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Genre Trouble in Early Modern English Writing (1500–1800)
Generic Hybridity

Rhetorical Mixture: Hermogenes and Hybridity in English Renaissance Literary Criticism

Mélanges rhétoriques : Hermogène de Tarse et la notion de l’hybridité dans la théorie littéraire de la Renaissance anglaise
Javiera Lorenzini Raty

Résumés

Les innovations stylistiques d’Hermogène de Tarse ont été largement oubliées aujourd’hui. Cependant, son traité Sur les idées (Περὶ ἰδεῶν) sur le style et l’hybridité générique est probablement un des ouvrages de rhétorique les plus influents de la Renaissance anglaise. Dans ce traité, Hermogène présente le ‘mélange’ comme étant à la fois une qualité qui appartient à tous les styles et une composante essentielle des styles élevés. Il encourage les écrivains à rédiger des textes hybrides et à étudier la combinaison des formes dans la littérature classique. Cet article présentera la diffusion importante de sa théorie dans la critique littéraire en langue anglaise au XVIe et XVIIe siècles ainsi que ses antécédents principaux sur le Continent. Il vise à démontrer qu’Hermogène était une figure phare et controversée des styles mélangés de la période. Ces styles, souvent décrits comme « impropres », ont influencé des développements littéraires hybrides tels que la tragicomédie et l’épyllion. En analysant les travaux des savants et des poètes tels que George Puttenham, George Chapman, William Scott et William Carew, cet article montrera qu’Hermogène à la fois influence et explique les principales discussions sur la littérature hybride de ces auteurs et propose ainsi une lecture alternative et radicale de la forme poétique de la période.

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  • 1 For the topic of the hybridity of early modern English literature, and its larger cultural imperati (...)
  • 2 Hermogenes’ rhetorical work, which had a preeminent role in Byzantine rhetorical education, was rei (...)

1Literary hybridity is arguably one of the most alluring traits of English Renaissance writing and a pressing subject of scholarly inquiry. The period’s fondness for mixed styles and genres is apparent in the most celebrated and innovative works of the period as well as in writings of different nature: Mary and Philip Sidney’s combination of metrical schemes in their psalm paraphrases, John Donne’s blending of obscure metaphors and florid styles in his Songs and Sonnets, or the merging of tragic and comic conventions in William Shakespeare’s plays attest a proneness to hybrid styles that was core to the emergence of English as a vernacular literary language. These texts had in common a transgression of propriety or decorum, this is, the correspondence between subject matter (res) and style (verba) that distinguished the status of a work of art. The bold mixture of these writings, typically referred to in relationship to modern-coined terms (such as ‘metaphysical’, ‘precieux’, or ‘baroque’ poetry to name some), has been connected by scholars to the experimental poetics emerging in late-sixteenth century literature – what Jenny C. Mann (2012) and Catherine Nicholson (2014) and have baptised as ‘outlaw’ or ‘eccentric’ poetry. However, there is a key piece of literary criticism that was central to the emergence and discussion of these hybrid styles which modern scholarship has systematically neglected.1 This is a treatise composed by a late Greek rhetorician called Hermogenes of Tarsus, and titled On Ideas of Style (περὶ ἰδεῶν). The textbook, which outlined the techniques to compose an array of stylistic forms in different combinations, became a key piece studied at university level, both in Cambridge and Oxford, and was integrated into a range of literary developments of the period. These included the emergence of mixed forms, such as tragicomedy, as well as the contamination of genres such as pastoral, lyric, and epic.2 This article examines the complex reception of this hitherto unknown, yet fundamental source of the hybridity of early modern English literature, specifically examining vernacular literary criticism composed in the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods. I argue that On Ideas is a central piece of literary criticism and source of the hybrid styles of early modern England, and that its reception provides unique insight into the ways in which early modern authors understood the scopes and challenges of literary hybridity. Hermogenes’ English reception shows that writing in a mixed style would have been a means of consciously upholding a normative poetics: one that had a prominent place in the rhetorical theory formally taught in the early modern period. English vernacular criticism provides evidence of Hermogenes’ readership as well as the forms in which his theory of mixture was read in connection to the literary tradition, provoking radical understandings of poetic form.

  • 3 For a review on available evidence, and controversies, about Hermogenes’ life, see Ruiz Montero 199 (...)
  • 4 Five treatises have been attributed to Hermogenes: the preparatory exercises on rhetoric or Progymn (...)
  • 5 Translations of the individual ‘ideas’ are mine, and are based on a range of early modern and moder (...)
  • 6 Hermogenes’ scheme as a matter of fact integrated the Latin genera dicendi but enlarged it into its (...)
  • 7 Hermogenes’ influence on the emergence of ingenious and obscure poetics in the early modernity is a (...)

2Hermogenes composed his rhetorical work in the second century C.E. He lived in Asia Minor, where he is said to have had a precocious and meteoric career as a rhetorician, and to have died at a young age.3 Amongst the five treatises that have been attributed to him, On Ideas of Style (Περὶ ἰδεῶν), one of the few certainly composed by Hermogenes, was dedicated to style or elocutio.4 The textbook outlined a rich scheme of seven forms or ‘ideas’ (ἰδέαι) of style: ‘Clarity’ (σαφήνεια), ‘Grandeur’ (μέγεθος), ‘Beauty’ (κάλλος), ‘Rapidity’ (γοργότης), ‘Character’ (ἦθος), ‘Verity’ (ἀλήθεια), and ‘Force’ (δεινότης).5 These ideas also had, in turn, sub-ideas, such as ‘Vehemence’ (σφοδρότης), ‘Abundance’ (περιβολή), or ‘Ingenuity’ (δριμύτης), resulting in a varied characterisation of at least twenty forms of style (see Figure 1). Crucially, Hermogenes pointed out that these ‘ideas’ could and should be mixed, such as in the oratory of Demosthenes or the epics of Homer, which included all styles and genres. Accordingly, his treatise defined the most important idea, ‘Force’ (δεινότης or deinotes), as mixed style, that combined all previous ideas in different proportions. In this, his multifarious theory seemed remarkably different from the theory of the three styles (genera dicendi) outlined in treatises by Cicero or Quintilian, and which dominated early stages of rhetorical education. The sophisticated high style, the easy-flowing middle style, and the simple low style, indeed suggested hierarchical arrangement and a limited stylistic range, which contrasted the remarkable variety that early modern readers could find in the great works of antiquity.6 Hermogenes, instead, presented his copious stylistic ‘ideas’ as fluid and performing qualities rather than fixed type, and provided a remarkable amount of detail on the topics, figures of thought, and figures of speech of each of them, as well as many examples coming from the rhetorical and poetic traditions. In its useful detail and greater flexibility his theory must have been remarkably alluring to early modern scholars, poets, and university students, even if it posed an emphasis on stylistic sophistication, ingenuity, obscurity, and mixture that contradicted precepts of clarity predominant in rhetorical manuals.7

Fig. 1: Hermogenes’ seven ‘ideas’ and their sub-‘ideas’, with the English translations that are used in this piece.

Fig. 1: Hermogenes’ seven ‘ideas’ and their sub-‘ideas’, with the English translations that are used in this piece.
  • 8 The composition dates and authorship of the treatises attributed to them in the Renaissance, includ (...)
  • 9 See also Fumaroli 1994, Monfasani 1976, 1983, and Vozar 2020.
  • 10 This includes Shuger 1988 and Biester 1997, both of which are specifically interested in the recept (...)
  • 11 Scholars have tended, following Debora Shuger’s influential work, to generalise the contribution of (...)
  • 12 The lack of comprehensive discussions on Hermogenes’ theory in early modern literary criticism has (...)
  • 13 The poetic afterlife of Hermogenes’ theory of mixture has not been addressed in a comprehensive stu (...)

3Hermogenes’ work constituted the culmination of a rhetorical strand conformed by post-Aristotelian Greek authors, such as Demetrius of Phalerum, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Longinus, whose vibrant early modern afterlife has received, in recent years, more sustained attention.8 This piece builds on work by Annabel Patterson (1970), Debora Shuger (1988, 1999), James Biester (1997), Dietmar Till (2012), and Micha Lazarus (2021), amongst others that have studied the vital legacy of this rhetorical tradition.9 These scholars have noted the extent to which late Greek works promoted a different conception of propriety than that of Latin authors such as Cicero or Quintilian, widening the number of stylistic types and placing a remarkable emphasis on obscurity and wonder that transformed conceptions of style in the early modernity. These studies, however, have omitted mixture as a distinctive, and probably the most ground-breaking dimension of this tradition and its legacy.10 They have also omitted the scale of Hermogenes’ single, and most important contribution to these literary developments – considering that, up to the first decades of the seventeenth century, On Ideas was by far the most influential and disseminated Greek work on style in England.11 Hermogenes, we will see, was standardly circulated and read yet not often discussed at length, in part due to the controversial stances of his stylistic theory.12 In showing the single most relevant contribution by Hermogenes to these stylistic developments, and reading the mixture of English literature from a rhetorical lens, I aim at showing the key contribution of rhetoric to the innovative literary culture of the early modernity, challenging common preconceptions that think of rhetoric as a purist, uniform, and conservative set of doctrines.13

4Hermogenes’ rhetoric was not read in isolation, but rather used to understand a universe of texts available in the period, putting their combination of forms into dialogue. In promoting these practices of reading and imitation, his doctrine of mixture modelled styles that came across as indecorous – that is, as being at odds with the three levels of style or genera dicendi. Hermogenes’ theory shaped poetic style in two main directions: first, towards a general dignification of poetic subjects that otherwise would have been considered indecorous or undignified, and second, towards an expansion of stylistic possibilities within each poetic genre. In other words, the Hermogenean understanding of poetic mixture legitimised both (1) uplifting stylistic techniques in genres considered as middle or low – which in most of the cases came across as obscurity, density, and metaphorical wonder; and (2) an expansion of materials and styles in ‘high’ genres such as epic. Hermogenes’ advanced guidelines for creating and mixing styles were thus used by early modern writers to push the possibilities of their poetic licence – to exalt poetry by exploring new combinations and boundaries of the poetic.

Poetic Decorum, Hybridity, and Hermogenes’ Rhetorical Theory

  • 14 Translation by H. R. Fairclough. These lines in Latin read: “Humano capiti ceruicem pictor equinam (...)
  • 15 I have slightly altered the translation by H. Rackham here; the Latin lines read “aptum […] est, qu (...)
  • 16 In words of João Adolfo Hansen, decorous texts produce reception acts which “also are normative, an (...)

