The Child and the City. Images, Narratives, Spaces
- Cet article est une traduction de :
- La ville et l’enfant. Images, récits, espace [fr]
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1When it comes to the presence of children in the city, certain images come quickly to mind, notably the photographs by Robert Doisneau or Willy Ronis, privileged witnesses of a Paris that is no doubt long gone, that of the 1950s, immortalizing happy children having fun in an empty lot or in the streets. They are also reminiscent of the free-spirited children of the same era, as seen in Le petit Nicolas or Quick and Flupke.
- 1 https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Les_Jeux_d%27enfants_(Brueghel) - /media/Fichier:Pieter_Bruegel_the_E (...)
2Renaissance painting also depicted children in fortified towns asserting their emerging power. In 1560, Pieter Brueghel the Elder left a painting entitled Children’s Games,1 in which 91 games can be listed. In Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables, street children are described as occupying the Bastille elephant, led by Gavroche:
- 2 Victor Hugo, Les Misérables. Tome 4, livre 6, 1862.
O unexpected utility of the useless! [...] The kid had been accepted by the colossus [...] It seemed that the miserable old behemoth, overrun by vermin and oblivion, covered in warts, mold and ulcers, tottering, worm-eaten, abandoned, condemned, a kind of colossal beggar [...] had taken pity on this other beggar.2
- 3 Thierry Paquot, “Les aires de jeux, un monde pour les tout-petits”, Diversité, n° 170, 2012, p. 58- (...)
3However, alongside all these images belonging to literature and art in general, there are other, more contemporary images, those of “pitiful ‘playgrounds’”, veritable “parking lots for children by age group”,3 to quote the urban philosopher Thierry Paquot, often housed in the corner of a park when they aren’t tucked away behind a building, near the garbage can. These urban arrangements really do call into question the place of children in the city, when the emphasis on security seems to annihilate entertainment and freedom of movement. House arrest is already a kind of residential ban.
4In an article published in 1979 in issue n° 2 of Urbi magazine, Philippe Ariès, a historian specializing in childhood, asserted that the Ancien Régime town had disappeared in favor of the agglomeration with the industrial growth of the mid-19th century. This same transformation gradually led to the disappearance of the street child. He wrote:
- 4 Philippe Ariès, “L’enfant et la rue. De la ville à l’antiville”, Urbi, n° 2, 1979, p. 3.
It did exist, this city where children lived and circulated, some outside their families, others without. [...] We lost that city; when and why? What has replaced it is not another city, but the non-city, the anti-city, the completely privatized city.4
- 5 La ville & l'enfant, Paris, Centre national d’art et culture Georges Pompidou, 1977.
5“Where has the Bastille elephant gone?” asked Guy Hocquenghem and René Schérer in 1977, in the catalog produced by the Centre Georges-Pompidou5 for the exhibition already entitled La ville & l’enfant. We could still ask the same question today. If teenagers seem to be making the city their own, usually in gangs, what place do children have in urban areas? How do children dwell the city? What representations of the city are children given to read?
- 6 Marie-Josée Chombart de Lauwe, “Dans la ville, des enfants”, Autrement, n° 10, septembre 1971.
- 7 Marie-José Chombart de Lauwe, “L’enfant et ses besoins culturels dans la cité contemporaine”, in: I (...)
6In 1971, sociologist Marie-Josée Chombart de Lauwe6 reported that, in the children’s press, the city accounted for a quarter of the settings chosen by authors as places for their characters’ development. Chombart de Lauwe added that in the 1970s, “wild or cultivated nature is really presented as the normal setting for childhood, in the school and leisure sectors”.7
7And yet, “nature” for children was very much in town in those years, as some television productions testify. Here come the Double Deckers, for example, a series produced by the BBC and ABC in 1971 and broadcast by ORTF in 1972, features six children who have taken over an old disused hangar housing a double-decker bus that the young heroes have made their HQ. The space has become their adventure playground, their creative playground. Unfortunately, an evil developer, Mr. Beaumont, wants to bulldoze the place and turn it into a parking lot.
