Introduction

Surfing value as a tourism product

3Surf tourism is “a globally expanding market segment of the wider tourism industry” and research in the field of study has grown in proportion since the development of surf tourism research in the late 1990s (Martin and Assenov, 2011). In the last two decades, a wealth of material has indeed been published, particularly with regards to the value of surfing as a tourism product, which relies, in part at least, on the commodification of the sport (Ponting, 2008, 2009 ; Guibert, 2011 ; Ponting and McDonald, 2013 ; Falaix, 2015b). Jess Ponting, in particular, has investigated the role played by the surf media in the building of “an idealized surfing tourist space” and explored the implications of ever-growing surfing and surf tourism industries and their expansion in further, less-developed regions as a response to tourism demand that is “fuelled by media imagery of commercially created symbols designed to sell fashion items and consumer goods” (Ponting, 2009). Christophe Guibert (2011) addresses similar issues and explores the symbolic dimension of the constructions of the French specialized press in its representations of surfing and its “counter-culture.”

4Closer to our geographical field of research, Stephen Boyd has explored the Irish surfing culture and its representations in national media in relation to Irish popular culture and the concept of national identity (Boyd, 2014 ; 2018). Neil Cooney has evaluated the economic impact of surfing in the area of Lahinch, county Clare, as part of the case to protect the waves at Crab Island and Doolin from the construction of a new pier at Doolin to accommodate ferries travelling to the Aran Islands ; his report highlights the economic importance of surfing to the area and estimates that “surfing is worth approximately € 33,873,000 annually to the local economy” (Cooney, 2010). It seemed however that there was a void to be filled in the literature concerning the commodification of surfing as a tourism product in Ireland ; to that effect, we have offered an overview of surfing’s place within the Irish market of ocean-related leisure activities (Carey-Penot, 2021 : pp. 38-91), which this paper aims to develop.

5Tourism is a major contributor to Ireland’s revenue, particularly thanks to the attractiveness of the island’s coastline ; revenue from overseas tourists exceeded € 1 billion in 2018, with the total value of tourism expenditure to the economy amounting to € 9.4 billion or about 3 % of GDP (OECD). Tourism industries account for 10.3 % of total employment, including the direct employment of 225,500 people (ibid.). Tourism on the west coast plays a major role in supporting local economies, which is reflected at the national level ; the sector accounts for € 2.6 billion on the western coast and nearly 100,000 jobs in the coastal counties (Irish Tourism Industry Confederation, 2015). Beyond its economic impact, tourism has shaped and marked territories in the west, both physically and symbolically, and has spawned promotional efforts to support it : “[…] tourism helps define the western seaboard, perhaps more than any other single sector of our economy” (ibid.).

Surfing as a marketing differentiation tool

6Research into consumer behaviour has shown that psychological elements are at play in decision-making processes with respect to purchasing (Laub et al., 2018) ; communication strategies that incorporate emotion have proven to facilitate customer persuasion and retention (Zaltman, 2003). Pairing a brand with an activity such as surfing for advertising purposes, even when the brand is only very remotely related to it, relies on the influence of what has been identified as brand archetypes (Muniz et al, 2015 ; Poon, 2016 ; Duarte et al., 2018). Adapting a brand’s message to surfing archetypes (e.g., surfers represented as embodiments of values such as freedom, power, or belonging) serves to fire the imagination of target customers and influence their buying behaviour by tapping into “unconscious levels of meaning-making” and bridging the gap of cultural, social, and behavioural distances among customer segments (Poon, 2016). Linking up with the attributes of heroic figures at play within surfing (such as big-wave surfers, Carey-Penot, 2021 : pp. 382-411) therefore enables the transfer of the values and symbols of the hero-surfer onto the brand, making it possible to tap into a universal reservoir of symbolic meaning that can drive decision-making processes.

7“Sporting effervescence” – the collective exhilaration generated by sporting shows such as publicized surfing sessions – has been shown to entail a degree of subjugation to the heroic figure in the processes of identity building, socialization, and belonging, particularly among younger audiences (Elias et al., 1994 : 25 ; Maffesoli, 2000 ; Griffet et al., 2004). Portrayals of athletes as warriors and heroes (or of the sports themselves or their medium, for instance, the wave, as targets to be conquered) partake in the creation of sporting myths, with sports erected as conveyors of social myths and projects such as national cohesion and community empowerment (Crepeau, 1981 ; Gahan, 2014 ; Yuruevich, 2018 ; Tirino and Bifulco, 2018 ; Parry, 2020). Such mythicizing processes also touch upon the cathartic function enabled by the spectacle of violence (Jeu, 1972 ; Duggan, 2012 : 178). Mythicizing the surfer and/or the wave also serves the commercial objectives of a large number of players in the surfing industry, whose connection with the emotionally charged sessions infuses their brand image with the values traditionally associated, in the collective psyche, with heroism. For decades, businesses have sought to associate themselves with the strong symbolism at play within surfing cultures, and Irish brands are no exception. Jérémy Lemarié (2016) and Elliot Pill (2019) for instance have shown how the “spectacularisation” of professional surfing has led the surfing world to associate with private companies and mass media to allow for wider recognition and legitimate institutionalization of the sport. Together with specialized media, those actors have largely contributed to enhancing the spectacular side of surfing, paving the way for the dissemination and appropriation of surfing’s values (e.g., boldness, bravery, or hedonism) ; its dress and language codes ; and its symbols, with the notable examples of global surf wear brands such as Quiksilver or RipCurl. Through brands and the products and services they offer, those values and references are reinvigorated and modernized and become accessible to potential consumers enmeshed in an identification process with the heroic figure.

