ses éclats. Ethnographie des formations symphoniques, Paris, La Découverte, 2002.

13 Elias Norbert, Mozart. Portrait of a Genius, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1993 [1991].

14 Ibid., p. 57.

15 Robert Alexandre, “La transformation d’une oreille. Déodat de Séverac à la Schola Cantorum”, Revue de Musicologie, Vol. 103, No. 1, 2017, p. 53-92.

16 Kirchberg Irina, “Écouter par corps. La socialisation de l’oreille en natation synchronisée”, Culture et musées, No. 25, 2015, p. 95-114.

17 Ravet Hyacinthe, “Devenir clarinettiste. Carrières féminines en milieu masculin”, Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, Vol. 168, 2007, p. 50-67.

18 Pégourdie Adrien, “Devenir musicien ‘ordinaire’. Construction et entretien des vocations des enseignants de musique classique”, Biens symboliques, No. 1, 2017.

19 Deslyper Rémi, “Les conditions sociales d’une vocation tardive. Le cas des apprentis musicos d’une école de ‘musique actuelle’”, Sociétés contemporaines, No. 111, 2018, p. 97-123.

20 This term, used by Norbert Elias, refers to the (fallacious) conception of the individual as an isolated monad, whose inner world is constructed independently of the social world and outer relations. See Norbert Elias, What Is Sociology?, London, Hutchinson, 1978.

21 Robert Alexandre, “La fabrication d’œuvres de musique contemporaine. Enquête auprès de compositeurs en formation”, Sociétés contemporaines, Vol. 119, 2020, p. 115-141; “Rationaliser la création musicale ? Ethnographie d’une classe de composition”, Revue de Musicologie, Vol. 108, No. 1, 2022, p. 83-110.

22 Monnod Catherine, De la harpe au trombone. Apprentissage instrumental et construction du genre, Rennes, PUR, 2012.

23 Hall Clare, Masculinity, Class and Music Education. Boys Performing Middle-Class Masculinities through Music, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

24 In the words of Pierre Bourdieu, “It would be the task of a genetic sociology to establish how this sense of possibilities and impossibilities, proximities and distances [in terms of relationship to culture] is constituted”. Bourdieu Pierre, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (1979), translated by Nice Richard, Cambridge MA, Harvard University Press, 1984, p. 596.

25 Humeau Pierig, À corps et à cris. Sociologie des punks français, Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 2021.

26 (Our translation). Ibid., p. 159.

27 Perrenoud Marc, Les musicos. Enquête sur des musiciens ordinaires, La Découverte, 2007.

28 Hatzipetrou-Andronikou Reguina, Papastavrou Dimitra, “Des instruments sur le devant de la scène. Apprentissage du métier et modalités du travail dans deux scènes de renouveau musical en Grèce”, Volume!, Vol. 18, No. 1, 2021, p. 50.

29 Coulangeon Philippe, Les musiciens de jazz en France, Paris, L’Harmattan, 1999.

30 A concept constructed by Guy Vincent (in L’école primaire française. Étude sociologique, Lyon, PUL, 1980) and further developed in the 1990s by the Socialisation Research Group at the University of Lyon 2: the academic mode of socialisation, or academic form, can be defined in short as the formalised transmission of formalised knowledge. See Vincent Guy, Lahire Bernard and Thin Daniel, “Sur l’histoire et la théorie de la forme scolaire”, in Vincent Guy (ed.), L’éducation prisonnière de la forme scolaire ? Scolarisation et socialisation dans les sociétés industrielles, Lyon, PUL, 1994, p. 11-48.

31 (Our translation). Lehmann, op. cit., p. 126.

32 The common-sense distinction between students and self-taught people is in fact relatively unsatisfactory here, since self-taught learning, understood in the sense of learning that takes place outside any school institution, is not necessarily opposed to the academic form. For example, the use of videos or manuals for instrumental practice, based at least in part on pedagogical reflection, is also the implementation of formalised learning, and therefore of the academic form, even though it takes place outside a teaching institution.

33 Octobre Sylvie, Détrez Christine, Mercklé Pierre and Berthommier Nathalie, L’enfance des loisirs. Trajectoires communes et parcours individuels de la fin de l’enfance à la grande adolescence, Paris, Ministère de la Culture – DEPS, 2010.

34 Pasquier Dominique, Cultures lycéennes. La tyrannie de la majorité, Paris, Autrement, 2005.

35 Mabru Lothaire, “De l’écriture du corps dans les pratiques musicales à transmission ‘orale’ : le cas du fifre en Bazadais”, in Belmont Nicole and Gossiaux Jean-François (eds), De la voix au texte. L’ethnologie contemporaine entre l’oral et l’écrit, Paris, Éditions du Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, 1997, p. 49-59; Williams Patrick, “Leçons de musique. Guitare et langue chez les Tsiganes de France”, Recherche et formation, No. 27, 1998, p. 29-40; Green Lucy, How Popular Musicians Learn. A Way Ahead for Music Education, London, Routledge, 2002; Perrenoud, Les musicos, op. cit.