5“If a painter chose to join a human head to the neck of a horse, and to spread feathers of many a hue over limbs picked up now here now there, so that what at the top is a lovely woman ends below in a black and ugly fish, could you, my friends, if admitted to this viewing, refrain from laughing?”.14 The key question opening Horace’s Ars poetica (ll. 1-9) compared poetry and painting to illustrate the golden rule of decorum or rhetorical appropriateness – what Cicero defined as that “which is most suitable in a speech” (De or. III, 210).15 In the way in which the same colours and shapes are not suitable to represent different bodies and their many parts, the same styles are not suitable to all subject matters and occasions. Horace’s vivid comparison illustrates this rule presenting mixture as a key counterexample, the first defect that a poet should avoid. The indecorous painting or poem, his lines suggest, mixes the high and the low – the human head with the animal extremities – resulting in an incongruence which is both internal and external to the work of art. Hybrid works are indeed such not only in their internal configuration, as an assembly of a monstrous body. Yet, they also project this discordance into their context of production and transmission, since the poet’s misshaped assembly fails to please the circle of ‘friends’ (amici) correctly situated to judge the work’s perspective and world. This spectator, especially admitted, is the recipient of Horace’s normative text, a reader soon-to-be poet, a writer that can recognise the different ‘colours’ of the speech by applying styles according to their subject and audience, without hybridity and deformation. Mixture should be attributed, according to Horace’s lines, to effects only characteristic of the period’s lesser genres – such as satire – yet otherwise discarded as a sign of the poet’s lack of technique, a lack of literary competence that casts into the social.16

  • 17 ὁ τοίνυν Δημοσθένης ὅτιπερ κεφάλαιον ἦν τὸν πολιτικὸν ἠκριβωκὼς τὸ μὲν ὡς διὰ πάντων ἥκει πανταχοῦ (...)
  • 18 μῖξιν δὲ οὔτε λόγου οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν πάντων οἷόν τέ ἐστι γνῶναι καλῶς ἤτοι ποιήσασθαι μὴ πρότε (...)

6Hermogenes’ On Ideas of Style, written more than two centuries later, presented mixture, instead, as a core value of both eloquence and literary excellency. Differing from Horace’s predicaments, in the introduction to his work Hermogenes explained that his seven styles or ‘ideas’ were to be grounded in the example of Demosthenes’ speeches, precisely because his writings presented a masterful combination of all the forms of style: “[t]his is the main point in reference to Demosthenes”, he argued, “he had so mastered political oratory that he was always combining styles everywhere” (Hermog. Id., A, 1, 216).17 In order to achieve Demosthenes’ eloquence, Hermogenes argued, orators could study his mixed style by identifying the individual forms from which this hybridity was produced: “this mixture, either of style or of anything else, cannot be recognised or created without first understanding each one of the elements from which this mixture results or might result (to understand grey, for example, we must first understand black and white)”, explained Hermogenes, “[o]ne who starts from this point can then easily go on to appreciate and describe individual authors, detecting their careful combinations, whether he wants to study and emulate one of the ancients or someone more recent” (Id., A, 1, 224-225).18 Thus, the mixed style of Demosthenes was useful both as exemplary of eloquence, and also as a repository of all the styles or ‘ideas’ that Hermogenes wanted to teach and systematise.

  • 19 Translation by W. Rhys Roberts.
  • 20 Cicero also makes this point in Orat. XXI, 70.
  • 21 Translation by W. Rhys Roberts. The section reads: “ὁρῶμεν γὰρ πλὴν τῶν εἰρημένων χαρακτήρων ἐναντί (...)

7Such understanding of mixture as a prominent mark of eloquence had precedents in the main Latin and Greek rhetorical works that were available in the Renaissance. In On Literary Composition (Περὶ συνθέσεως ὀνομάτων) (20-10 B.C.E.), Dionysius of Halicarnassus had distinguished the ‘harmoniously blended’ (εὔκρατος) type of style, which consisted of a combination of the two other main types, the austere (αὐστηρός) and the polished (γλαφυρός). He defined this ‘blended’ style as a “relaxation and the intensification of these extremes” rather than “an equal distance from the two”, and as such this blended style was superior to the other two, deserving to “carry off first prize” (Comp. XXIV).19 Similarly, in De optimo genere oratorum (46 B.C.E), Cicero pointed out that an excellent orator is capable of combining the virtues of all the three genera dicendi, through simultaneously pursuing the three aims of eloquence (docere, delectare, and movere).20 One of the authors who excelled at this rhetorical combination, according to Cicero, was Demosthenes (Opt gen, I, 1-3). In On Style, (Περὶ ἐρμηνείας), Demetrius of Phalerum also pointed out that “any style may be combined with any other”, for example as when “[i]n the poetry of Homer […] as well as in the prose of Plato, Xenophon, Herodotus, and many other writers, great elevation is joined to great vigour and charm” (Eloc, I, 37).21 Significantly, Demetrius, Cicero, and Dionysius all related these mixed high styles to Demosthenes, in the domain of rhetoric, and some (as Dionysius and Demetrius), to Homer in poetry.

  • 22 Ἀκριβῶς μὲν οὖν, ὅπερ εἶπον, οὐκ ἦν εὑρεῖν παρ᾽ οὐδενὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων τὸ τοιοῦτον, ὅτι καὶ φύσει δήπο (...)
  • 23 ὅτε συμβουλεύοι, πάντῃ χωρίζων τοῦ δικανικοῦ τε καὶ πανηγυρικοῦ τὸν λόγον αὐτοῦ μήθ᾽, ὅτε τι τῶν ἄ (...)
  • 24 καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑψηλὰ σφόδρα καὶ λαμπρὰ τῶν νοημάτων μεθόδοις τισὶν ἢ σχήμασιν ἤ τινι τῶν ἄλλων καθαιρῶ (...)
  • 25 καὶ ἕκαστα τῶν ἄλλων κατὰ ταὐτὰ μιγνὺς τοῖς οὐκ οἰκείοις οὐδὲ ἰδίοις αὐτῶν μέρεσι καὶ καταποικίλλω (...)

8Hermogenes certainly drew on this tradition. Nevertheless, it was only he who made mixture a core principle of eloquence, the theory upon which his classification of styles ultimately relied. In his introduction he did not only present mixture as a value, but he also described it as unavoidable: “strictly speaking”, he argued “it is not possible to find accurately in any of the ancient orators a single style, because it is clearly a mistake to use only one and not to vary one’s style” (Hermog. Id., A, 1, 222).22 Whereas some of the ‘ideas’ would have prominence in specific parts of a speech, they would be inevitably combined with others, and also overlap (Id., A, 1, 279). Accordingly, Hermogenes presented this combination of styles as happening in a variety of ways. First, he pointed out that it might involve a skilful combination of genres: “[w]hen [Demosthenes] gave a deliberative speech, for example, he did not separate it rigorously from a judicial speech or a panegyrical speech, but mixed the characteristics of all three in the same speech, regardless of what kind of oratory he was practising” (Id., A, 1, 216).23 Demosthenes could also provide dignity to trivial thoughts, or, conversely, a humble tone to lofty speeches: “[Demosthenes] can scale down excessively elevated and brilliant thoughts by certain approaches or figures or by some other means. Similarly, he can raise up and give vigour to thoughts that are trivial and of little importance” (Id., A, 1, 221).24 Ultimately, mixture provided Demosthenes’ speeches with rhetorical variety: “by mixing each of the other ideas with features that are not appropriate or peculiar to it, he diversifies his style and thus makes everything fit together and creates a unity in which all the various ideas are interwoven. Thus from all the beauties of style, this one, the Demosthenic, the most beautiful, has been created” (Id., A, 1, 221).25 This elevated mixture, understood as a beautiful configuration of a hybrid body, was the most difficult thing to achieve for every orator:

τῶς γὰρ οὐ δυσχερὲς μῖξαι καθαρότητα μὲν περιβολῇ καὶ τῷ περιττῷ καὶ μεστῷ τὴν σαφήνειαν, σεμνότητι δὲ τὸ λεπτὸν καὶ τὴν χάριν τῷ διηρμένῳ πρὸς μέγεθος, σφοδρότητι δὲ τὴν ἀφέλειαν καὶ τῇ τραχύτητι τὸ μεθ᾽ ἡδονῆς· ἔνθα δὲ τόλμης δεῖ, κάλλος καὶ τὸ κεκοσμημένον ἅμα πιθανότητι, λαμπρότητι δὲ τὸ γοργόν τε καὶ ἀγωνιστικὸν καὶ οἷον εὔζωνον χωρὶς εὐτελείας καὶ ταπεινότητος, τῷ δὲ ἀκμαίῳ πάλιν τὸ πιθανὸν καὶ τὸ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς καὶ ἐνδιαθέτου ἐμφαντικὸν ὅσα τε ἄλλα τῶν εἰδῶν τοῦ λόγου τῆς ἐναντίας ἀλλήλοις δοκεῖ πως εἶναι φύσεως. (Hermog. Id., A, 11, 279-280)

  • 26 I have translated Wooten’s “florescent” as “vigorous” instead, following my own terminology for the (...)

[For how would it not be difficult to mix Purity with Abundance, and Clarity with what is excessive and full, or to mix the insignificant with the solemn, the graceful with the grand, the simple with the vehement, the pleasant with the harsh, beauty where audacity is needed, or the ornamental with the persuasive, or the concise and the argumentative, and what is everyday, though not cheap or base, with what is brilliant, or the persuasive and that which expresses truth and what comes from the heart with what is vigorous, and whatever other ideas of style with those that seem by nature to be their opposite?]26

9Thus Hermogenes presented, unlike Horace, hybridity as a key sign of rhetorical accomplishment and technique, a sign of adaptation and range: the great orators and poets can not only switch registers when the occasion requires, but also blend them appropriately, achieving diverse effects with single discursive strokes.

  • 27 See Liddell-Scott-Jones’ lexicon, which lists the three classes of meanings of deinotes: I. “fearfu (...)

10This understanding of mixture as a core value of eloquence was further expanded by Hermogenes in the section dedicated to the seventh ‘idea’ of style, δεινότης or ‘Force’. Whereas in the poetic and rhetorical tradition, the polyvalent term ‘deinotes’ had encompassed varied meanings (including ‘terrible’, ‘fearful’, ‘forceful’, ‘powerful’, ‘clever’ and ‘skilful’), Hermogenes expanded this definition even further, introducing this last ‘idea’ as a mixed type of style.27 Thus, the opening section on the ‘idea’ of deinotes provided the following novel definition:

Ἡ δεινότης ἡ περὶ τὸν λόγον ἔστι μὲν κατ᾽ ἐμὴν γνώμην οὐδὲν ἄλλ᾿ ἢ χρῆσις ὀρθὴ πάντων τῶν τε προειρημένων εἰδῶν τοῦ λόγου καὶ τῶν ἐναντίων αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἔτι δι᾽ ὧν ἑτέρων σῶμα λόγου γίνεσθαι πέφυκε […] τούτων γὰρ ἕκαστον εἰ δή τις εἰδείη πότε μὲν δεῖ, πότε δὲ μὴ δεῖ λέγειν καὶ τοῦ καὶ μέχρι πόσου καὶ πρὸς ὅντινα καὶ πῶς καὶ διότι, καὶ εἰ μὴ εἰδείν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δύναιτο, πάντως ἂν εἴη δεινότατος ῥητόρων καὶ οἷος ἅπαντας παρεληλυθέναι, ὥσπερ καὶ ὁ Δημοσθένης παρελήλυθεν· (Hermog. Id., B, 9, 368-369)

[In my opinion, Force [δεινότης] in a speech is nothing other than the proper use of all the ideas of style previously discussed and of their opposites and of whatever other elements are used to create the body of a speech. […] For if any speaker knows when they should use each particular style and when they should not and where they should use it and for how long and against whom and how and why, and if they not only know but also can apply their knowledge, they will be the most forceful of orators and will surpass all others, just as Demosthenes did.]