Modes of resistance to the commodification of surfing

8Previous research has highlighted surfers’ reactions to the commercial exploitation of surfing (for instance by surf schools targeting increasing numbers of beginners) and the overcrowding of particular surf breaks. A number of authors (Trey, 1994 ; Scheibel, 1995 ; Usher, 2015b, 2017 ; Ruttenberg, 2021, 2022 ; Whyte, 2019) have shown that some surfers do voice or demonstrate resistance against the institutionalization of surfing territories, for instance through expressions of localism, a form of exclusion in surf culture which consists in “restricting access to surf breaks to people who have been born and raised in the vicinity” (Whyte, 2019). Ludovic Falaix writes about these forms of resistance, showing that they are not just forms of deviancy inherent to counter-culture sports, but that they also fundamentally rely on the sensorial and emotional character of the surfing experience (Falaix, 2012 ; 2015a). With surfing understood as a “cognitive passion” (Roux et al., 2009 ; Falaix, 2015b : 19), resistance or even protest against the commodification of the sport and of surfing territories then come to express surfers’ determination to intensely explore the surfing experience while denouncing their reduced capacity to inhabit the space of the wave “as poets” (Falaix, 2012 : 104).

Surfing, environmental and social activism, and saltwater citizenship

10One source of environmental and social engagement is saltwater citizenship, a concept developed by David Whyte (2019). Relying on an ethnographic investigation into Irish surfers’ relationship with water flows and political action, Whyte asserts that surfers establish “a politicized association” with waves (Whyte, 2019 : 13). Through what Jon Anderson calls “an embodied engagement with the “original energy” of the ocean” (Anderson, 2016 : 66), surfers are provided with “a unique social space” by ocean waves, in which “skill and knowledge of the particular surf break become important elements in structuring coastal social hierarchy” (Whyte, 2019 : 17). Drawing upon theories of citizenship in 21^st century Ireland, water flows, and non-human sources of political power, Whyte bases his analysis in practices observed among Irish surfers to theorize the ocean as “a non-human source of power which [they] contain through skilled engagement : [t]his containment makes surfing possible but is also used as the foundation for a coast-based right of belonging that includes ideas of responsibility and exclusion – what I call saltwater citizenship” (Whyte, 2019 : 16).

11David Whyte provides the example of the Doughmore dispute of 2016 concerning plans to build a sea wall along the entire length of Doughmore beach in county Clare in order to offer protection from erosion and sea-level rise for the local golf course of Doonbeg – the property of American business tycoon and subsequent US president Donald Trump. While employees of the golf and hotel complex and various members of the local community supported the proposal, surfers and environmentalists opposed it, organizing protests backed by strong internet activism (Save the Waves website). Their main arguments were that not only would access to the surf be compromised but the proposed wall would also have an adverse impact on the dunes, which were protected under a European Directive as a habitat for an endangered species of snail (Dearden, 2016). The project was subsequently withdrawn and plans for a scaled-down build were instead submitted (Deegan, 2016). This was claimed as a victory for the local surfing community, which was questioning the precedence of corporate authority (that of Trump International Golf Links, a private business organization) and state authority (that of the Irish state, which grants building permission) over surfers’ rights to “inhabit surfing spaces in certain ways” (Whyte, 2019 : 14).

12This dispute over the right of access and ownership of a surfing space helps illustrate the concept of saltwater citizenship, which Whyte (2019 : 13) defines as “a political status that grounds its legitimacy not only on its relationship with state power but also (and primarily) with ocean power” (Whyte, 2019 : 18). The idea of non-human sources of power is to be found for instance in political ecology research. Cultural anthropologist Franz Krause writes that the traditional understanding of ecological problems as involving human influences alone is incomplete and only acknowledges part of the political processes, asserting that there are also “political struggles couched in material realities, and non-human participants may form part of the struggles” (Krause, 2012 : 58). The dispute over the proposed seawall on Doughmore Beach can then be viewed not only as “a struggle between individuals, corporations and state institutions” (Whyte, 2019 : 18) but also as a contest involving the ocean (its waves, its storms) and the beach (sand dunes and their fauna and flora). When terrestrial forms of power, such as corporate and state officialdom, fail to “establish themselves as authorities through which a satisfactory right of belonging can be established,” saltwater citizenship and oceanic power help fill a void in areas of rights of access and the control of marine territories (Whyte, 2019 : 20 ; 23). Whyte suggests that surfers use their culturally specific knowledge of and skills in engaging with the ocean to “wield an oceanic political authority as a challenge to human terrestrial competitors such as the state and corporation” (Whyte, 2019 : 28). The concept of saltwater citizenship, then, refers to this form of “belonging,” which in essence makes it possible for surfers to “claim “power over” terrestrial social institutions” (Wagner 2001 : 46) “by containing ocean power” (Whyte, 2019 : 29). As a concept, Whyte stresses that saltwater citizenship provides a model explanation, not for “a civic position in which environmentalism is the basis for political action,” but rather of “how individual citizens are oriented in relation to the structures of power that affect their lives” (Whyte, 2019 : 17). Here such structures of power include non-human forms of authority which surfers, in Ireland and elsewhere, draw on “to increase social power” (Whyte, 2019 : 18). Equally significant is the implication that, through their relationship with the ocean as a limitless source of power, surfers navigate and reconfigure complex positions relative to the notions of identities and belonging, which they reveal through their political, environmental, and social actions (Whyte, 19).