8The work of historians and urban planners shows that the late 1960s and early 1970s were a turning point. Parking lots, garages, housing estates: everywhere, the city was changing to accommodate more and more cars. Between 1950 (2.3 million cars) and 1970 (13.7 million), the number of cars in France increased by 10 % a year. In 1971, Jean Poulit, head of the traffic and operations division of SETRA (Service d’études techniques des routes et autoroutes), entrusted by the French government with the onerous task of “adapting French cities to the automobile”, made public the program that would be imposed on the major provincial cities: construction of underground or elevated parking lots, construction of a generously dimensioned motorway network, introduction of exclusive right-of-way public transport, and development of a pedestrian area in the commercial and historical thoroughfares of the hypercenters.
9The cultural productions to which I have referred express, in their own way, a right to the city to which children could lay claim. The philosopher Henri Lefebvre expressed this right to the city as early as 1967, in his famous book. Against the development of a city where the “all-car” and mass consumption reign supreme, he wrote:
- 8 Henri Lefebvre, Le droit à la ville, Paris, Anthropos, 1967, p. 95.
Social needs have an anthropological basis; opposed and complementary, they include the need for security and the need for openness, the need for certainty and the need for adventure, the need for the organization of work and the need for play, the need for predictability and the unexpected, for unity and difference, for isolation and encounter, for exchange and investment, for independence and communication, for immediacy and long-term perspective.8
- 9 Ibid., p. 99.
- 10 The first woonerf was built in Emmerhout, the Netherlands, in 1968, by Dutch urban planner Nicolaas (...)
10To this end, the philosopher advocates a transformation of intellectual approaches and instruments for thinking about the city. Among them, he highlights what he calls transduction, i.e., the construction of a possible object “from information about reality and a problem posed by that reality”.9 And the reality of the early 1970s shows that the motor city endangers children, leaving them little room for safety. The proof of this is the popular Dutch movement, “Stop de Kindermoord”, which brought parents and children out into the streets to protest against the high number of children killed in car accidents: 500 children died in 1971 alone, out of a total of 3,300 road accidents in the Netherlands. This movement led to the development of “woonerf”10 throughout northern Europe in the early 1970s. Woonerf (literally “residential courtyard” in Dutch) are streetscaped areas of convivial living and shared traffic. Such was the success of woonerf that a law was passed in the Netherlands in 1976. The law recognizes the priority of pedestrians and cyclists and limits the speed of cars in these areas.
- 11 The first edition was published in Hungary in 1906.
11Before the 1970s, the few cultural productions that evoked the child in the city emphasized the great freedom and mobility of young people, whether in Albert Lamorisse’s Le ballon rouge (1956) or François Truffaut’s Les 400 coups (1959). After 1970, the child no longer ventures out onto the streets alone. The only route they seem to take is from home to school. The city ceased to be a playground for adventure. We had to wait until the 2000s to see some changes. In 2000, Gaëtan Dorémus recounts the adventures of a child who leaves home to go to school, but gets lost in the city, takes his time to discover and enjoy it, and ends up arriving late. I’d also like to mention two short novels. Cabane en péril ! by Jean-Claude Lalumière, in 2019, tells the story of a group of friends who intend to resist the developers who want to wipe out their shack in a wasteland, recalling in broad outline the subject of a classic of children’s literature, Ferenc Molnar’s Les gars de la rue Paul, published in France in 1931.11 In Gilles Baum’s La nuit des géographes, also in 2019, three children set out to discover new urban territories: the city, at night.
- 12 Colin Ward, The Child in the City, London, Penguin Books, 1978.
- 13 Thierry Paquot, “Préface”, in: Colin Ward, L’enfant dans la ville, Paris, Eterotopia, 2020, p. 7.
12These few examples are not hapaxes, but they do suggest a certain representation of the ties that bind the child to the city, tenuous at times, stronger at others. They highlight two key moments in the relationship between city and child: 1970 and 2000. In his preface to the 2020 reprint of Colin Ward’s 1978 book The Child in the City,12 Thierry Paquot points out that “works devoted to children in cities are rare”.13 Here again, the 1970s appear to be a turning point.