36 As Marc Perrenoud writes (our translation): “Enormously in the popular musical field, there is an often implicit and sometimes proclaimed element by which becoming a musical actor [i.e. practising music oneself] is the expression and ultimate goal of one’s appreciation for music” (Ibid., p. 23). Let us keep in mind, however, that this idea is relative: in traditional music and harmonies, for example, practising the musical form in question is not preceded by a listener’s appreciation for it. See Dubois Vincent, Méhon Jean-Matthieu and Pierru Emmanuel, Les mondes de l’harmonie. Enquête sur une pratique musicale amateur, Paris, La Dispute, 2009; Nentwig Anne-Cécile, Jouer son monde. Sociologie des musiciens traditionnels amateurs, Paris, L’Harmattan, 2016.

37 Bonnéry Stéphane, “L’enseignement de la musique entre institutions scolaires et conservatoires. Éclairages mutuels des sociologies de l’éducation et de la culture”, Revue française de pédagogie, Vol. 185, 2013, p. 5-19.

38 Bonnéry Stéphane & Fenard Manon, « La scolarisation de la musique dans l’enseignement secondaire au travers de projets partenariaux », Revue Française de Pédagogie, N°. 185, 2013, p. 21-34 ; Deslyper Rémi, “Une ‘école de l’autodidaxie’ ? L’enseignement des ‘musiques actuelles’ au prisme de la forme scolaire”, Revue française de pédagogie, Vol. 185, 2013, p. 49-58; Eloy Florence, Enseigner la musique au collège. Cultures juvéniles et culture scolaire, Paris, PUF, 2015.

39 Deslyper Rémi, “Method over Genre. Ways of learning as a source of diversity in making and thinking about music”, Symbolic Goods, No. 3, 2018, http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/bssg/301, accessed September 4, 2023.

40 (Our translation). Darmon Muriel, Pichonnaz David and Toffel Kevin, “‘La socialisation secondaire ne s’exerce pas sur une page blanche mais sur une page déjà écrite et déjà froissée par les expériences antérieures’. Entretien avec Muriel Darmon”, Émulations, No. 25, 2018.

41 See for example Faure Sylvia, Apprendre par corps. Socio-anthropologie des techniques de danse, Paris, La Dispute, 2000; Desmitt Claire, “La socialisation artistique des enfants dans les musées. Discipliner des corps, former des disciples”, Agora débats/Jeunesses, No. 79, 2018, p. 7-22.

42 Bertrand Julien, La fabrique des footballeurs, La Dispute, 2012; Wacquant Loïc, Corps et âme. Carnet ethnographique d’un apprenti boxeur, Marseille, Agone, 2001.

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Référence électronique

Rémi Deslyper, Alexandre Robert et Irina Kirchner, « Listening to socialisation. Analysing the sociogenesis of musical practices »Transposition [En ligne], 11 | 2023, mis en ligne le 07 novembre 2023, consulté le 21 juin 2024. URL : http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/transposition/8104 ; DOI : https://0-doi-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/10.4000/transposition.8104

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Auteurs

Rémi Deslyper

Rémi Deslyper is a lecturer in education sciences (Lyon-2 University/ECP). His work focuses on the effects of modes of socialization on the forms of musical practice, as well as on artistic and cultural education, the implementation of “pedagogical innovations” in this sector and the effective appropriations of the works and practices which result therefrom.

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Alexandre Robert

Alexandre Robert is PAST in sociology of music (UFR de Musique et Musicologie, Sorbonne University/IReMus). His work focuses in particular on the processes of musical socialisation, training in the practices of musical creation (composition, improvisation, interpretation) and the articulation between tools of musical analysis and tools of the social sciences.

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Irina Kirchner

Musicologist and sociologist Irina Kirchberg is a visiting professor at the Université de Montréal, where she co-directs the DESS in music mediation. She has published several collective works, including Faire l'art. Analyser les processus de création artistique (2014), Bourdieu et la musique (2019), edited the first scientific journal issue devoted to music mediation (RMOICRM, 2020) and co-edits volume 11 of the journal Transposition. Musique et sciences sociales devoted to "Socialisations musicales". She is a co-researcher with the Étude Partenariale sur la Médiation de la Musique (EPMM) and the Observatoire des Médiations Culturelles (OMEC).

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