Research method

13This paper is based on qualitative research carried out between 2016 and 2020 on the west coast of Ireland. Data collection and analysis were divided into three phases over a period of five years. The first phase was exploratory and ethnographic in its approach and took place between September 2016 and April 2017. Its aim was to observe the structure of the Irish surfing community and the behaviours, social interactions, and cultural productions of Irish surfers on that portion of the Irish coastline in order to identify their singularities. This phase of the research combined participant observation with documentary research consisting in an exploration of the relevant academic literature and the collection of an extensive corpus of published accounts, film work, photography, and other visual arts.

14The second phase of the research took place between August 2017 and August 2019, and combined participant observation (with the author residing in Donegal from September 2018 to August 2019) and first-hand interviews of Irish surfers along the coastline stretching from west Cork to Donegal. All interviews were recorded and filmed for the purposes of accurate transcription as well as future use of the audio and video files in a documentary film project relying on the research findings. Those verbal and visual translations of the experience of surfing in Ireland allowed for an ethnographic portrait of the Irish surfing community to emerge, which is presented in the first chapters of our PhD dissertation (Carey-Penot, 2021), and led to an assessment of the place of surfing in the Irish economic, social, and cultural landscapes.

15Our interviewees are aged between 11 and 65. The participants, a group of 20 male surfers and 10 female surfers, were selected in accordance with our field observation of the socio-demographic variables and of the average ratio between men and women in the Irish surfing population, and with figures provided by the Irish Surfing Association. Twenty-three participants are amateurs, ranging from average to highly experienced, and seven are semi-professionals. All participants are Irish residents, with five of a nationality other than Irish to reflect the multicultural nature of the Irish surfing community, some of whose prominent members are transnational surfers (Thorpe, 2014 ; Usher, 2015a, 2017 ; Carey-Penot, 2021).

16Interviews were semi-structured, tape-recorded, and filmed, and lasted between 45 minutes and two hours. They were guided by open-ended questions as well as a checklist of topics to be addressed, such as personal experience as surfers, emotional attachment to Irish waves, social interactions among the Irish surfing community, artistic practices, the growth of the surf tourism industry in Ireland, environmentalism, and other forms of social commitment. In addition to pre-coded questions related to socio-demographic variables (e.g., education and professional background to define the social origin of the interviewees), the main requests and questions were as follows : When/How did you start surfing ? Tell us about your favourite wave. Describe your best and worst experiences surfing in Ireland. Tell us about the surfing community in Ireland. What issues need to be addressed by surfers and/or public authorities in relation to surfing and the development of surf tourism in Ireland ?

17The goal of the in-depth interviews was to identify the singularities of Irish surfers in their description of their surfing practice, as well as their emotional bonds to their peers, to their coastline, and to current environmental and social issues.

18The third phase of the research lasted from 2018 to 2021 and corresponded to the transcription of the recorded interviews and to thematic analysis relying on a deductive line of reasoning. The narratives, behaviours, cultural productions, and social activism of the Irish surfers observed were interpreted as a form of folklore, which we named “surflore” – the lore, or cultural expressions, of the surfers. This allowed for the use of theories and analytical methods borrowed from the field of Folkloristics and led us to design and implement a tool to classify and interpret those cultural expressions, which we named the Surfloric Index (Carey-Penot, 2022). The Index incorporated the codes we created to structure and analyze the themes emerging from the interviewees’ narratives. Combining the Index with existing literary methods of text and image analysis such as mythopoetics, we examined Irish surfers’ relationship with the practice of surfing. We uncovered markers of culturally specific and geographically specific identities and imaginations that draw from the country’s bardic traditions, popular culture, and poetry. The themes structuring the interviewees’ lines of reasoning are all classified and detailed in the Index : they revolve around Irish surfers’ personal experiences of surfing ; the singularities of surfing in Ireland (largely, but not exclusively, in relation to geographical and environmental elements) ; their perception of the practice in relation to their affiliation with nature and their imaginative cultural heritage ; and their interest in environmentally friendly behaviours, sustainable economic models, and social justice. Based on a literature review of journal articles and academic book chapters, we developed existing theories suggesting that Irish surfers share a deep connection with nature (Anderson, 2016 ; Taylor, 2007 ; Lisahunter and Stoodley, 2021 ; Whyte, 2019) and that this connection drives environmental, political, and social activism (Borne and Ponting, 2017 ; Wheaton, 2007, 2020 ; Whyte, 2019 ; Falaix et al., 2022). The themes relevant to this paper are discussed further below.