- 14 https://www.ukri.org/councils/esrc/.
- 15 https://cls.ucl.ac.uk/cls-studies/1970-british-cohort-study/.
13In fact, the years following May 1968 opened up a wide field of experimentation and interest in children on the part of the social sciences and psychology in Anglo-Saxon countries, which had been stimulated by the post-war work of Jean Piaget, among others. The United Kingdom, through the Economic and Social Research Council,14 launched a vast survey of 17,000 babies born in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, during one week in April 1970. The sample was studied and analyzed by psychologists, doctors and sociologists in a study that continues to this day as part of the British Cohort Study.15 In 1972, Stanford University began experimental studies on children and young people. This was the beginning of what came to be known as Children Studies, both in the UK and across the Atlantic. A new impetus came in the early 1990s from New York University, at Brooklyn College. The latter was the first to propose a cross-disciplinary approach to children and young people. It even created a department of “children’s sociology”. The arts, social sciences, history, geography, literature, biology and urban planning came together to make the child a subject, a unifying “big subject”.
- 16 Francesco Tonucci, La cittá dei bambini. Un modo nuovo di pensare la cittá, Rome, Zeroseiup, 1991.
14This is the background to the original experiment carried out in 1991 by Francesco Tonucci16 in Fano, northern Italy. This psychology teacher and researcher created the “Città dei Bambini” project in his home town. The primary aim of this project is to enable children to leave their homes alone or with friends “to live the fundamental experience of exploration, adventure and play”. In Fano, children become active players in their city by taking part in discussion groups. The experience was emulated, and today more than 200 cities around the world give children a place in the way they build their cities.
- 17 Sonia Lehman-Frisch and Jeanne Vivet, “Géographies des enfants et des jeunes”, Carnets de géographe (...)
- 18 Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City, Cambridge, MIT Press, 1960.
- 19 Peter Gould and Rodney White, Mental Maps, Harmondsworth, Pelican Books, 1974.
15In a dossier devoted to the geographies of children and young people, published in Les carnets de géographes in 2011, Sonia Lehman-Frisch and Jeanne Vivet17 recall that in France, this current of geography has been developed around researchers such as Antoine Bailly, Jean-Paul Guérin, Hervé Gumuchian and Bertrand Debarbieux, inspired by cognitive psychology and the notion of lived space. For these geographers, space is a mental construct, both individual and collective. They draw on children’s mental representations, most often using the mental map technique developed in the United States by Kevin Lynch,18 Peter Gould and Rodney White.19
16From the 2000s onwards, a number of French sociologists and geographers focused more specifically on children’s and young people’s relationship with the city, taking an interest in “street children” (I’m thinking of Stéphane Tessier’s work in 2005), or children’s spatial skills (I’m referring to the work of Thierry Ramadier and Sandrine Depeau), or the ways in which children live or cohabit in the city (Sonia Lehman-Frisch, Jean-Yves Authier).
- 20 Thierry Paquot (ed.), La ville récréative. Enfants joueurs et écoles buissonnières, Gollion, Infoli (...)
17All in all, and despite the recent development of childhood studies, children still seem to be the city’s great forgotten. At least, that’s what Thierry Paquot20 concluded at the end of a three-year series of conferences organized in Dunkirk about the place of children in the city in 2015. This series of lectures led to an exhibition at Dunkirk’s Halle aux sucres and the publication of a book, La ville récréative, in 2015.
- 21 Carole Gayet-Viaud, Clément Rivière, Philippe Simay (ed.), “Les enfants dans la ville”, Métropoliti (...)
- 22 Judith Rich Harris, Pourquoi nos enfants deviennent ce qu'ils sont, Paris, Robert Laffont, 1998.