  • 28 εἰς δέον γὰρ καὶ κατὰ καιρὸν τῷ μεγέθει καὶ τῇ τραχύτητι καὶ σφοδρότητι κέχρηται ὁ Ὁδυσσεὺς αὐτῷ.
  • 29 ἦ ὁ αὐτὸς νῦν μὲν δεινός, νῦν δὲ οὐ δεινὸς ἦν; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ κἀνταῦθα κἀκεῖ τὸν αὐτὸν εἶναί φημι καὶ (...)

11Hermogenes was aware that such a definition of δεινότης as a mixed style differed from its treatment in the rhetorical tradition, where it had been related to the agonistic style of Demosthenes’ public speeches. Nevertheless, he wrote in favour of his own understanding of the term using the Iliad as an authority. Homer, Hermogenes argued, did not only employ a language of deinos in the sense of ‘feared’, ‘great’, and ‘powerful’, but rather used it to expose Odysseus’ capacity for mixing styles. “[F]or his [Homer’s] Odysseus used Grandeur and Asperity and Vehemence when and as they should be used” (Hermog. Id., B, 9, 371), he explained.28 Hermogenes also added that Odysseus was able to compose speeches full of humour and pleasure when the occasion required (Id., B, 9, 371). Hence, he asked, “[w]as the same man forceful at times, but not at others? I would argue that the same man is speaking in all these passages and is using the same Force and the same craft, since he knows that it is necessary to use different kinds of style and is able to do so” (Id., B, 9, 372).29 By using the Iliad to explain and legitimise his own concept of δεινότης as mixture, Hermogenes made a significant claim regarding the styles of epic and, in general, any form of dignified styles, which he understood as a repository of all the ideas that a poet or orator could eloquently use. He also recognised the dignity of lesser styles – not only the registers of ‘humour’ and ‘pleasure’ but clearer, civic styles such as those found in Demosthenes’ private speeches – all of which could also be considered as different versions of δεινότης (Id., B, 9, 376-77). Hermogenes’ Homeric example thus put poetry at the centre of his theory of mixture, suggesting that literature had access to the same range and dignity than Demosthenes’ accomplished oratory. His astute example featuring Odysseus instead of Demosthenes blended the rhetorical and the poetic – addressing the hero’s mixed register both as a well-executed literary parliament, and as the exemplary speech of a rhetorician. Both heroic character and persuasive orator, Odysseus encapsulated the poetic and rhetorical scope of the polymorph style of δεινότης.

  • 30 The Renaissance rhetorician Antonio Lull pointed this out in his De Oratione Libri Septem (1558), w (...)
  • 31 Hermogenes’ understanding of δεινότης, which combined previous usage of the term (as in power, fear (...)

12Thus, Hermogenes’ theory of style emphasised mixture in a way that was unprecedented in the rhetorical tradition.30 His work engaged with mixture to outline his treatise’s methodology; to present it descriptively as an intrinsic characteristic of all speeches; and to prescribe it normatively as the desirable quality of forceful or persuasive styles. Thus, On Ideas of Style outlined a conception of decorum based on values such as hybridity, adaptation, and variety – rather than purity, hierarchy, or consistency. Consequently, even if the Hermogenean concept of δεινότης had evident resemblances to the Latin ‘decorum’ (as pragmatic adequacy of the style to the circumstances of the enunciation), its celebration of the mixed nature of writing deviated from the Horatian description of the decorous text as a unified and orderly body, and recognised the skill involved in the inclusion of different subject matters, tones, and traditions.31 This unique emphasis was recognised by early modern readers, who eventually presented Hermogenes’ multifarious theory of the ideas as the main counterpart to the three genres of style, recognising in the rhetorician’s work a radically different understanding of form.

The High in the Low

  • 32 Elizabethan book inventories in Cambridge and Oxford reflect this dissimilar readership, which I ha (...)
  • 33 On Hermogenes’ introduction in Europe, see note 2.
  • 34 Most of these references are noted in Patterson 1970, 20-26.

13Hermogenes was, in the words of T. W. Baldwin, the single “constant author” in Greek to be dictated for rhetorical instruction in the English Renaissance (Baldwin 1944, II: 62). His rhetoric’s wide circulation and central role in university instruction surpassed that of any other late Greek rhetorical authorities, including Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Demetrius of Phalernum and even the most familiar Longinus, whose reception was minor in comparison to Hermogenes at least until the first decades of the seventeenth century.32 English authors encountered his work in a range of continental editions in Latin and Greek, and also in Renaissance sources of wide circulation in England, including textbooks by George of Trebizond, Johannes Sturm, Antonio Lull, Juan Luis Vives, or Julius Caesar Scaliger, which described and discussed Hermogenes’ theory of style in detail.33 English scholars, educators, and poets such as Leonard Cox, Thomas Elyot, Roger Ascham, Francis Bacon, Thomas Nash, Gabriel Harvey, Richard Rainolde, John Hoskins, George Herbert, or John Milton all referred to Hermogenes, typically focusing on his stylistic theory.34 These authors’ engagement typically evidence first-hand reading of his work and an assumption of their readers’ knowledge of it – ranging from name-dropping or passing allusions, like to other familiar rhetorical authorities, to emphatic recommendations of his work for rhetorical training (as for example in the case of Cox, Elyot, Hoskins, Rainolde, Harvey, and Milton). Other writers such as Abraham Cowley or George Chapman also referred to particular ‘ideas’ in relation to specific authors or passages, without necessarily mentioning Hermogenes by name. All these writers typically engaged with his main Renaissance commentators too, showing the extent of his early modern dissemination.

  • 35 Roman authors recognised that style could vary according to the different parts of the speech; for (...)

14Hermogenes’ doctrine of mixture, however, was much often less discussed in English literary criticism than it was in the continent. This is, on the one hand, a likely result of his prevalent role in higher-level rhetorical training: knowledge of Hermogenes’ rhetoric was presumably taken for granted – in the same way that works by Cicero, Aristotle, or Quintilian were. The wide availability of commentary on his work in Latin textbooks also probably hindered similar discussions in vernacular treatises, given that readers could find them systematised elsewhere by the most influential rhetoricians of the time. However, this lack of discussion also tells of the controversial stances of his stylistic theory – especially of his theory of mixture. Indeed, English vernacular textbooks typically displayed a purist conception of stylistic decorum based on the strict segmentation of the three types of style and their application according to the loci of persons, with a rigidity that was alien to their Roman models. Whereas Cicero or Quintilian recommended the flexible varying of the three types of style according to the different parts of speech, early modern treatises typically advised maintaining the same stylistic tone within the same work.35 In The Arte of Rhetorique (1553), Thomas Wilson argued that “in all these three kindes [of style], the Oration is muche commended and appeareth notable when wee kepe us styll to that style which wee firste professed” (Wilson 1553, 90) and George Puttenham defined style as “a constant and continual phrase or tenor of speaking and writing, extending to the whole tale or process of the poem or history, and not properly to any piece or member of a tale” (Puttenham 2007, 233). Following Horace’s opening in his Ars poetica, William Scott also stressed the necessary unity of the body-poem:

The poem must be, according to Aristotle, as one body of fitly-composed members that have a proportionable greatness and dependency one with and upon another, and this Horace means by his conclusion that your work must be unum and simplex, it must not be hermaphrodite or mongrel; and this Scaliger means by constancy when he saith imitation must follow the thing and constancy the imitation. You must make the device continually like itself, the persons one and the same. (Scott 2013, 35)

15This purist conception of decorum invited a precise differentiation of each type of style, encouraging authors to recognise and maintain these differences in their writing. Judicious poets and readers were those capable of recognising these different strata of poetic representation, which constituted a central skill, a crucial technical competence that preceded all others. In the Art of English Poesy (1589), George Puttenham explained how this principle translated into the realm of style, pointing out that

to have the style decent and comely it behooveth the maker or poet to follow the nature of his subject; that is, if his matter be high and lofty, that the style be so too; if mean, the style also to be mean; if base, the style humble and base accordingly. And they that do otherwise use it, applying to mean matter high and lofty style, and to high matters style either mean or base, and to the base matters, the mean or high style, do utterly disgrace their poesy and show themselves nothing skilful in their art, nor having regard to the decency, which is the chief praise of any writer (Puttenham 2007, 234)

16Following Aristotle’s classification of the dignity of characters in his Poetics, English theoreticians further connected this stylistic order to poetry’s decorous reproduction of the social body. Thus Puttenham, for example, dedicated an entire book (Puttenham 2007, III, 6) to list the types of characters that could speak within each style: gods, half-gods, heroes, and princes were related by him to the high style (ibid., 115, 237); “lawyers, gentlemen and merchants, good householders and honest citizens” to the middle, and the “common artificer, servingman, yeoman, groome, husbandman, day-labourer, sailer, shepheard, swynard, and such like of homely calling, degree and bringing up”, to the low (ibid., 237). He also specified the connection of these social registers to the main poetic genres – the high style pertaining hymns, history, and tragedy; the middle, comedy, interludes, and love poetry; and the low, eclogues and pastoral (ibid., 337-338). Following this logic, English writers criticised the indecorous mixture of high and low characters. George Whetstone, for example, censured the mixture of persons in tragicomedy, pointing out that “manye tymes (to make mirthe) they make a Clowne companion with a Kinge; in theyr grave Counsels, they allow the advise of fooles, yea they use one order of speach for all persons” (Whetstone 1578, sig. A2v) – something that he qualified as a “grose Indecorum”. Echoing Horace´s connection between the body of the poem and the extratextual body of the social, theoreticians thus drew on style as a means to situate each character in their rightful place. Thus, poetry’s orderly purity and condemnation of mixture became, in Elizabethan literary criticism, one of the main arguments that validated its social role. This conception of decorum explains in good part the lack of explicit discussions of Hermogenean mixture in late Elizabethan literary criticism, and also what appears to be a gap between poetic theory and practice – an inconsistency between a purist conception of decorum in literary theory and an enthusiastic application of this mixture in poetic texts of the period.

17Such determined advocacies for purity do not mean, however, that these authors did not engage with alternative conceptions of rhetorical decorum. Instead, significant evidence suggests that Wilson, Puttenham, or Scott knew of Hermogenes’ ideas, through first or significant second-hand access to his stylistic theory. The three of them studied at Cambridge or Oxford, meaning that they would be exposed to his rhetoric during their BA. At university, Wilson was especially connected to a circle of academics interested in Hellenist studies, such as John Cheke, who held the first chair in Greek in Cambridge from the 1530s. Puttenham referred explicitly to “Hermogenes, the famous Orator of Greece” in his Arte of English Poesie, even if it was to virulently criticise the rhetorician’s focus on style, comparing him to a fowl in its moulting time when its feathers are “so loose in the flesh that at any little rouse they can easily shake them off” (Puttenham 2007, 350). Scott did not name Hermogenes in his Model, which seems a deliberate choice, given that he made extensive use of the fourth book of the Poetices libri Septem, where Scaliger provides detailed commentary on Hermogenes’ stylistic theory. In other words, these theoreticians’ lack of open advocacy and discussion of the doctrine of mixture does not mean that they did not know or use his theory, already explained in the most influential textbooks of the time.