“Marketing Ireland as a prime cold water surfing destination” (McGreevy, 2010) : dominant features of a territorial system incorporating surfing

Commercial appropriations of a surfloric tradition : the Irish surfing lore as marketing differentiation tool

19The literature review and our findings suggest that the mythicizing processes at play within surfing representations partake of new modern myths, such as sporting myths. In Ireland, this process transpires for example through the description by Irish Times chief sportswriter and author Keith Duggan of surfing sessions as they unfold at Mullaghmore or Aileen’s (Duggan, 2012). References to the mythical narrative structure of the hero imbue the representations of surfing, including both images and texts (Carey-Penot, 2021 : pp. 328-411). They are enhanced by the vibrant and mystical Celtic heritage inherent in representations of Irish surfing and the vivid heroic imagery that pervades both the country’s mythology and its big-wave surfing scene (Carey-Penot, 2021 : pp. 506-514). As such, they carry a dramatic symbolism whose potential for eloquence is being used and appropriated by commercial and institutional bodies (Guibert, 2011). Among the main market players in Ireland, Red Bull certainly is the largest brand sponsoring big-wave surfing ; it was recently among the first companies to associate with the news of Ireland’s biggest wave to be surfed to date by its sponsored athlete, Conor Maguire, on October 28, 2020 (Mitchell, 2020).

21Irish companies from the tourism sector have engaged in similar strategies, even when no connection with surfing is evident ; the values traditionally associated with the sport, including heroism and courage, resilience, a sense of freedom, and the quest for adventure, are indeed appropriated by businesses of the tourism sector in communication strategies that aim to reach well beyond surfers and readers of the specialized surfing press (Guibert, 2011). Restaurants, bars, hotels, and any business whose service offering is aimed at tourists readily associate their brand image with surfing values and symbols. The Surfers’ Bar in Rossnowlagh, county Donegal, provides an excellent illustration. Located within walking distance of one of the cradles of Irish surfing (Martin, 2001), the bar belongs to the Brittons, a renowned family of local surfers. The bar’s name, history, interior design, and memorabilia are proudly displayed in connection with local surfing history and imagery, offering a prime example of the way surfers are carving out their space in the growing surf economy in the area. Further south, Madden’s Bridge Bar and Restaurant, a family-run establishment located in the seaside resort of Bundoran, prides itself on offering traditional Irish music and views of The Peak, one of Ireland's best surfing spots. Madden’s Bridge has shaped its communications around its locally-sourced gourmet cuisine as well as surfing, with surf films and contests regularly broadcast on the restaurant’s screens. Images of The Peak have also been included in the establishment’s promotional film released on its social media accounts. One of the walls features a large custom-designed mural painted in 2018 by visual artist Nick Purdy and inspired by the famous waves of the region. Similarly, O’Donnell’s Bar, located in the small village of Cliffoney, county Sligo, a couple of kilometres from the fishing harbour of Mullaghmore and its renowned giant wave, also features a mural on one of its walls. The inspiration drawn there is deeply rooted in the surfing imaginary as conveyed by Guinness’s 1999 commercial film Surfer and its depiction of a race between a surfer and wild horses charging down the face of a large wave amidst the roaring surges of crashing water and spray (Glazer, 1999 ; Carey-Penot, 2021 : 330). Here represented in a criss-crossing of mythological, cinematographic, and marketing inspirations, the borrowing of surfing references by establishments aiming to cater to both local and foreign visitors illustrates the pairing of a commercial strategy with the resources of the area – the ocean and the practice of surfing, which is now very well established on the shores of Donegal and Sligo. Doing so, not only do they draw from the mythical imagery in which visual expressions of surfing are rooted, but they also etch it into urban landscapes. Such modes of appropriation and representation are illustrations of a much broader aim to promote the country’s territory and its businesses initiated by Fáilte Ireland. The agency’s strategy heavily relies on the coastal heritage assets as well as the commercial and cultural value now brought by surfing along the 2,500 km of the Wild Atlantic Way, to which we shall return.

The cultural dimension of surfing as a tourism product on the west coast of Ireland : cultural branding of surfing territories

24Such promotional efforts are replicated at a national level, for instance in the wake of the European Surfing Championships which were held in Bundoran in September 2011 (Fáilte Ireland, 2011). “Eurosurf Bundoran 2011” was a hallmark event in the European competition schedule, and with 16 nations competing, it highlighted the attractiveness of Ireland’s ocean-related sporting and leisure activities for foreign visitors of those nations and beyond, acting as “a positive showcase for Donegal and the northwest region as a tourism destination” (Fáilte Ireland, 2011). The major economic benefits of such an event for the region’s tourism sector, including hotels, the catering industry, and the arts, were brought to light by Fáilte Ireland, which sought to capitalize on the marketing value of the competition with an effective communication plan aimed at both national and international media (Fáilte Ireland, 2011). Ireland’s tourism agency places particular emphasis on the promotion of surfing on its website, where content is regularly published on surfing in the Republic and on the means implemented to support the activity and related sectors. One such means is the building of a Centre of Excellence for Surfing in Strandhill, county Sligo ; funded by Sligo County Council and officially opened on June 29, 2023, the three-million-euro “state-of-the-art” facility is poised to “confirm Sligo’s reputation as a must-visit outdoor adventure destination along the Wild Atlantic Way” as well as “an invaluable resource for the local and visiting surfing community” (Sligo County Council, 2022).