18The same year, the online magazine Métropolitiques21 devoted an entire issue to children in the city. The issue was edited by two sociologists, Carole Gayet-Viaud and Clément Rivière, and a philosopher of the city and architecture, Philippe Simay. The observation is the same: “Urban studies have not yet taken much interest in children”. And yet, following in the footsteps of American psychologist Judith Harris, they all recognize that children have their own specific characteristics, different from those of adults, which make them actors in the city in their own right. Harris wrote in 1998, “One of the goals of the child is to be an accomplished child. Children are not incompetent members of adult society; they are competent members of their own society, which has its own models and culture”.22
19The workshops behind the publication of this dossier were devised by both the Afreloce association of childhood researchers and the InTRu research team from Tours. Five symposiums, each focusing on a theme related to the city and children, brought together researchers from September 2021 to May 2022. The present dossier contains sixteen articles and four testimonials, notably from these “ateliers de l’Afreloce”, questioning the relationship between children and the city. Writers, historians, sociologists, geographers, philosophers, architects and urban planners have taken an interest in children’s representations of the city (1), children in the city (2) and their practices in a city seen as a lived space (3). We’ve also included a few testimonials by way of conclusion (4), to inspire readers to continue the adventure.
1. The city as told to children: the paper city
20The cities portrayed in children’s books are highly stereotyped, incorporating a large number of urban topics: height, density and diversity of buildings, intensity of activity, diversity of population. These urban topics are sometimes combined with cultural topics. In European picturebooks, there’s often a kind of nostalgia for a lost childhood, a kind of romantic heritage that places the modern, dangerous, polluted city in opposition to the free-flowing countryside. What we are shown, more often than not in Iberian picturebooks, are not entire towns, but neighborhoods in which relationships of social proximity close to the rural ideal seem to be recreated or sought. Ana Margarida Ramos’ article, based on a Portuguese picturebook, A Cidade, illustrates this point. It explains to young readers that the Belem Cultural Center, designed by architects Manuel Salgado and Vittorio Gregotti, is a “city within a city” for children. Patricia Mauclair’s analysis of a corpus of Spanish children’s books raises the question of how the Spanish city is represented in these books. In a country that boasts a good number of cities with the “Child-Friendly City” label, are the representations still as stereotyped as ever, and have children acquired more freedom in these paper cities?
21In the 1990s, South Korea experienced a veritable economic boom, which resulted in both hyperurbanization and the development of children’s publishing. Seoul, considered as the “mirror of growth”, has often been used as a model in Korean children’s books. Carine Devillon uses a large body of work to examine children’s use of the city, and shows that there is a recurring dichotomy between traditional neighborhoods where children run the streets, and modern neighborhoods due to recent urbanization, where children are absent or suffering.
22In Côte d’Ivoire, the city represented is most often the European district. The city is the symbol of modernity. The neighborhoods depicted are well-to-do, such as Cocody in Abidjan. The omnipresent representation of the city from the 2000s onwards is linked to respect for the environment. Nadia Dangui concludes that “the city is not really a place but a way of life” in Ivorian picturebooks.
23Leaving the world of childhood for a moment, and moving on to that of pre-adolescence and adolescence, Martine Motard-Noar analyzes representations of the urban in two comic strip series, Titeuf by Zep and Lou ! by Julien Neel. In both series, the city is omnipresent as an “acting set”. It plays a part in the construction of the adventures of the two heroes. Over the course of the two series, the “outside of the city” gradually appears, opening onto moments of discovery of nature, initiation and education, and gradually leading the characters into adolescence.
- 23 Augustin Berque, Écoumène. Introduction à l’étude des milieux humains, Paris, Belin, 2000.
24Florie Maurin’s study of Le chant du troll, a graphic novel by Pierre Bottero and Gilles Francescano, shows how this urban fantasy connects its heroine, lonely teenager Léna, with her city. As the city cracks open, giving way to invasive vegetation, Léna becomes part of the urban fabric and comes into contact with others. A sort of medial relationship is established, to use the notion developed by Augustin Berque.23
25In children’s comics, it’s like if the child, rejected by the modern, hyper-urbanized city, gradually finds his place in the urban environment during adolescence, before becoming a major player as an adult.