18English literary criticism by Wilson, Puttenham, Scott, and their peers shows, on the contrary, that contemporary conceptions of decorum were not monolithic. Instead, these writers also acknowledged an already vibrant culture of literary hybridity, which they explained using alternative rhetorical approaches. Puttenham, for example, eventually qualified his purist view on propriety pointing out that “I am not ignorant that many good clerkes be contrary to mine opinion, and say that the lofty style may be decently sued in a mean and base subject and contrariwise, which I do in parte acknowledge, but with a reasonable qualification” (Puttenham 2007, 234). His examples included Homer’s mock epic, the Battle of the Frogs and Mice (Batrachomyomachia), as well as Virgil’s Eclogues and Bucolics. All of these seemed to be at odds with the rule according to which the text’s matter had to agree with its style, and instead seemed to employ a higher style than what their matter deserved. Virgil’s pastoral, he argued:

used a somewhat swelling style when he came to insinuate the birth of Marcellus, heir apparent to the Emperor Augustus, as child to his sister, aspiring by hope and greatness of the house to the succession of the empire and establishment thereof in that family. Whereupon Virgil could no less than to use such manner of style. (Puttenham 2007, 235)

19Puttenham also defended the dignity of pastoral elsewhere, arguing that these poems were written “not of purpose to counterfeit or represent the rustical manner of loves and communication, but under the veil of homely persons and in rude speeches to insinuate and glance at greater matters” (Puttenham 2007, 128). He explained the lofty style of Homer’s mock epic with similar arguments: “though the frog and the mouse be but little and ridiculous beasts, yet to treat of war is a high subject, and a thing in every respect terrible and dangerous to them that it alights on” (Puttenham 2007, 235), he argued, adding that “in describing their nature and instinct, and their manner of life approaching to the form of a commonwealth […] it resembleth the historie of a civil regiment, and of them all the chief and most principal, which is monarchy” (Puttenham 2007, 235). Puttenham thus explained the mixture of these texts as a dignification of the low rather than a parody of the high, justifying the disorder of forms in precise cases involving, through mixture, a recognition of a political order. His unconvincing explanation of the principles underlying hybrid textualities sheds light, conversely, on the reasons that made poetic mixture indecorous – hybridity’s disruption of the extratextual body-politic, internally designed in the poetic work. At the same time, Puttenham’s arguments involve an acceptance of certain unavoidability of hybridity, the fact that grand topics and characters are present even in small works, some of them written by the greatest poets of antiquity.

20Puttenham’s defence of the mixed styles of pastoral and mock epic was echoed elsewhere in literary criticism of the time. In his epistle to Gabriel Harvey on The Shepherd’s Calendar, E.K. defended the pastoral poem’s “seemly simplicity of handling his matter”, which nevertheless admirably used the “strangest” treatment, “the words themselves being so ancient, the knitting of them so short and intricate, and the whole period and compass of speech so delightsome for the roundness and so grave from the strangeness” (E. K. 1904, 76). He later justified such inclusion of “ancient solemn words”, and mixture of sweetness and gravity, by comparing the poem to a painting in which “the dainty lineaments of beauty” coexist with “rude thickets and craggy cliffs” (ibid., 177). Pastoral was also characterised as simultaneously sweet, elegant, and forceful by William Scott, who recognised that force could also be found in genres that lack a high matter, because even “the calmest poems may entertain some strong passions”, such as the “person of Lamon” from Sidney’s Arcadia, in which “you shall easily see that sweet, becoming tale to be graced with all elegancies and namely with much forcibleness of style.” (Scott 2013, 65) Scott also remarked on the mixture of mock epic poems, including Homer’s Batrachomyomachia, Virgil’s Gnat, and Spenser’s Muiopotmos, which he included among his strikingly varied account of “Heroik” poetry, listed under a group of “narrations [that] handle small-seeming matters in high and stately manner” (Scott 2013, 21). Scott saw necessary to explain these small narratives’ use of high styles, pointing out that in them:

the poet will voluntarily show the vigour of his wit now and then in trifles; or whether though such creatures be but silly and contemptible yet war is a noble and high subject and such sad events, even in these worthless animals, ask a solemn and grave representation; or lastly whether under these narrations is shadowed some moral of greater consequence (ibid., 20-21).

21Scott did not only remark examples in which hybridity emerges as a result of an inclusion of dignified subject matters in lesser genres, like Puttenham. He also stressed the connections between mixture and literary craft – mixture’s exposure of the poet’s vigorous “wit” as enough reason to transgress rules of decorum in “trifles” too.

  • 36 Sheldon Brammall discusses Renaissance understanding of these works’ role in literary careers, with (...)

22In addressing the indecorous styles of mock epic and pastoral, both Scott and Puttenham recognised mixture as a criterion to define these works’ shared poetics, a principle involving a self-conscious literary programme. Rather than treating these small works as juvenilia, they presented them as significant literary endeavours pursuable “now and then” throughout their careers.36 In short, their remarks show that hybridity was, by the late sixteenth century, both an established literary phenomenon, and a criterion for distinguishing a common parentage for different works. Writing along these lines, Philip Sidney also listed a body of heterogeneous works coupling together “two or three kinds”, in his The Defense of Poesie, which both acknowledged, and reluctantly justified, a manifold tradition of literary hybridity:

Now, in his parts, kinds, or species, as you list to term them, it is to be noted that some poesies have coupled together two or three kinds; as the tragical and comical, whereupon is risen the tragi-comical; some, in the manner, have mingled prose and verse, as Sannazaro and Boetius; some have mingled matters heroical and pastoral; but that cometh all to one in this question; for, if severed they be good, the conjunction cannot be hurtful. (Sidney 2004, 25)

23In describing this hybrid tradition, Sidney grouped together different sorts of mixture – stylistic, generic, prosodic, and topical – presenting hybridity as a comprehensive criterion of classification. However, he contradicted himself only a few pages later in the treatise, specifically in relationship to tragicomedy, which he (disregarding his previous remarks) criticised virulently:

[these plays are] neither right tragedies nor right comedies, mingling kings and clowns, not because the matter so carrieth it, but thrust in the clown by head and shoulders to play a part in majestical matters, with neither decency nor discretion; so as neither the admiration and commiseration, nor the right sportfulness, is by their mongrel tragi-comedy obtained. (ibid., 46)

24Sidney’s qualification of tragicomedy as a crossbreed type (“mongrel”) engages with Horace’s metaphor of the monstrous painting to present mixture’s operation in a variety of spheres – the physiognomic, the aesthetic, and the social. This multileveled range of poetic decorum, ubiquitous in Sidney’s formulation, is related to specific bodies – the moving actors, the ‘king’ and the ‘clown’ performing onstage. Sidney’s contradictory view on hybrid textualities within a few pages of difference is, I may suggest, carefully planned. His simultaneous authorisation and deauthorisation of hybridity signal a tension apparent elsewhere in the period’s literary criticism, a negotiation between conflicting rhetorical schemes and attitudes towards propriety and innovation. In other words, Sidney’s ambivalent attitude towards mixed genres is not rare but typical.

25The grandeur of low genres, such as pastoral, mock epic, or tragicomedy, was not the only generic hybridity under discussion. English writers also advocated for the elevation of genres typically belonging to the middle style, which was reserved for the pleasurable yet undignified status of lyric and love poetry. A remarkable example is the English reception of Musaeus’ Hero and Leander, the model for Marlowe’s homonymous poem. The late Greek poem about the disgrace of the young lovers, written in hexameter verse, showed (like Homer’s Batrachomyomachia) that epic did not always have to be long, and that it could also admit an amorous subject. Helped by the erroneous but common Renaissance belief that Musaeus had been one of the first ancient poets, literary critics justified the poem’s mixture of love and the heroic. Puttenham, for example, described Musaeus as belonging to the “most ancient poets and philosophers” (Puttenham 2007, 99), praising “the life and loves of Leander and Hero” as “heroic, and to none ill edification”, rating the poem as equal in dignity to Homer’s epic (Puttenham 2007, 130). A couple of years later, Marlowe referred to Musaeus as “divine” in his retelling of this story, seizing his love poem as a “tragedy” (Marlowe 1598, l. 52). In the prefatory letter to his English translation of Musaeus, Chapman insisted on the poem’s dignity despite its short length:

No lesse esteeming this [poem], worth the presenting to any Greatest, for the smalnes of the worke; then the Author himselfe hath beene helde therfore of the lesse estimation: having obtain’d as much preservation and honor, as the greatest of Others: the Smalmesse being supplyed with so greatly-excellent Invention and Elocution. Nor lacks even the most youngly enamor’d affection it containes, a Temper grave enough, to become, both the Sight and Acceptance of the Gravest. (Chapman 1616, sig. A4v)

26Chapman also justified Musaeus’ obscurity as a strategy which would let “no glance of their trueth and dignity appear, but to passing few” (Chapman 1616, sig. A5r). This claim on the selectiveness of mixed texts also animated John Drayton’s preface to his Poemes (1606), which distinguished between three types of ode – those composed “trascendently lofty and farre more high then the Epick”, some “amorous soft and made for chambers”, and some “of a mixd kind”, such as Horace’s and his own poems, which demanded his reader’s special capacity to navigate what he called a “go-between” writing (Drayton 1606, sig. A7v-A8r). Similarly, Abraham Cowley’s prefatory letter to his collection of poems, published in 1656, omitted Hermogenes’ name while pointing out that his difficult Pindaric odes followed the styles of ‘Grandeur’ and ‘Force’, accurately including the Greek for the Hermogenean terms (‘Μεγαλοφυὲς καὶ ἡδὺ μετὰ δεινότητος᾽) (Cowley 1656, (b)r).

  • 37 The continental reception of Hermogenes’ theory of mixture is varied and frequently ambivalent, and (...)

27In discussing and justifying the use of higher styles in tragicomedy, pastoral, mock epic, or lyric, English authors drew on a strong tradition of continental works that used Hermogenes’ theory to validate the intrusion of high styles into lesser genres. These defences were generally controversial.37 A crucial example of this kind is Battista Guarini’s influential advocacy of the mixed poetics of tragicomedy – and, even more, of pastoral tragicomedy – first in Il Verato (1588), and later in Il Compendio della Poesia Tragicomica (1601). Disregarding Aristotle’s understanding of literary genre in his Poetics, Guarini argued that the mixture of pastoral tragicomedy relied on alternative Greek authors: “Nor is this my doctrine, mister Giasone”, he argued, “but that of Hermogenes, the famous maker of styles; who, praising the vague and beautiful mixtures made by Demosthenes, and Xenophon, and Plato, says that styles are mixed together in the manner of colors” (Guarini 1588, 27v). He further insisted that

  • 38 “Né questa è mia dottrina, messer Giasone, ma di Ermogene, famoso artefice degli stili; favellando (...)

mixture, which seems monstrous to you, to two famous Greek rhetoricians appeared as most graceful. And at least be content to grant it to the maker of tragicomedies, if, following the testimony of Hermogenes, it has been done by the most learned voices and the most selected pens of all Greece (ibid.).38

  • 39 Translation is by Mariella Cavalchini and Irene Samuel. The original lines in Italian read: “l’amor (...)

28The “two famous rhetoricians” he referred to belonged to the late Greek tradition – Hermogenes and Demetrius. Both authorities were also fundamental sources for Tasso’s Discorsi del Poema Heroico, which used their theory to advocate for the epic status of brief amorous poems “such as the love of Leandro and Hero, of which Musaeus, the ancient Greek Poet, sung” and also that of “Alexander and Helen, described by Colluthus of Thebes”, among many others (Tasso 1597, 47).39 The heroic status of Hero and Leander was also endorsed in the Poetices libri septem, where Scaliger presented the poem as an eloquent example of the fact that epic did not always have to be long (Scaliger 1561, 12), and famously expressed his preference for Musaeus over Homer (Scaliger 1561, 215). He also justified both its small length and high style, describing it as liminal to tragedy (“quasi Tragoedia”) (Scaliger 1561, 144). In Spain, Francisco López Pinciano presented Hero and Leander as an example of brief epic (“epica breve”), and talked similarly of Homer’s Batrachomyomachia, which treats a low subject matter with a dignified style (“altamente de lo baxo”) (López Pinciano 1596, 273-274).