Surfing at the heart of communication strategies on the Irish coastline – between physical structuring and symbolic marking

25The launch of the Wild Atlantic Way (WAW) on February 27, 2014 considerably raised the stakes for the sectors of tourism and surf tourism at the national level. In an effort to regenerate interest in the wake of the 2008 crash and subsequent decline in tourism, Fáilte Ireland’s large-scale tourism program consisted in the implementation of a place-branding strategy with the creation of the name “Wild Atlantic Way” for the 2,500 km coastal route winding its way along the west coast. The route stretches through nine counties and the three provinces of Ulster, Connacht, and Munster, from Malin Head in Donegal, the northernmost point of the island, to the harbour of Kinsale, county Cork (Sheehan, 2014). Slí an Atlantaigh Fhiáin, as it is known in Irish, is defined as an “experience product” and is sectioned into six regions which “advertis[e] slightly different experiences” (Fáilte Ireland website). It highlights a total of 157 signature discovery points, such as the Cliffs of Moher in Clare, Mullaghmore Head in Sligo, and Slieve League in Donegal. The route also encompasses 580 cultural events held throughout the year, 67 nature trails, 120 golf courses, and 53 beaches bearing the “Blue Flag” eco-certification (Fáilte Ireland, 2014). Much like world-renowned tourist routes, including the Great Ocean Road in Australia, the Garden Route in South Africa, U.S. Route 101, and California’s Pacific Coast Highway, the WAW was designed to enhance Ireland’s tourism value and increase national and international visitor numbers, while acting as a “powerful regional economic development tool for rural areas” designed to deliver additional jobs and boost local economies (Fáilte Ireland, 2014). From the WAW’s launch onwards, Fáilte Ireland has been seeking to “[push] the brand name fervently within the marketplace” (Kelly, 2020) with the creation of an attractive logo and a carefully designed strategy of signposting which physically marks the territory with distinctive “zig-zag” chevron signs highlighting each discovery point along the route (Carey-Penot, 2021 : 552). The signs are made in corten steel, a durable group of steel alloys whose increased resistance to weather is due to the formation of a protective layer on its surface that resembles rust, thereby helping the material blend seamlessly in the wild and rugged environment it is meant to signpost (Carey-Penot, 2021 : 552).

26Fáilte Ireland has been engaging with marketing and advertising experts, county and city councils, and local businesses in areas along the coastline, eliciting partnerships by means of “brand guidelines” and strategy documents informing potential industry partners looking to use its registered trademark (Fáilte Ireland website). In the terminology consistently used on its dedicated website and social media, emphasis is clearly placed on the “wild beauty and character of western Ireland” (Kelly, 2020), and surfing is given pride of place, with “the Surf Coast” a prominent feature of the route (Carey-Penot, 2021 : 551). At the heart of the promotional strategy, whether on the Fáilte Ireland website and social media or in the press, one finds some of the characteristic representational elements that draw on the mythical hero-surfer narrative (ibid.). Visual communication in particular relies heavily on digital photographic editing techniques such as the sharpening of contrasts or increased saturation which confer rich, bright, and vivid colours and a dramatic effect to the representation of the route’s highlights. This is particularly the case with the seascapes associated with the description of surfing locations : captions then often borrow from a dramatic, sometimes symbolic, or myth-imbued language in the description of certain “discovery points” of the surf coast, with the use of qualifiers, such as “raging,” “raw,” or “colossal” :

Sea and land combine to create a vista of pure poetry on the Surf Coast between Donegal Town and Mayo's Erris Raging surf. Emerald forests. The way the land juts proudly out into the ocean. The combination of colossal forces creates pure poetry along the shores of the Surf Coast. Thrill-seekers looking for the next adrenaline rush, creative souls looking to feed their spirits, and those with a simple appreciation for nature's raw beauty – all will find what they're looking for along this fine stretch of the Wild Atlantic Way. (Tourism Ireland)

27A total of € 10 million was invested in the design and implementation of the branding strategy, with € 2 million committed by Fáilte Ireland’s Tourism Capital Investment Programme for the enhancement of discovery points (Fáilte Ireland, 2014). A spectacular illustration of those points is provided by the Cliffs of Moher in county Clare ; there, a modern visitor centre, “the Cliffs of Moher Visitor Experience,” was built to accommodate the large numbers of visitors of the majestic cliffs, while limiting intrusive man-made amenities thanks to its “eco-friendly design” and its environmentally sensitive use of renewable energy” (Cliffs of Moher website). Rising 120 metres above the Atlantic Ocean at Hag's Head and reaching a height of 214 metres north of the 19th century O'Brien's Tower, the cliffs offer “one of Ireland's most spectacular views” (Irish Tourism). Although overlooked by most visitors, the foot of the cliffs provides the background for the formidable Aileen’s Wave, which has been described by scientists as the nearest thing to the “perfect wave” (Hart et al., 2016), luring expert and professional surfers from all over the surfing world (Flynn, 2015). Built over a 17 year period, the 32 million euro Visitor Experience Centre was officially opened in 2007. While surfing at the foot of the cliffs is undeniably reserved for highly experienced surfers, the Cliffs of Moher website does not fail to mention surfing as one of the attractions of the county’s beaches (Cliffs of Moher website). Faced with ever-increasing numbers of visitors, Clare County Council is now set to invest an estimated € 16.5 million to upgrade the country’s most popular natural tourist site as part of its “Cliffs 2040” development plan. The overarching objective is “to create a gateway experience to the attraction, build an expectation and heighten the visitor’s sense of arrival at a world class attraction” (The Journal, 2020).