2. The representation of children in the city
26The vast majority of picturebooks set in the city tell the story of children or adults. Very rarely do these picturebooks show children moving around the city alone, as in Tu rentres à la maison by Claude Carré and Natali Fortier, or Amigos do Peito (Sincere Friends) by Claudio Thebas and Violeta Lopiz. More often than not, it’s the child’s journey from home to school, or vice versa. Sometimes, it’s through the areas reserved for them that the children appear.
- 24 Marc Breveglieri, “Une brèche critique dans la ‘ville garantie’ ? Espaces intercalaires et architec (...)
- 25 Michel Lussault, Hyper-lieux. Les nouvelles géographies de la mondialisation, Paris, Seuil, 2017.
27These “children’s reserves”, as Florence Gaiotti studies them through a corpus of picturebooks published in France between 1967 and 2022, are isolated from the rest of urban space and constitute places in which children develop a certain number of interpersonal bonds. They are experienced as enclaves, heterotopias within the city itself. When parents are present, they are “guaranteed places”: I borrow Marc Breveglieri’s24 formulation here. When parents are absent, as in the book Les rois du parc, playgrounds become places of power between democracy and dictatorship. The place is then “geopoliticised”. These “reserves” are sometimes even transformed into hyper-places,25 transporting the young heroes to other imaginary places.
28Based on three recent picturebooks, Maria de Los Angeles Hernandez Gomez takes us on a tour of the city’s places of “migration”. In the identical narrative patterns that structure these books, the city is a stage for these young heroes on the move, in search of territorial re-anchoring. For these children, the city is a camp, a temporary concentration zone.
29A few rare picturebooks mention the existence of non-places occupied by a group of children, such as Emma Adbage’s Le repaire. A group of schoolchildren take over a hole outside the school, out of sight of adults. Of course, the hole is soon off-limits to the children, who build their hut there. The non-place is a place of transgression, as Eléonore Hamaide shows. Transgression is the theme of a recent work by Marion Duval. In Toi-même, two sisters wait for their parents as they leave the gym. One of them finds the time long and decides to transgress the ban to return home alone. A thunderstorm threatens to roll in along the way, and a few ominous silhouettes dot the route. The two sisters finally arrive home at the same time. The last image in the picturebook is an oblique view of the neighborhood. The house and the gym are a hundred meters apart. The album questions the free movement of children in the city, and echoes a good deal of contemporary research in sociology and geography.
30To conclude this second part, Cheyenne Olivier looks at the representation of poor children in cities and the role the city plays for them and their families. The city attracts but does not welcome. In the words of the author, the city is both a passive object of desire and an active object of desirability.
3. The city as experienced by children: the inhabited city
- 26 Clément Rivière, Leurs enfants dans la ville. Enquête auprès de parents à Paris et à Milan, Lyon, P (...)
31In a recent report published by Presses universitaires de Lyon, sociologist Clément Rivière26 examines the way in which parents, on a day-to-day basis, help their children discover the city, in Paris as in Milan.
- 27 Ibid., p. 15.
I asked parents about their childhood memories, and many of them recall a more intensive use of urban public spaces at their children’s age. A whole body of research by geographers and historians points to a decline in the amount of time children spend in public spaces, and a reduction in their radius of autonomous mobility, over the last three decades of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. This trend is becoming more pronounced.27
32Arlette Farge’s work shows that “life was made in the street” in the 18th century. The precarious, unsanitary homes of the working classes were open to the outside world. In those days, there was no separation between work and leisure, emotional life and banter. Ariès asserts that it was from the 19th century onwards that “the child was removed from the street and enclosed in a de-urbanized space, at home or at school, both of which were rendered impervious to the rumors of the outside world”. Noting the effects of this security push, sociologist Spencer Cahill asserted in 1970 that urban children are thus “sequestered for their own good”. Delphine Pietu’s article, based on written testimonies and graphic representations of children in the city during the Belle Époque, attempts to define the precise moment when children were, as it were, expelled from the streets. While their omnipresence in the street was still evident in the mid-19th century, from the end of the century onwards, children from the upper classes were progressively assigned to surveillance. Places were set aside for them, and keeping them off the streets became the norm.