  • 40 Góngora’s poems are often thought to be related to the hybrid narrative form that emerges in Englan (...)
  • 41 “Estos modos obscurecen la oración y se oponen a la pureza, aunque son propios del estilo levantado (...)
  • 42 “De la misma manera obscurece estos Poemas la figura circuición o comprehensión, causa principal de (...)
  • 43 “Con todo eso, aun en materias humildes, por guardar el fin del asunto en la sublimidad, no desmaya (...)

29Another paradigmatic example of advocacy of the mixture of styles is that of the literary quarrel surrounding Luis de Góngora y Argote’s Soledades (1613), and Fábula de Polifemo y Galatea (1613) – the former, a pastoral, and the later, a mythological verse narrative which would be described today as an “epyllion” or “minor epic”.40 The extremely obscure, erudite, and mixed style of both poems attracted virulent detractors such as Francisco de Quevedo, Juan de Jáuregui, and Francisco Cascales, who called this novel style “culterano” (a combination of “culto” [learned] and ‘luterano’ [Lutheran]) to ridicule Góngora’s heretic taste for neologisms. In answer to these attacks, the Spanish priest and theologist Pedro Díaz de Rivas composed Discursos apologéticos por el estylo del Polifemo y las Soledades (1624), a defence of Góngora that used Hermogenes to support the poet’s “new style”. Díaz de Rivas ground the poem’s obscurity in the Hermogenean understanding of ‘Grandeur’ or megethos, arguing that, “this obscurity is not to be condemned, because it is born from greatness, and therefore is not vicious, as Hermogenes himself points out” (Díaz de Rivas 1978, 144).41 Techniques condemned by detractors such as the poems’ “combined use of humble and sublime terms” and their inclusion of “many ancient terms”, “frequent use of tropes”, and “many hyperbathons [alterations of the syntactical order]”, were something to be praised rather than condemned, he added, as they were based on Hermogenes’ ‘idea’ of “Abundance” (Díaz de Rivas 1978, 143).42 This elevation of the style by means of obscurity was preferable to keeping a low style, he added, appreciating that Góngora, “even in humble matters, in order to maintain a sublime quality of its subject, does not fade, and keeps this tone, fleeing from a vulgar style” (Díaz de Rivas 1978, 142).43

  • 44 The modern denominations “epyllia”, “minor epics”, or “Ovidian narratives”, have been used to denot (...)

30English literary criticism built upon this Hermogenean tradition, which presented mixture as the common feature of a series of small-scale works connected in their uplifting stylistic techniques and blurry generic affiliation. Tragicomedy, high-styled pastoral poems, epic love poems, or mock epic developed into new and eventually interrelated forms. The late sixteenth-century emergence of a body of brief narrative verse mixing genres and styles which modern critics have termed “epyllia” or “minor epics” is a crucial manifestation of this tendency.44 These mid-length works such as Marlowe’s Hero and Leander or Shakespeare’s Venus and Adonis had, as Tania Demetriou (2017) has demonstrated, all pastoral, mock epic, late Greek love poems by Musaeus or Collutus, and also Ovidian epics at their many sources – yet, in the rhetorical front, their indecorous poetics was enabled by an Hermogenean strand of early modern poetry. Helped by Hermogenes, these forms were invested of a new dignity – a dignity that reached both the simple speech of shepherds and the ludic registers of erotic poetry, showing, more generally, that all poetic endeavours could be subject of elevated treatment and literary prestige.

The Low in the High

  • 45 “[M]istum autem Epicum, quod iccirco omnium est princeps: quia continet materias uniuersas” [Moreov (...)
  • 46 “ita superiora praecepta vniversalia ex Epica maiestate mutuabimur, vt secundum cuiusque aliarum id (...)
  • 47 “Quante parti hà’ l’Epica in versi? Molte [...] Troverete ancora Poesia mista dell’una e dell’ altr (...)
  • 48 I have slightly altered Cavalchini and Samuel’s translation here, since their syntaxical reordering (...)
  • 49 “No grave, no triste, no alegre, no feroz, no severo, no florido, & em todas as mais formas da oraç (...)

31The development of an English poetics justifying elevated styles in lesser genres had a flip side: an expansion of the writings admissible into the high styles of the heroic. Hermogenes’ definition of the seventh ‘idea’ as a mixed style, and his usage of Homer’s epics as an example, promoted an incorporative vein that enlarged the materials, characters, and traditions of heroic poetry. Following Hermogenes’ conception of δεινότης as a masterful combination of forms, a tradition of continental commentary seized the dignity of epic according to its cumulative scope. In his Poetices, Scaliger defined the heroic as the most excellent and universal genre given that it contained a mixture of all the modes and types of imitation.45 As such, epic constituted the excellent form from which the rules for all other smaller genres could be derived: “therefore, we will take from epic majesty the general universal precepts, so that such arguments can be adapted according to the nature of each of the [other genres’] ideas” (Scaliger 1561, 144).46 Scaliger’s understanding of epic as a mixed genre was similarly present in Minturno’s Arte poetica (1564) also thoroughly based on Hermogenes for its understanding of form. There he pointed out that epic contained many other forms, such as the elegiac, the epigrammatic, the hymnic, the bucolic, and even the amorous – the later embodied in his own Amor innamorato, a mixture of verse and prose, that treated heroic love (Minturno 1564, 3-4).47 This view was expanded by Tasso in his Discorsi del poema heroico which defended the mixed use of ‘ideas’ in epic and used Hermogenes’ theory to justify the intrusion of love lyric’s sweetness into the grandeur of the heroic. He explained this mixture as a combination of Demetrius’ magnificent and ornate forms, or in terms of Hermogenean Grandeur and Force, on one hand, and Beauty and Sweetness, on the other.48 In France, Guillaume de Salluste Du Bartas claimed that his Seconde Semaine was not “a purely epic or heroic work, but partly heroic, partly panegyric, partly prophetic, partly didactic” (Du Bartas cit. in Auger 2020, 13), and in Portugal, Manuel Galhegos praised the “heroic” [eroico] style of Gabriel Pereira de Castro’s Ulyssea, ou Lisboa Edificada (1636) as a combination of Clarity, Rapidity, Character, and Verity, arguing that “in gravity, in sadness, in happiness, in ferocity, in severity, in the florid, in all the forms of the oration [Pereira] showed great fineness” (Pereira de Castro 1636, sig. S4v).49

32This tradition’s expansive view of the poetics of epic was incorporated into English understanding of the multifarious genre. Scott, for example, listed in his Model an incredibly varied catalogue of ‘Heroik’ poems, including hymns, ballads, epopoeias, legends, the psalms and the book of Job, natural philosophy, historical complaints, romance, and mock epic, and even “mixed kind[s] […] having pastoral and much verse”, which he identified with Sidney’s Arcadia (Scott 2013, 19). The range of authors and traditions he listed was also vast, including not only Homer, Ovid and Virgil, but also Pindar, Xenophon, Heliodorus, Moses and King David, Colluthus, Tasso, Ariosto, Bartas, Chaucer, Spenser, and Sidney. His explanation of the style of Sidney’s mixed verse closely followed Hermogenean arguments connecting the forceful style of δεινότης, epic, and mixture, as embodied in Odysseus’ cunning speeches. While in Book II, 9, Hermogenes argued that Odysseus’ forceful speeches were not only composed through styles that “appear to be forceful”, yet also, in styles that do not appear to be so (for example, through gracious or simple styles), Scott made the same point using Sidney’s vernacular example:

Now as we said before in the conditions of the conceit, that forcibleness was principally and most eminently in the busy and stirring kinds, yet, likewise, the calmest poems may entertain some strong passions with their passionate apprehensions, so must the most appeased kind of poetry be allowed this forcibleness of delivery and utterance, though not that height and eminency that the more passionate poems seem to appropriate – as, if you look into that excellentest pattern of the pastoral in Sir Philip Sidney in the person of Lamon, you shall easily see that sweet, becoming tale to be graced with all elegancies and namely with much forcibleness of style. (Scott 2013, 65)

33Scott’s account of Sidney’s “Heroik” style followed Hermogenes’ argument closely, presenting Lamon as an epic rather than a purely pastoral character by means of his mixed speech, and his capacity of bringing “the most appeased kind of poetry” into the hights of stylistic force. This elevating character of the heroic was also noted by Chapman – who used it as a criterion to evaluate Homer himself. In the prefatory letter to his translation of the Odyssey he explained the dignity of the epic poem not in relation to its subject matter, but to the author’s skill to uplift topics that are not magnificent:

The returne of a man into his Countrie, is [Homer’s] whole scope and object; which, in itselfe, your Lordship may well say, is jeiune and fruitelesse enough; affoording nothing feastfull, nothing magnificent. And yet even this, doth the divine inspiration, render vast, illustrous, and of miraculous composture. And for this (my Lord) is this Poeme preferred to his Iliads[.] (Chapman 1614, A4r.)

34He also added that the poem entailed a specific skill: “to speake things little, greatly; things commune, rarely; things barren and emptie, fruitfully and fully” (ibid.).

35Thus, English writers seized the hybridity of Greek and Latin epic works, and also of their own vernacular tradition of heroic poetry. Philip Sidney’s work was typically at the core of these discussions. A remarkable example is Richard Carew’s brief treatise “The Excellency of the English Tongue” (1614), which merged linguistic and literary considerations to endorse the hybridity of the vernacular tradition, and to present Sidney’s work at the core of these developments. Carew’s text was, by no coincidence, controversial: he composed it as a response to Richard Verstegan’s Restitution of Decayed Intelligence of Antiquities, which denied English’s indebtedness to Greek and Latin, endorsing the purity of its Anglo-Saxon origins. In response, Carew’s treatise celebrated the hybridity of the English language. English, he argued, selected and combined the best qualities of other classical and early modern tongues: Greek, Latin, Danish, French, Italian, Spanish, and Dutch. In an unusual and beautiful evocation of the mixed texture of English, Carew described its combined language as “full of sweetnes”, and as open to an exciting range of stylistic possibilities:

And thus, when substantiallnes combyneth with delightfullnes, fullnes with fynes, seemelynes with portlynes, and courrantnes with staydnes, howe canne the languadge which consisteth of all these sounde other then most full of sweetnes? Againe, the longe wordes that wee borrowe, being intermingled with the shorte of our owne store, make up a perfit harmonye, by culling from out which mixture (with Judgment) you may frame your speech according to the matter you must worke on, majesticall, pleasaunte, delicate, or manly, more or lesse, in what sorte you please (Carew 1904, 293).

  • 50 The manuscript version is currently at the British Library, under the title Genealogical and Histor (...)