28The creation and implementation of the Wild Atlantic Way brand offer a unique insight into how, over the last two decades, surfing territories have been incorporated into the Irish government’s strategy of promotion and development of the tourism sector in the form of investments and both physical and symbolic markers. This indicates that the significance of surfing for the local and national economies has been understood and taken into account, in large part in support of the tourism sector.

29This is particularly apparent in the studies conducted at the end of last decade, aimed at improving urban development strategies ; the town of Bundoran, county Donegal, a.k.a. “the Surf Capital of Ireland,” provides a case in point. Bundoran & Environs Development Plan 2009-2015 adds pride of place to the preservation and enhancement of the surfing sites of and around the town (Donegal County Council, 2009). Covering the administrative areas of both the Bundoran Town Council and Donegal County Council, the Plan was adopted in October 2009 and sets out an overall strategy for the planning and sustainable development of Bundoran and its environs for the 2009-2015 period. The preliminary remarks underline the significance of the “coastal element” of the town, stating that the plan’s main objective is to “conserve and enhance this existing resource” for the benefit of both residents and the tourism industry (Donegal County Council, 2009 : 33). They also highlight the prominence of the area as a surfing destination, which was reinforced in a 2019 transdisciplinary report by MSc Planning and Development students at Queen’s University, Belfast :

Today, the town has a population of under 2,000 people, however, as a popular seaside resort, this increases significantly during the summer. […] Tourism has been at the heart of the local economy. Bundoran is a world-renowned surfing area and was listed by National Geographic magazine in 2012 as one of the World’s Top 20 Surf Towns. (Galway, 2020)

31Surfing, with other marine-related tourism activities, does appear at the heart of development strategies of key territories of the sport, in line with the objectives stated by Fáilte Ireland in 2010. Its commodification, including the tourism activity derived from it, is structured around the creation of a “true cultural environment” (Falaix, 2013) rooted in the Irish way of surfing and the specificity of its surflore, whose representational elements are frequently borrowed and reused in communication strategies. Such commodification also involves the integration of surfing within policy-making processes both at local and national levels, which is apparent in the physical and symbolic marking of the coastline.

Renegotiated relations to surfing territories : expressing and enacting saltwater citizenship – the case of Irish surfers

32The incorporation of surfing at the heart of the promotional strategies of Irish brands and of the government’s efforts to boost the tourism sector confirms the significance of the sport as a leisure and cultural product that benefits both local and national economies, particularly on the west coast. The question of the local surfers’ stances on the commodification of their sport, their culture, and their surflore must next be examined, as it has in previous research relating to the merchandising of other surf cultures (Falaix, 2012). We will explore this issue below ; along with documenting local voices of either resistance or support, our overview of local surfers’ sentiments outlines alternative forms of engagement with surfing territories that call for a reconfiguration of the notions of belonging and community.

Irish surfers’ stances in the context of the merchandising of their sport and surflore

The “Dysneification” of something elemental” : varying degrees of reluctance

34The Visitor Centre generated revenues of € 10.3 million in 2019, with annual revenues projected to surge to € 23 million by 2040 (Deegan, 2021). Its success illustrates the ambivalence elicited by a site significant both to the natural heritage and the tourism industry of Ireland and to Irish surfing. While its value as a tourism product benefits the economy at the national and local levels, it also highlights the commodification of a place that holds highly symbolic significance to surfers, and this is not without arousing either open or more subtle expressions of resistance locally. The Moher site has now acquired near-mythological status, which is apparent in the very name of the world-renowned wave that breaks off the cliffs ; Aill Na Searrach, or Aileen’s, means the “Leap of the Foals” and refers to the ancient Celtic legend that “seven foals, believed to be the guise the Tuatha De Dannan had taken after St Patrick introduced religion to Ireland, became disorientated by the bright sunlight after hiding out in the Kilcornan Caves and galloped over the cliff face” (Duggan : 69). When photographer and film-maker Mickey Smith first had the idea of surfing Aileen’s, he was aware that he would not be able to claim ownership of the site (Duggan : 197), nor of Riley’s, an equally and perhaps more publicized wave that breaks a few kilometres south of Aileen’s at the foot of the Cliffs of Moher. A wave “known as much for [its] body count as anything else,” Riley’s is among the waves “that don't want to be ridden” : “[a] barely covered ledge that focuses a horrifically thick lip that simply defies nature […], [Riley’s is] an aquatic horror show waiting to happen” (O’Neill, 2017). It is now one of those fabled breaks of Irish surfing that foreign visitors must see and surf. It does, however, hold a very personal meaning for the Cornish filmmaker who discovered it (Smith, 2011 ; Duggan : 215), and embodies the dilemma of any surfer and photographer seeking to capture the soul of a site on film, while being submitted to the commercial imperative of publishing the photographs for a living.

35Here the connection between surfer and wave expresses itself through the prism of emotional attachment ; moreover, our research shows it emerges in other forms, for example, as a place of learning where progress can take on the form and function of a ritual (Duggan, 2012 ; Carey-Penot, 2021 : pp. 137-184). For some surfers, the wave also becomes sacred, an element out of secular time allowing them to experience the transcendence of their own existence, a “shrine” that has a “perfect God-given serenity that [makes] them feel […] privileged” (Duggan : 132 ; Carey-Penot, 2021 : pp. 522-532). When Mickey Smith’s images of Riley’s first revealed the magic of the place, it rapidly became one of those must-surf sites that have fallen prey to over-representation, overcrowding, and, even, desacralization. In a 2011 essay for Carve magazine, Smith lamented the “attitude of rape and pillage” exhibited by visitors toward a site that his images had helped publicize and implored surfers and tourists enticed by the representations of the press, Fáilte Ireland, and commercial organizations to respect “the magic of the place” (Smith, 2011).