33Nadja Monnet qualifies Ariès’ comments by pointing out that not all young people are disappearing from cities. Teenagers still have a place: yet they are strangely absent from debates on today’s city. In fact, young people are present in many shared spaces, away from motorized traffic. These include pedestrian streets, platforms and slabs in the middle of high-rise buildings, and shopping malls (as highlighted in Charles Robinson’s novels, such as Dans les cités, Seuil, 2011). In these different spaces, we often observe a territorialization by young people according to age groups.
34Adélaïde Rezende de Souza and Lucia Rabello de Castro have worked on children in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro. She shows that a favela is a neighborhood in which children are free to evolve. They choose to be on the streets, where they can exercise greater autonomy over their lives, getting to know and learn local social codes and developing their knowledge of this public space.
35In Tunis, Olfa Ben Medien and Ameni Hraghi worked on the presence of children in two Tunis neighborhoods: Sidi Hsine, a working-class informal settlement, and Ennasr, an affluent residential suburb. The contrast is striking. In the first, children are on the streets, in intergenerational public spaces, under the watchful eye and discreet surveillance of their elders. In the second, children suffer the fate of the upper-class children Delphine Piétu met in 19th-century Paris. They are kept out of the public space and “parked” in sanctuaries.
36Nathalie Audas, Théa Manola and Sandrine Depeau have been working on a program called MOBI’KIDS for several years. They are examining the “affective relationship with the city” and the ways in which this affectivity is constructed, based on some forty commented journeys made with 9–10-year-olds during school-to-home trips in central Rennes and Orgères, on the outskirts. The results allow us to describe the children’s sensitive experiences and the diversity of attentional forms, as well as the role of these forms in the autonomous experience of city spaces. Our thoughts are with Sandrine Depeau, who passed away suddenly last May. Her work on children’s itineraries in the city and their integration into urban space is an important reference for our present publication. We dedicate this issue to her.
4. Testimonials
37To round off this issue, we’d like to add a few valuable testimonials. First of all, we’d like to thank Thierry Paquot, who kindly agreed to support us and to be keynote speaker at the Afreloce workshops on “The City and the Child”. In his latest book, Pays de l’enfance, he plays with the concept of the “Creative City” imagined by American geographer Richard Florida, a city combining the 3 T’s (talent, tolerance and technology), a city in which the child would find his or her place. The philosopher sees the child as a “seeker of the outside world”, a little man or human whose thirst for knowledge is quenched in the street, in the playground, in the forest, in the walking classroom, in a city that is accessible to all, open and green.
38Annalisa Lollo was generous enough to share with us an urban planning experience she supervised with children in Encagnane, a district of Aix-en-Provence. A class was invited to think about the development of the school’s forecourt in collaboration with local residents, elected officials and a team of architects and urban planners. This experience of children’s participation in urban planning is an important aspect of the work of the CAUE (Conseils d’architecture, d’urbanisme et d’environnement), public bodies serving local authorities. Lydia Pagès, an architect with the Indre-et-Loire CAUE, explains the role she plays in supporting local authorities, and presents some of the initiatives she has undertaken with schoolchildren in Indre-et-Loire.
39Finally, Thomas Champion, animator and trainer with CEMÉA (Centres d’entraînement aux méthodes d’éducation active), talks about his experience as coordinator of adventure playgrounds in the Centre-Val de Loire region. Adventure playgrounds were created in the 1970s and all but disappeared at the end of the 1980s, often for reasons linked to standards and their control. The first new adventure playground is due to reopen in Angers in 2019, at the initiative of CEMÉA. The aim is to get young people out of their homes, away from their video games and smartphones, and into the open air to work on joint construction projects.
40The content of this dossier is rich and multifaceted. It provides a fairly accurate picture of the wide variety of researchers interested in children and their integration into ever larger and more numerous urban areas. The event of widespread confinement following the covid-19 pandemic has probably accelerated research in literature, psychology, sociology, anthropology, geography, history and art. Other pathes remain to be explored, other experiences to be shared, other testimonies to be transcribed. Our ambition will undoubtedly have been to inspire other researchers to continue along the path and give children the attention they deserve.