36Both the manuscript and print versions of this passage include a marginal annotation by Carew, which repeats a single fundamental term: “Mixture.”50 Carew’s controversial claim about the hybridity of English language did not invoke Hermogenes’ name, however, his usage of the rhetorician’s theory is evident not only in this quote but elsewhere in the piece. There Carew used other Hermogenean concepts such as “Significancye”, “Easynes”, “Copiousnes”, and “Sweetnes”, the first two suggesting the ‘ideas’ of ‘Purity’ (καθαρότης) and ‘Distinctness’ (εὐκρίνεια), and the last two, closely resembling the ‘ideas’ of ‘Abundance’ (περιβολή), and ‘Sweetness’ (γλυκύτης). He presented these as the four qualities of style or “locutio”, in what was, by all means, an original account of the ‘virtues’ of style with an Hermogenean origin which would have been identified by seventeenth-century peers.

  • 51 Carew’s incorporation of the Hermogenean “Abundance” as “Copiousnes” points towards the affinity of (...)

37According to Carew, the first two basic qualities, “Significancye” (clear meaning) and “Easyness” (syntactical order), relied on the many languages from which English originated, just like Latin and Greek were themselves “borne awaye the prerogative from all other tongues” (Carew 1904, 286). This multilingual composition of English worked at different levels – including “letters”, “woords”, and larger linguistic phenomena, such as proverbs, metaphors, and homonymity. The last two virtues, “Copiousnes” and “Sweetnes” were based on similar principles. For example, the “Copiousnes” of English relied on its “choice which is geven us by the use of divers languages”, among which Carew included the Saxon, Dutch, Danish, Latin, French, Italian, and Spanish. Of course, Carew pointed out, English would select only the best qualities of other tongues, including vocabulary, figures, and even “all sortes of verses” that authors such as Philip Sidney or Richard Stanihurst borrowed “not shamfully” from other traditions. This selective incorporation resulted in English’s prominent “Sweetnes,” which surpassed that of all other languages: “wee in borrowing from them geve the strenght of Consonantes to the Italyan, the full sounde of wordes to the French, the varietye of termi[na]cions to the Spanish, and the mollifieinge of more vowels to the Dutch; and soe (like bees) gather the honye of their good properties and leave the dreggs to themselves” (Carew 1904, 293). Thus, these four qualities of English – “Significancye”, “Easynes”, “Copiousnes”, and “Sweetnes” – coalesced into the language’s constituent ‘mixture’, the culminating concept that ends Carew’s treatise and which he didactically highlighted in the margin.51

38Carew’s remarks did not only pertain to the hybridity of English language, but also to its literature. His apology for the vernacular moved promptly from precise linguistic arguments to larger claims about England’s innovative literary culture. Carew’s culminating note, “mixture”, was included precisely next to the passage in which he explained the hybrid character of the greatest English works of the previous century – a mixture which consisted of a blending of the best foreign writings, which, he argued, was at work in ‘Verse or Prose’. Here Carew, like Scott, gave a special place to Philip Sidney’s work:

Will you haue Platos vayne? reede Sir Thomas Smith: The Ionick? Sir Tho. Moor: Ciceros? Aschame: Varro? Chaucer: Demosthenes? Sir John Cheke (who in his treatise to the Rebells hath comprised all the figures of Rhetorick). Will you reade Virgill? Take the Earll of Surrey: Catullus? Shakespeare, and Marlowes fragment: Ovid? Daniell: Lucane? Spencer: Martiall? Sir John Davis and others. Will you have all in all for prose and verse? take the miracle of our age Sir Philip Sydney. (Carew 1904, 293)

39A reader well-versed in Hermogenes’ theory would have identified Carew’s presentation of Philip Sidney as a new Homer: a poet whose writing combines all genres and styles. The Hermogenean reference does not only suggest Carew’s understanding of Sidney’s work in relation to the seventh ‘idea’, δεινότης. It also explains his omission of Homer in this passage: Homer is here alluded to through the lens of Hermogenes’ theory of hybridity, applied to Sidney.

40Carew does not name Hermogenes even once in the whole treatise, yet the rhetorician’s theory of the ‘ideas’ is key in his articulation of a special view on contemporary literature, that reconciles contradictions between the alleged superiority of the English tradition and its reliance on overseas models. His explanation of the excellency of English literature, especially epic, thus uses Hermogenes’ theory of mixture to present vernacular verse as a culminative incorporation of the foreign – the most admired works of the classical and early modern world. His treatise’s original engagement with Hermogenes’ theory while omitting Hermogenes’ name works as another selective mechanism, as a means of addressing the exclusive circle of peers who can identify the essay’s source and Carew’s original terminological adaptation. Unlike Horace’s target audience, Carew’s readers are asked to assess the mixed body of the literary tradition and appreciate the “Sweetnes” of it – recognising hybridity as a fundamental strength of their own cultural identity.

Conclusion

41Early modern education trained writers to excel in the combination of forms. At school, and then at university, they learnt to select, store, and reuse maxims of the books they read; to identify and apply a range of tropes and figures; to compose and combine seminal rhetorical exercises; and to put in conversation a range of classical works. The most skilled students engaged with writings from a variety of traditions and periods, transiting between Greek, Latin, and the vernaculars, rhetoric and poetry. At the pinnacle of this educational path, Hermogenes’ rhetoric provided theoretical considerations that justified the hybridity of their literary endeavours, presenting poetry as a field in continuous adaptation, in which poetic forms are constantly being negotiated and transformed. Hermogenes also provided technical considerations that helped readers and writers to understand and compose mixed writings. His role in English education and his reception in literary criticism of the period confirms the vitality of a hybrid literary culture at the heart of institutional education of the time, in an age in which writers looked into the combination of forms as key to literary innovation and the development of the vernacular tradition.

  • 52 Brown uses this last expression in relationship to Marlowe’s style, arguing that “Marlowe’s work is (...)

42The reception of On Ideas in English literary criticism exposes, however, the inner contradictions articulating hybrid forms. On the one hand, the period’s educational practice encouraged and valued the use of techniques of variety and combination, a writer’s range and capacity of transiting between forms at will; on the other hand, these practices were inculcated amid a persistent suspicion of hybrid textualities. While the rhetorical tradition provided arguments in defence of the purity of styles and rigid conceptions of decorum, it also harnessed alternative rhetorical theories on the mixture of forms, such as Hermogenes’ influential model. This rhetorical tradition of hybridity was pervasive in early modern literature yet it was especially mastered by a university-trained elite, who (with Hermogenes) saw mixture as a mark of skill and status, a cultural credential that certified their rhetorical maturity. As such, stylistic mixture articulated a space for poetic experimentation and inquiry, which facilitated a destabilising poetics – a tendency towards an inversion of the values sustaining current views on literary decorum, which materialised as an ambiguous openness to generic range, an attribution of rhetorical fluency to simple characters, or a valorisation of love and eroticism as major literary themes. In presenting mixed verse as a result of literary skill and cultural capital, and pretending that hybrid poems as a matter of fact operated conforming to propriety, English writers recognised the bi-directional configuration of mixed textualities – their operation against and towards the grain of the hierarchy of forms. In this sense, I believe that this literary mixture was not ‘subversive’ or ‘self-marginalising’ per se, as Georgia Brown has suggested.52 If mixture enabled the inclusion of indecorous materials, it also involved a celebration of the institutional training that permitted these texts’ tactical incorporation of them – and indeed of their overall accomplished language. This strategic potential of mixture is precisely shown in the integration of Hermogenes’ theory by English literary critics – whose intelligent discussions show to what extent they could endorse prevalent views on decorum but also slip in, subtly, alternative stylistic theories that accounted for their erudition and innovative approach.

43In the margins of English prescriptions of stylistic purity, then, an eye trained in Hermogenes’ theory can find the integration of his ‘ideas’ to provide sophisticated accounts of the hybridity of classical and Renaissance literature. Hermogenean arguments such as the connection between mixture and rhetorical skill, the dignity of lesser genres, or the mixed register of epic heroes, are used to engage with a multilingual range of sources. This English literary criticism, it is true, was subjected to constraints that poetry bypassed. The licences of the poetic enabled a lively culture of hybridity that literary criticism acknowledged through nuanced or indirect modes of valuing its contributions and identifying its sources. The early modern afterlife of Hermogenes’ theory of mixture involves, in this sense, a difficult case study for the scholars of classical receptions, a fact that treatises by Scott or Carew illustrate well; yet the body of works examined here shows that thorough scholarship on a source is not the only conclusive evidence of this source’s vibrant readership. Distinguishing between “scholarship” and “university literacy” on a subject, as Micha Lazarus (2014) has done more generally in regards to the period’s Greek literary culture, seems key to revalorise the legacy of a fundamental ancient work on literary criticism which has so far evaded mainstream scholar recognition. Hermogenes’ fluid ideas about form presuppose thus both an established and compelling model to think the doings of early modern literature, yet also a system with surprising currency, a theory about language and style remarkably akin to today’s literary sensibilities.

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Notes

1 For the topic of the hybridity of early modern English literature, and its larger cultural imperatives, see Brown 2004, Schmidgen 2013, 2021, Nicholson 2014, Rosenfeld 2018, and even a special issue on Theories of Mixture in the Early Modern Period edited by Lucian Petrescu (Petrescu 2015). While all these works discuss the mixture of English literature in light of its rhetorical culture, none of them mentions the work of Hermogenes.

2 Hermogenes’ rhetorical work, which had a preeminent role in Byzantine rhetorical education, was reintroduced in Europe by the hand of Greek scholars who fled to Italy after the fall of the Byzantine empire – most prominently by George of Trebizond, who integrated his theory in his influential Rhetoricorum Libri Quinque (1470). European humanists recognised such importance of his work and prescribed it as central to rhetorical training. In 1508, Aldus Manutius included Hermogenes’ ‘corpus of rhetoric’ as the prominent work in his compilation of Greek rhetoricians (Rhetores Graeci), which dedicated more than half of its pages to commentators of Hermogenes. Up until the mid-seventeenth century, more than ten further editions were printed in Florence, Paris, Lyon, Strasbourg, and Geneva, both in Greek and in Latin translation. Registers of ownership of these copies exist in Cambridge and Oxford from the early sixteenth century, as well as recommendations by educators such as George Elyot, Leonard Cox, and Roger Ascham. His theory was also disseminated in England through widespread textbooks by scholars of international profiles such as George of Trebizond, Johannes Sturm, Antonio Lull, and Julius Caesar Scaliger. The Ars Rhetorica was formally included in both Cambridge and Oxford’s curricula from the mid-sixteenth century. The number of available copies of Hermogenes’ rhetoric in England confirms that it standardly held advanced educational usage, on a similar scale to Quintilian’s Institutiones and Aristotle’s rhetoric. On Hermogenes’ European dissemination, see also Patterson 1970, 15-21, and Monfasani 1983, 174-187.

3 For a review on available evidence, and controversies, about Hermogenes’ life, see Ruiz Montero 1993, 26-30, and Patillon 1988, 13-17.

4 Five treatises have been attributed to Hermogenes: the preparatory exercises on rhetoric or Progymnasmata (Προγυμνάσματα), On the Basis of Arguments (Περὶ στάσεων), On Invention (Περὶ εὑρέσεως), On Ideas of Style (Περὶ ἰδεῶν), and On the Method of Force (Περὶ μεθόδου δεινότητος). These five treatises are likely to have been put together by a scholar in the fifth or sixth century A.D., in Greece or Asia Minor, who integrated them into a comprehensive art of rhetoric, known today as the ‘Hermogenean corpus’ or ‘corpus Hermogenianum’. Most scholars today agree in considering only On the Basis of Arguments and On Ideas to be works by Hermogenes himself, however, in the early modernity these had a shared reception history, with Aphthonius’ Progymnasmata often replacing Hermogenes’ version of the preparatory exercises.