Balanced views in favour of a thriving government-supported surfing industry

36The Cliffs of Moher and Riley’s are but two examples of places with deeply symbolic meanings to surfers being turned into tourist attractions, the former for tourists, the latter for visiting surfers (Duggan : 200). Our field research, which included participant observation and interviews of local surfers along the west coast of Ireland, uncovered mixed views in the face of such commodification, including the disappointment of leading figures of the Irish surfing scene. This is probably best exemplified by the so-called “black wetsuit brigade” whose most famed action was the 1979 protest on the cliffs of Easkey, county Sligo, overlooking a Smirnoff-sponsored surfing competition : “‘We enjoyed surfing until we discovered Smirnoff’ was painted on a banner and hoisted on Easkey castle during the event by those who opposed the commercialisation and exploitation of the surfing in Ireland” (The Irish Surfing Association). It appears, however, that these voices are expressed in quieter ways nowadays. David Whyte (2019) provides illustrations of localism playing out in Ireland, referring to surfers “guard[ing] surfing spaces strictly from “non-locals” until certain conditions are met, or perhaps even entirely” (Whyte, 2019, 24), and it is certainly something our field research has observed. David Whyte and Easkey Britton both reinforce the idea that surfing cultures, while “exhibiting cosmopolitan tendencies, [are] not ultimately tolerant and inclusive” (Whyte, 2019, 24 ; Britton et al., 2018) and Ireland is no exception. However, our field research has found very few expressions of discontent with the commercial and promotional activity around surfing, which is now an expanding industry.

37At the time of our study until 2021, the little town of Bundoran had six large surf schools, three surf shops, eight surf hostels, surf cafés, and yoga centres, alongside numerous pubs and restaurants catering to the surfing clientele and events such as the annual Sea Sessions Music and Surf Festival. Beaches such as Tullan Strand tend to be crowded in the summer with surf lessons taking place throughout the season, and line-ups at the high-profile Peak Wave are becoming increasingly longer. However, most of our interviewees expressed support for the development of the tourism offer and its incorporation of surfing within promotional strategies. This, in fact, represents opportunities for surfers who are often engaging in the surfing industry themselves and seeking to make a living out of their passion, for example by running their own surf schools or managing pubs on the coast in key locations. We interviewed Ollie O’Flaherty, a surfer from Lahinch, county Clare, and owner of Ollie’s Surf Academy, who readily acknowledged the idealization of surfing in Ireland in the media, particularly in photographs and promotional edits sponsored by brands such as Red Bull or Rip Curl. However, he highlighted the necessity of such idealized representation to appeal to foreign visitors, as well as to promote the sport among locals. As a big-wave surfer himself, O’Flaherty described the difficulties in making a living out of competitions and sponsorships, and the necessity to engage in an additional professional or trade activity. The fact that the surfing industry is currently supported by trans-sectoral promotional initiatives evidently provides a great opportunity for growth. Other surfers among our interviewees expressed similar views, highlighting the fact that surf instructing, in particular, is a viable professional opportunity and a means to finance one’s own practice. One surfer underlined the benefits of increasing numbers of surfers in the country for both industry-related businesses and local communities, with surfing serving as an agent for economic and social cohesion : “The people that work at the surf club are making a huge positive impact with the local community [in Strandhill, county Sligo] in terms of bringing the young kids and their parents in, [...] they’ve been really pro-active with introducing surfing into families’ lives.”

38Our older interviewees generally expressed similar views, with the manager of a pub and restaurant in Strandhill highlighting the dependence of his business on a thriving surf industry. Emphasis was also frequently placed on the environmental characteristics of surfing in Ireland being what will ultimately keep a cap on the number of visitors, with one interviewee declaring, “I think what keeps the lid on things here is this perception of the ice-cold water.” While the surfers interviewed generally expressed support for the flourishing surfing-related commercial activity, two of our interviewees also made it clear that more investment was required to help surfing become a truly accessible activity and to support its growth. The needs cited by our interviewees as yet to be met included safety and public access with respect to key beaches ; improved interurban public transport ; increased public funding and support of local surfing clubs ; and environmental aspects such as the management of waste water and water quality.

39Some of those demands are being taken into account, however, with the recent announcement of the construction of two new water sports centres in Donegal. The investment program is being developed through a partnership between Fáilte Ireland and local authorities ; a total of € 19 million will be invested nationally in the centres, which will offer changing facilities, bathrooms, and secure storage on the beaches of Cnoc Na Muirleog (Downings) and Tullan Strand (Bundoran) (McLaughlin, 2021). With a second phase expected to begin in 2023 under Fáilte Ireland’s Platforms for Growth capital investment programme, the plan aims at “support[ing] the local economy and the outdoor activity sector by significantly enhancing the overall visitor experience, providing new business opportunities in local communities and allowing for the extension of the tourism season beyond the traditional summer months” (McLaughlin, 2021 ; Discover Bundoran, 2021). In addition to further marking the territory, such investment seems to reflect the influence of the voices emerging from the Irish surfing community and the acknowledgement of their political force as advocates for economic and environmental causes or accessibility in sport.