Notes
1 https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Les_Jeux_d%27enfants_(Brueghel) - /media/Fichier:Pieter_Bruegel_the_Elder_-_Children’s_Games_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg.
2 Victor Hugo, Les Misérables. Tome 4, livre 6, 1862.
3 Thierry Paquot, “Les aires de jeux, un monde pour les tout-petits”, Diversité, n° 170, 2012, p. 58-63.
4 Philippe Ariès, “L’enfant et la rue. De la ville à l’antiville”, Urbi, n° 2, 1979, p. 3.
5 La ville & l'enfant, Paris, Centre national d’art et culture Georges Pompidou, 1977.
6 Marie-Josée Chombart de Lauwe, “Dans la ville, des enfants”, Autrement, n° 10, septembre 1971.
7 Marie-José Chombart de Lauwe, “L’enfant et ses besoins culturels dans la cité contemporaine”, in: Images de la culture, Paris, Payot, coll. “Petite bibliothèque Payot”, 1970.
8 Henri Lefebvre, Le droit à la ville, Paris, Anthropos, 1967, p. 95.
9 Ibid., p. 99.
10 The first woonerf was built in Emmerhout, the Netherlands, in 1968, by Dutch urban planner Nicolaas Abraham de Boer (1924-2016). The model spread throughout Europe in the 1970s (Germany, Sweden, Denmark, United Kingdom, France), only to slow down and stagnate in the 1980s, due in particular to the housing crisis and the desire to separate private and public spaces in new residential developments.
11 The first edition was published in Hungary in 1906.
12 Colin Ward, The Child in the City, London, Penguin Books, 1978.
13 Thierry Paquot, “Préface”, in: Colin Ward, L’enfant dans la ville, Paris, Eterotopia, 2020, p. 7.
14 https://www.ukri.org/councils/esrc/.
15 https://cls.ucl.ac.uk/cls-studies/1970-british-cohort-study/.
16 Francesco Tonucci, La cittá dei bambini. Un modo nuovo di pensare la cittá, Rome, Zeroseiup, 1991.
17 Sonia Lehman-Frisch and Jeanne Vivet, “Géographies des enfants et des jeunes”, Carnets de géographes [online], n° 3, 2011, DOI: https://0-doi-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/10.4000/cdg.2074.
18 Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City, Cambridge, MIT Press, 1960.
19 Peter Gould and Rodney White, Mental Maps, Harmondsworth, Pelican Books, 1974.
20 Thierry Paquot (ed.), La ville récréative. Enfants joueurs et écoles buissonnières, Gollion, Infolio, 2015.
21 Carole Gayet-Viaud, Clément Rivière, Philippe Simay (ed.), “Les enfants dans la ville”, Métropolitiques [online] 2015, URL: https://metropolitiques.eu/Les-enfants-dans-la-ville.html.
22 Judith Rich Harris, Pourquoi nos enfants deviennent ce qu'ils sont, Paris, Robert Laffont, 1998.
23 Augustin Berque, Écoumène. Introduction à l’étude des milieux humains, Paris, Belin, 2000.
24 Marc Breveglieri, “Une brèche critique dans la ‘ville garantie’ ? Espaces intercalaires et architectures d’usage”, in: E. Cogato Lanza, L. Pattaroni, M. Pinaud et B. Tirone (ed.), De la différence urbaine. Le quartier des Grottes/Genève, Genève, Métis Presse, 2013, p. 209-213.
25 Michel Lussault, Hyper-lieux. Les nouvelles géographies de la mondialisation, Paris, Seuil, 2017.
26 Clément Rivière, Leurs enfants dans la ville. Enquête auprès de parents à Paris et à Milan, Lyon, Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 2021.
27 Ibid., p. 15.
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Christophe Meunier, « The Child and the City. Images, Narratives, Spaces », Strenæ [En ligne], 23 | 2023, mis en ligne le 31 janvier 2024, consulté le 02 novembre 2024. URL : http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/strenae/10340 ; DOI : https://0-doi-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/10.4000/strenae.10340
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