5 Translations of the individual ‘ideas’ are mine, and are based on a range of early modern and modern renderings of Hermogenes’ work. I specifically justify my translation of δεινότης as ‘Force’ in note 31 below. English passages of On Ideas are largely based on Cecil W. Wooten’s version, for which I have altered US spellings, and indicated any further alterations in the footnotes. However, I have provided the pagination of Hugo Rabe’s Greek edition, which is referenced by Wooten and in all other available modern translations. This should help the finding of specific passages in any other versions when needed. Further translations in the paper are mine unless otherwise noted.

6 Hermogenes’ scheme as a matter of fact integrated the Latin genera dicendi but enlarged it into its altogether different system, incorporating further rhetorical categories by other late Greek authors such as Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Demetrius of Phalernum, and Pseudo-Aristides. This meant that his ‘ideas’ could be related to other categories that early modern readers knew well. The history of pre-Hermogenean genera dicendi in the Greek and Latin traditions is addressed in Shuger 1984, 1-42; Ruiz Montero 1993, 26-30; Sancho Royo 1997: 7-43, and Rutherford 1998, 6-17.

7 Hermogenes’ influence on the emergence of ingenious and obscure poetics in the early modernity is addressed in my book chapter on Julius Caesar Scaliger’s Poetices Libri Septem, forthcoming in 2023.

8 The composition dates and authorship of the treatises attributed to them in the Renaissance, including Demetrius’ On Style and Longinus’ On the Sublime, has been questioned by modern scholars; however, I refer to these works as by ‘Demetrius’ and ‘Longinus’ (rather than ‘pseudo-Demetrius’ or ‘pseudo-Longinus’), in order to reflect early modern practice and understanding. Authorship of Hermogenes’ works is addressed in note 4 above.

9 See also Fumaroli 1994, Monfasani 1976, 1983, and Vozar 2020.

10 This includes Shuger 1988 and Biester 1997, both of which are specifically interested in the reception of Hermogenes’ concept of δεινότης, his seventh and mixed ‘idea’. However, when addressing the category they overlook mixture as a specific, ground-breaking dimension of this Hermogenean style. Annabel Patterson’s pioneering study on Hermogenes’ English reception dedicates a chapter on the seventh ‘idea’ and epic, yet she explains this mixture as a variation on the Latin conception of decorum – rather than a deviation from its principles.

11 Scholars have tended, following Debora Shuger’s influential work, to generalise the contribution of late Greek theorists, without distinguishing the extent of their different circulation and theories. The single study focused on Hermogenes’ English reception, Annabel Patterson’s pioneering book Hermogenes and the Renaissance: Seven Ideas of Style (Patterson 1970), provides abundant proof on his English afterlife yet does not illustrate the extent of the rhetorician’s dissemination and readership among other late Greek authors.

12 The lack of comprehensive discussions on Hermogenes’ theory in early modern literary criticism has led to similar omissions in modern scholarship. Gregory Smith’s introduction to his anthology of English literary criticism, published in 1904, affirmed that “there are but few traces of other Greek critics [apart from Aristotle] in the Essays. Demetrius Phalereus and Dionysius of Halicarnassus are known to Ascham, and possibly to Puttenham, whose strangely mixed list of points of ‘good utterance’ would appear to be based upon them, though perhaps indirectly. From Longinus nothing has been borrowed” (Smith 1904, I: lxxiv). His omission of Hermogenes’ name was replicated in later anthologies edited by Brian Vickers (Vickers 1999) and Gavin Alexander (Alexander 2004). Late Greek theories of style were briefly addressed in Shuger 1999, though she did not elaborate on their reception in the vernacular literary scene. Later in 2012, Gavin Alexander vaguely affirmed that “Hermogenes and Dionysius of Halicarnassus were being read, or talked about, by Ascham at least, but precise uses are hard to trace” (Alexander 2012, 90).

13 The poetic afterlife of Hermogenes’ theory of mixture has not been addressed in a comprehensive study, yet the ascendancy of Hermogenes’ hybrid poetics in other literatures of the period has been suggested by in Italy by Grosser 1992, in Spain by Lopez Grigera 1994, and in Portugal by Gomes de Olivieira 2015.

14 Translation by H. R. Fairclough. These lines in Latin read: “Humano capiti ceruicem pictor equinam / iungere si uelit, et uarias inducere plumas / undique collatis membris, ut turpiter atrum / desinat in piscem mulier formosa superne, / spectatum admissi risum teneatis, amici?”.

15 I have slightly altered the translation by H. Rackham here; the Latin lines read “aptum […] est, quid maxime deceat in oratione”.

16 In words of João Adolfo Hansen, decorous texts produce reception acts which “also are normative, and reproduce rules’; in other words, decorum ‘models [reception] prescriptively, normatively” (Hansen 2015, 14). The view on poetic decorum displayed in this paper builds on work by Hansen, such as 2006, 13-44 and 2015, 29-40. His work typically focuses on colonial literature, but his considerations about what he calls the “prescriptive modelling” of the decorous text are equally valid to think European rhetorical tradition.

17 ὁ τοίνυν Δημοσθένης ὅτιπερ κεφάλαιον ἦν τὸν πολιτικὸν ἠκριβωκὼς τὸ μὲν ὡς διὰ πάντων ἥκει πανταχοῦ ταῖς μίξεσι μήθ᾽”.

18 μῖξιν δὲ οὔτε λόγου οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν πάντων οἷόν τέ ἐστι γνῶναι καλῶς ἤτοι ποιήσασθαι μὴ πρότερον αὐτὰ ἕκαστα, ἐξ ὧν ἡ κρᾶσις γέγονεν ἢ γένοιτο ἄν, ἐπιγνόντα οἷον λευκοῦ καὶ μέλανος φύσιν, ἐξ ὧν τὸ φαιόν, εἰ κραθείη, γίνεσθαι πέφυκεν’ [...] ‘ῥᾴδιον γὰρ τοῖς γε ἐντεῦθεν δρμωμένοις καὶ περὶ τῶν καθ᾽ ἕνα καὶ γνῶναι καὶ εἰπεῖν, τὰς ἀκριβεστάτας μίξεις αὐτῶν καταθεωμένοις, ἐάν τέ τις τοὺς ἀρχαίους ἐάν τε καὶ τῶν νεωτέρων τινὰς ἐξετάζειν καὶ ζηλοῦν βούληται.”. I have slightly altered Wooten’s first phrase here.

19 Translation by W. Rhys Roberts.

20 Cicero also makes this point in Orat. XXI, 70.

21 Translation by W. Rhys Roberts. The section reads: “ὁρῶμεν γὰρ πλὴν τῶν εἰρημένων χαρακτήρων ἐναντίων πάντας μιγνυμένους πᾶσιν, οἷον τὰ Ὁμήρου τε ἔπη καὶ τοὺς Πλάτωνος λόγους καὶ Ξενοφῶντος καὶ Ἡροδότου καὶ ἄλλων πολλῶν πολλὴν μὲν μεγαλοπρέπειαν καταμεμιγμένην ἔχοντας, πολλὴν δὲ δεινότητά τε καὶ χάριν”.

22 Ἀκριβῶς μὲν οὖν, ὅπερ εἶπον, οὐκ ἦν εὑρεῖν παρ᾽ οὐδενὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων τὸ τοιοῦτον, ὅτι καὶ φύσει δήπουθεν ἁμάρτημά ἐστι τὸ μονοειδῆ καὶ μὴ ποικίλον ἐργάζεσθαι λόγον·.

23 ὅτε συμβουλεύοι, πάντῃ χωρίζων τοῦ δικανικοῦ τε καὶ πανηγυρικοῦ τὸν λόγον αὐτοῦ μήθ᾽, ὅτε τι τῶν ἄλλων ποιεῖ, τὰ λοιπὰ ἀφιείς”.

24 καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑψηλὰ σφόδρα καὶ λαμπρὰ τῶν νοημάτων μεθόδοις τισὶν ἢ σχήμασιν ἤ τινι τῶν ἄλλων καθαιρῶν, τὰ δ᾽ αὖ λεπρὰ μικρὰ διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν τούτον ἐγείρων τε καὶ ὀρθῶν.

25 καὶ ἕκαστα τῶν ἄλλων κατὰ ταὐτὰ μιγνὺς τοῖς οὐκ οἰκείοις οὐδὲ ἰδίοις αὐτῶν μέρεσι καὶ καταποικίλλων, οὕτω τὸν λόγον αὐτοῦ πάντα πεποίηκεν ἁρμόττειν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὸ ὅλον ἓν εἶναι πασῶν αὐτῷ δι᾽ ἀλλήλων ἡκουσῶν τῶν ἰδεῶν, ὥστ᾽ ἐξ ἁπάντων τῶν καλῶν ἓν τοῦτο κάλλιστον εἶδος ἀπειργάσθαι λόγων τὸ Δημοσθενικόν.

26 I have translated Wooten’s “florescent” as “vigorous” instead, following my own terminology for the ‘ideas’.

27 See Liddell-Scott-Jones’ lexicon, which lists the three classes of meanings of deinotes: I. “fearful, terrible, dread, dire”; II. 1 “with a notion of Force or Power, mighty, powerful”, 2. “wondrous, marvellous, strange”; III. “able, clever, skilful”. [http://0-stephanus-tlg-uci-edu.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/lsj] I also discuss δεινότης in n. 31 below.

28 εἰς δέον γὰρ καὶ κατὰ καιρὸν τῷ μεγέθει καὶ τῇ τραχύτητι καὶ σφοδρότητι κέχρηται ὁ Ὁδυσσεὺς αὐτῷ.

29 ἦ ὁ αὐτὸς νῦν μὲν δεινός, νῦν δὲ οὐ δεινὸς ἦν; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ κἀνταῦθα κἀκεῖ τὸν αὐτὸν εἶναί φημι καὶ τῇ αὐτῇ χρῆσθαι δεινότητι καὶ τέχνῃ, τοῖς εἴδεσι τοῦ λόγου γινώσκοντά τε ὡς δεῖ χρῆσθαι καὶ δυνάμενον.

30 The Renaissance rhetorician Antonio Lull pointed this out in his De Oratione Libri Septem (1558), where he distinguished between Hermogenes’ δεινότης, understood as mixture and decorum, and Demetrius’ understanding of the grand style, “grauitas” [grauitatem] (Lull 1558, VI, 1, 10). He also distinguished between the multiform high style of Hermogenes and the single form of high style in Longinus’ De Sublimitate. (VI, 5, 1).

31 Hermogenes’ understanding of δεινότης, which combined previous usage of the term (as in power, fear, skill) and his own interpretation of it (mixture), involved a special emphasis on the arousing effect of the ‘idea’, rather than on its specific stylistic traits (which could vary). His definition of δεινότης indeed acknowledged the ways in which the most powerful effects of grand styles were also attainable through all other forms of style. Therefore, I have preferred in this thesis to maintain Wooten’s translation of the term as ‘Force’ (centred on this effect of power) rather than employing other versions used by modern scholarship such as “ability” (centred on rhetorical skill) or “decorum” (too suggestive of a purist concept of propriety).