40The commodification of surfing is not without stirring up some muddy waters, however. While our observations and interviews did not take note of explicit objections, subtle expressions of resistance and territoriality have been identified (Carey-Penot, 2021 : 570). They point to far-ranging on-the-ground commitments by members of the Irish surfing communities, who position themselves by engaging in political, social, and environmental actions and by building life and territory projects in clear correlation with their surfer identities.

Expressions and enactments of saltwater citizenship on the west coast of Ireland

41Here we shed further light on surfers’ processes of commitment to surfing territories on the west coast of Ireland, borrowing from David Whyte’s concept of saltwater citizenship (Whyte, 2019) to deepen our understanding of the motives and modes of such commitments. This will guide our analysis and open up a conversation informed by the economic and socio-cultural environment of, on the one hand, the commodification of surfing and, on the other, the profound reconfiguration of surfers’ individual, social, and civic identities.

43Expressions of saltwater citizenship are also shaping new aspirations beyond environmental preservation, with plans for charitable and life projects weaving new narratives of belonging and territoriality. Dr. Easkey Britton’s Like Water Collective brings together women – surfers and non-surfers alike – within creative storytelling workshops that bear the mark of personal development movements imbued with an acute awareness of the beneficial influence of water flows on both body and mind (Like Water website). The Donegal-based Liquid Therapy charity provides a support environment to enable young people, particularly children with disabilities, to experience “the physical and therapeutic benefits of the surf and ocean” (Liquid Therapy website). Their approach to surfing as an inclusive physically and socially healing practice is now part of a wider European project co-financed by the Erasmus + Sport Programme that aims to “foste[r] sustainability, boos[t] inclusion and improv[e] accessibility in sport” and to create a network of non-profit, inclusive “Blue Surf Festivals.” Those events take place across six European countries (Spain, France, Germany, Portugal, Italy, and Ireland), with the Irish festival of September 2023 (ibid.) being just one example. The Easkey Britton and Liquid Therapy projects share an aspiration to bring women, men, and children together around the element of water and to shed light on how social relations, as well as relations to oneself, are formed with a reliance on experience and knowledge conferred by the ocean as a source of legitimacy (Carey-Penot : 591).

45Moy Hill Farm in county Clare provides another example of enactment of saltwater citizenship that is perhaps even more telling given its scope and scale. A Community Supported Agriculture (CSA) association, Moy Hill was founded in 2012 by a group of surfers who share a deep emotional bond to both ocean and land and an attachment to soil-friendly practices and local modes of production and distribution of farm products. Led by local hero-surfer Fergal Smith, Moy Hill Farm emphasizes the values of community, respectful agricultural practices, and food sovereignty. Its distinctive vision is characterized by its members’ ambitions to embrace holistic practices of the soil on local territories and is supported by the knowledge and skills acquired through their engagement with the ocean’s energy and a sense of duty towards nature and their community, which they then “carry back to land” (Whyte, 2019 : 28). Saltwater citizenship here confers a set of skills and knowledge and a legitimacy which finds a voice in the formulation of a new territorial project accommodating land and ocean, rural heritage, and ocean sensibility. The “farmer-surfers” configuration is an example of collective dynamics born out of individual, entrepreneurial, and other organizational actions, which also express a new vision for society rooted in collective living, collaborative effort, and an awareness of contemporary social and environmental challenges, in line with the views of transmodernity (Corneloup, 2011).

Conclusion

46Exploring the ways in which surfing has become fully incorporated into Ireland’s tourism development and promotional strategies, we have outlined the symbolic and physical markers of Irish surfing territories that have resulted from such policies. Our overview reveals the growing value of surfing to both public authorities and corporate organizations and the extent to which surfing imagery has become increasingly embedded in the collective psyche through strong visual brand language and physical marking and structuring of the Irish coastline. Reactions among surfers on the west coast of Ireland to the merchandising of their sport and surflore vary from quiet reluctance to either wholehearted or reserved support. New dynamics can be observed, most notably surfers’ efforts to align themselves with the new economic space that their surfing territories have become and to position themselves within it through a variety of political, environmental, and social activism initiatives, here interpreted as enactments of saltwater citizenship.

47Surfing is a global practice and so is its commodification, both as a sporting show and a tourism product. Here we have offered an analysis of a localized phenomenon as we have examined it on the west coast of Ireland. Extensions of our research can be considered in so far as similar expressions and dynamics of saltwater citizenship can be observed and explored in other communities of practice, with initiatives taken by surfers in localized contexts (Wheaton, 2007 ; Borne et al., 2017 ; Borne, 2018 ; Falaix et al., 2022) or internationally with the global reach of NGOs and coalitions such as Save the Waves or Surfrider Foundation Europe.

48Among the new dynamics emerging from surfers along the west coast of Ireland are attempts to reclaim their surfing territories from the hands of state and corporate marketing policies. The formulating of new social and territorial projects such as Moy Hill community farm in county Clare offers a unique example of a re-articulation of elements of community and citizenship through which Irish surfers redesign their relationship with the ocean and their coastline. As tourism and branding strategies have been symbolically and physically marking surfing territories, landscapes and seascapes again become sites of inscription as those surfers map out possibilities for a new territoriality.