32 Elizabethan book inventories in Cambridge and Oxford reflect this dissimilar readership, which I have studied at more length elsewhere (2021). While these inventories show Hermogenes having a similar presence than Quintilian’s Institutiones (approx. 12 copies in each institution), Demetrius and Dionysius are present only in one book list in Oxford, and none in Cambridge. Longinus’ On the Sublime does not appear in any of the inventories. Indeed, Longinus’ work had received less attention from early humanists, probably because it had been virtually ignored by the Byzantines themselves (Monfasani 1983, 184), and was not part of the Aldine collection of the Rhetores Graeci. De sublimitate was later edited four times in the sixteenth century, when it grew steadily in popularity, frequently disseminated in connection to Hermogenean editions and commentary (such as Franciscus Portus’ 1558 edition containing both works). On Longinus’ early modern reception, and its circulation alongside Hermogenes, see Lazarus 2021, 191-205.

33 On Hermogenes’ introduction in Europe, see note 2.

34 Most of these references are noted in Patterson 1970, 20-26.

35 Roman authors recognised that style could vary according to the different parts of the speech; for example, the confirmatio should be presented in a low and argumentative style, while the peroratio should seek to move the passions of the audience by the application of the grand style. Also, they acknowledged that the three styles were not rigid categories but a continuum between two extremes (the grand and the low). Quintilian affirmed that “neque his tribus quasi formis inclusa eloquentia est. Nam ut inter gracile validumque tertium aliquid constitutum est, ita horum intervalla sunt atque inter haec mixtum quiddam ex duobus medium est” [eloquence is not limited to these three patterns, as we may call them. Just as a third type was inserted between the slender and the strong, so also there are intervals between the three, and in these intervals is found a style which is a blend of those on either side] (Inst, XII, x, 66, trans. by Donald Russell). Renaissance receptions of these doctrines, however, tend to rigidize this tripartite scheme.

36 Sheldon Brammall discusses Renaissance understanding of these works’ role in literary careers, with special reference to Virgil’s Gnat and other poems of the Appendix Vergiliana in Brammall 2021, 763-801. He demonstrates that contemporary discussions on their authorship included arguments supporting their status as mature works rather than juvenilia. Scott’s argument on the heroic character of mock epic works, and their mixed styles pursued “now and then”, seems to follow this logic.

37 The continental reception of Hermogenes’ theory of mixture is varied and frequently ambivalent, and reflects the problematic stances of Hermogenes’ concept of decorum. Interestingly, rhetorical treatises seem less akin to discuss the controversial principles of Hermogenean hybridity than poetic treatises. Trebizond’s Rhetoricorum libri quinque, for example, omits Hermogenes’ remarks about hybridity in his introduction, while Sturm’s treatises typically discuss mixture in connection to the category of ‘decorum’, which he uses to translate the seventh ‘idea’, somehow masking the differences between Latin and late Greek propriety. Indeed the translation of the twofold seventh idea, δεινότης, that Hermogenes defined both as a forceful, condensed, and lofty style, and also as a mixture that all previous ideas, also generated controversy. Trebizond address this double character of the ‘idea’ of δεινότης by traslating the first as ‘grauitas’ and the second, as ‘uera grauitas’. Llull distinguished between ‘grauitas’ and ‘decorum’, and Sturm between ‘grauitas’ and ‘decorum’ or ‘eloquentia’. While these categories remarked on the skill and eloquence required to mix styles, they frequently also assimilated different concepts of decorum. Poetic treatises instead remarked on Hermogenes’ different understanding of genre and style, showing a special interest in disrupting the order and hierarchies of kinds and enlarging the possibilities of their practice. I address my translation of δεινότης in note 31 above.

38 “Né questa è mia dottrina, messer Giasone, ma di Ermogene, famoso artefice degli stili; favellando egli delle vaghe e belle misture, che hanno fatto e Demostene e Senofonte e Platone, dice che gli stili si mescolano insieme a guisa dei colori […] Voi intendete, messer Giasone: quella mistura, che pare a voi mostruosa, a due famosi retori greci par leggiadrissima. E però contentatevi di concederlo al facitore delle tragicomedie, se per testimonio d' Ermogene l'han fatto le più famose lingue e le più scelte penne di tutta Grecia”.

39 Translation is by Mariella Cavalchini and Irene Samuel. The original lines in Italian read: “l’amore senza fallo dee esser cantato dal poema eroico. Ma egli considera l’amore como piacevole, e si potrebbe considerare ancora come onesto o come virtù cavaleresca, cioè come abito della volontà. Concedasi dunque che ’ll poema epico si possa formar di soggetto amoroso, com’è l’amor di Leandro e d’Hero, de’ quali cantò Museo, antichissimo poeta greco [...] o quel di Alessandro e d’Elena descritto da Coluto Tebano”.

40 Góngora’s poems are often thought to be related to the hybrid narrative form that emerges in England in the late sixteenth century, including middle-scale poems such as Cristopher Marlowe’s Hero and Leander (1593) and William Shakespeare’s Venus and Adonis (1594). I discuss this form below and in note 44.

41 “Estos modos obscurecen la oración y se oponen a la pureza, aunque son propios del estilo levantado, según Hermógenes, lib. 1. De formis […] esta oscuridad no se condena, porque nace de la grandeza, y así no es viciosa, según refiere el mismo Hermógenes”.

42 “De la misma manera obscurece estos Poemas la figura circuición o comprehensión, causa principal del estilo magnífico, según Hermógenes De ideis”.

43 “Con todo eso, aun en materias humildes, por guardar el fin del asunto en la sublimidad, no desmaya, y guarda un mismo tenor, huyendo del estilo plebeyo”.

44 The modern denominations “epyllia”, “minor epics”, or “Ovidian narratives”, have been used to denote a series of medium-scale narrative poems mostly focusing on love and eroticism that emerged in the 1580s and lasted until the first years of the seventeenth century. These included works such as Marlowe’s Hero and Leander (1593), Shakespeare’s Venus and Adonis (1593), or Chapman’s Ovid’s Banquet of Sence (1595), though this cannon continues to shift. Scholars have typically recognised mixture, and an oblique relationship to epic, as the main features of the form, yet they have typically connected this mixture exclusively to their imitation of Ovid’s Metamorphoses, neglecting this tradition’s Greek origins. Some remarkable exceptions are work by Gordon Braden (1978), William Weaver (2012), and especially Tania Demetriou (2017), on whose article this essay builds.

45 “[M]istum autem Epicum, quod iccirco omnium est princeps: quia continet materias uniuersas” [Moreover the epic [poem] is mixed, which is precisely why it is the most important of all genres, because it contains all matters] (Scaliger 1561, 6). In this Scaliger contradicted Aristotle’s preference for tragedy [Poet. XXVI] – another sign of his indebtedness to Hermogenes. On this aspect of Scaliger’s decorum of genres, see Marijke Spies (1999).

46 “ita superiora praecepta vniversalia ex Epica maiestate mutuabimur, vt secundum cuiusque aliarum idearum naturas, aptentur argumenta rerum.

47 “Quante parti hà’ l’Epica in versi? Molte [...] Troverete ancora Poesia mista dell’una e dell’ altra Epica maniera, cioè, di prosa e di versi, qual’ è l’Arcadia del nostro Sannazaro , e l’ Ameto del Bocaccio, ed il mio Amore innamorato” [How many parts do have epic poems in verse? Many [...] You may still find mixed poesy of both epic forms, this is in verse and in prose, which are our Sannazaro’s Arcadia, Bocaccio’s Ameto, and my own Amore Innamorato].

48 I have slightly altered Cavalchini and Samuel’s translation here, since their syntaxical reordering of the sentence generated a change in emphasis of the original passage: “Ma le figure della forma graziosa possono più agevolmente esser ricevute dal poema eroico, e mescolate con quelle della magnificenza e con l’altre” (Tasso 1973, 231).

49 “No grave, no triste, no alegre, no feroz, no severo, no florido, & em todas as mais formas da oraçao, mostrou grande fineza”.

50 The manuscript version is currently at the British Library, under the title Genealogical and Historical Collections, Much of it Published in William Camden, Remaines of a Greater Worke, Concerning Britaine (London, 1605). London, British Library, Cotton Julius XI, fols. 265r -267v. The term ‘mixture’ appears in fol. 267v.

51 Carew’s incorporation of the Hermogenean “Abundance” as “Copiousnes” points towards the affinity of On Ideas’ complex stylistic scheme to early modern conceptions of copia and uarietas. Especially, Erasmus of Rotterdam’s treatise De duplici copia rerum ac verborum (1534), widely disseminated as a primary text for sixteenth-century pedagogy throughout Europe, prescribed techniques of amplification that closely resembled Hermogenes’ conception of ‘Abundance’. Early modern readers would have picked these affinities, and Erasmus himself frequently recommended Hermogenes for rhetorical training, including in De copia and the Adagia. His understanding of uarietas in De copia, however, is more connected to amplification, synonymity, and paraphrasis than with the hybridisation of forms addressed in this article. A more akin understanding of uarietas is provided by Angelo Poliziano in his commentary to Statius’ Silvae and his Miscellanea. There he explains uarietas as an erudite yet discordant combination of heterogeneous materials, rather than a teleological, or hierarchical, order of diverse writings. In his commentary on Statius he calls his reader to appreciate the individual genres in which each sylva has been written: “sed antequam ad argumentum ipsum ceteraque singulatim explicanda accedam, de singulis poematum generibus dicendum videtur, ut intelligatur quanam singulae ipsae Sylvae propria gaudeant appellation signari” (Poliziano 1498, sig. aa i.r) [But before I come to the commentary itself and the explication of passages, it seems I ought to discuss the poems’ individual genres to clarify by what particular term individual Sylvae are pleased to be designated] – a methodological claim remarkably similar to what Hermogenes states in his Introduction. Poliziano’s work was printed by Aldus Manutius only a few years before the Rhetores graeci, the first edition of Hermogenes’ work. The translation of Poliziano’s commentary is by Luke Roman.

52 Brown uses this last expression in relationship to Marlowe’s style, arguing that “Marlowe’s work is a deliberately self-marginalising text which pursues all kinds of contamination” (Brown 2004, 118). The disruptive character of literary hybridity in the period is, more generally, the main contention of her monograph Redefining Elizabethan Literature (2004).

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Titre Fig. 1: Hermogenes’ seven ‘ideas’ and their sub-‘ideas’, with the English translations that are used in this piece.
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Javiera Lorenzini Raty, « Rhetorical Mixture: Hermogenes and Hybridity in English Renaissance Literary Criticism  »Sillages critiques [En ligne], 34 | 2023, mis en ligne le 30 juin 2023, consulté le 19 mars 2025. URL : http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/sillagescritiques/14158 ; DOI : https://0-doi-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/10.4000/sillagescritiques.14158

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Javiera Lorenzini Raty

Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile

Javiera Lorenzini Raty (javiera.lorenzini_raty[at]kcl.ac.uk) is a postdoctoral fellow at IDEA Institute at Universidad de Santiago de Chile (USACH) and lecturer in English literature at Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile (PUC). Her research explores the early modern afterlives of late Greek rhetoric, and the relationship between rhetorical culture, patterns of literary transmission, and experimental poetry in sixteenth and seventeenth-century England. 

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