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Prix du mémoire de la Société Française Shakespeare
2022

“Treasure Maps: Cartography in the Hands of the Virginia Company
and the East India Company, 1600-1625”

Louise McCarthy

Texte intégral

Acknowledgments

1First and foremost, I am deeply grateful to my research supervisor, Professor Ladan Niayesh, whose unfailing patience, eye-opening expertise and encouragements have been invaluable. Particularly crucial to the well-conducting of this thesis were her advice, comments and corrections throughout the year, but also her meticulous proofreading at the final stages of this work.

2I would also like to thank Dr. Martin Crowley for his guidance and kindness throughout my readership at Queens’ College, Cambridge.

3At Queens’, my thanks also go to the librarians, Dr Tim Eggington and Ms. Lucille Munoz, for their assistance with a number of elusive primary sources and the page system in early modern print. Members of staff at the University Library, in particular Mr Liam Sims (rare books specialist), have also been precious guides in my quest for rare books and original prints. I am equally grateful to Ms. Catherine Sutherland, deputy librarian at the Pepys Library (Magdalene College) for helping me find and access the Ferrar Papers from the 17th-century manuscript collection.

4In addition, my gratitude goes to Dr. Laetitia Coussement-Boillot (University of Paris) and Professor Anne-Marie Miller-Blaise (Sorbonne Nouvelle) whose respective seminars on early modern female authors and Jacobean drama have helped me broaden my understanding of British Renaissance literature as I was working on my thesis.

5I extend my thanks to Mathis Marquier for his philosophical input and to Hortense Naas for her insightful comments, but also to my colleagues and friends at Cambridge for providing a warm and stimulating environment throughout this unusual year.

6Finally, I am grateful for the unwavering support of my partner, friends and family at every stage of this project.

Introduction

  • 1 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages Touching the Discovery of America and the Islands Adjacent Collecte (...)

I have caused that your Lordshippe shall receyue herewith a little Mappe or Carde of the worlde: the whiche, I feare mee, shall put your Lordshippe to more labour to understande, then mee to make it…For those coasts & situations of the Islands, euery of the Cosmographers and pilots of Portingall and Spayne doe set after their purpose.1

  • 2 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages (ed. John Winter Jones), p. 33.
  • 3 Title quoted from Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages (ed. John Winter Jones), p. 33.

7Writing in the two decades preceding the chartering of the East India Company and the Virginia Company, Richard Hakluyt was one of the pioneering English promoters of overseas commercial and colonial projects. This particular excerpt, drawn from a “booke made by the right worshipful Master Robert Thorne” to the “Lorde Ambassadour for King Henrie the eight” edited by Hakluyt and included in his Divers Voyages, is an appeal to England’s influential statesmen for the expansion of England’s commerce in the New World (as suggested by the title of Hakluyt’s book), but also in the Old World (as implied by the letter at hand advertising a “newe trade of spicerie” in the Moluccas).2 In that respect, the appeal set the tone for early 17th-century discourses on colonies and trade in London circles, and seemed to foreshadow a surge in the interest for maps in the years leading up to the chartering of those companies.3 In the Divers Voyages, as in other writings of a promotional nature, Hakluyt formulated strategies which he presented to potential backers in courtly and merchant circles, singling out those who might be interested in pursuing or financing the venture. While the quote reveals that a “little Mappe or carde” might be of use to an English person involved in commercial or colonial ventures, it also implies the sheer complexity of wielding and making sense of the cartographic medium, which is why the map might require “labour to understande” it. Despite its intended illustrative purpose then, the map could remain shrouded in hermeneutic opacity.

8In this particular instance, the author of the letter ascribes the confusing nature of the document to sophisticated foreign deceit. “Portingall and Spayne”, whose countrymen authored the map appended to the letter, were England’s religious, political and commercial rivals both in Europe and abroad. At home, England had been at war with Catholic Spain since 1585, and though hostilities officially took place on the European stage, battles were also fought along the American shores as well as in the Indian Ocean. The English had been late to set their eyes on America where the Spanish had been since the late 15th century, and equally late to develop trade in Southeast Asia where the Portuguese dominated. Both in America and in Asia, Britain also contended with other European powers who were beginning to show interest in overseas ventures: the French were settling for regions in North America while the Dutch, whose commercial influence spread like wildfire at the beginning of the 17th century, gradually replaced the Portuguese in Southeast Asian territories. In March 1603, James VI succeeded Elizabeth I and became James I, king of Scotland, England and Ireland. From then on, foreign policy shifted towards more peaceful relationships with continental Catholic countries, a shift which eventually led to the Treaty of London ending the war with the Iberian powers in 1604. To strengthen this newfound peace, James I firmly discouraged privateering raids against Iberian vessels. It is in this context of emerging globalisation and appeasement that the English devised plans to expand to North America in the New World and Asia in the East. With the political and geopolitical background shifting towards less open confrontation, British cartographic production adapted to dawning commercial opportunities.

The map sponsors: the foundation of the East India Company and the Virginia Company

  • 4 The Virginia Company of Plymouth eventually abandoned Virginia itself to develop in what they began (...)

9When English promoters began to consider “planting” England on American shores in the form of a colony and on Asian coastlines in the form of factories, they expected adventurers to encounter a variety of obstacles. In order to facilitate and unify English efforts to develop commerce to the east, merchants petitioned Elizabeth I for the establishment of the East India Company (hereafter “EIC”) which was granted its charter in 1600. Modelled on the EIC, the Virginia Company (hereafter “VC”), which included both the Virginia Company of London and the Virginia Company of Plymouth, was chartered under James I in 1606.4 The corporate company was not an innovative solution as both the EIC and the VC were built on the models of existing trading companies such as the Muscovy Company and the Levant Company which were granted royal charters in the course of the 16th century. Joint-stock companies exercised a monopoly on overseas commercial activities while enjoying official royal backing. What was it then that set the East India and the Virginia companies apart from earlier examples of joint-stock organisations?

10At first, the East India Company and the Virginia Company may seem fundamentally different on many counts. While the EIC survived as a commercial organisation and an instrument of imperial expansion for centuries, the Virginia Company was dissolved a little over twenty years after its foundation. In addition to the difference in geographical targets, the companies developed divergent economic models. To the west, the Virginia Company of London quickly abandoned hopes of trade for a colonial project and long-term investment. Eastward, the EIC retained a trading purpose based on outsourcing, the exchange of goods and quick returns. As a result, corporate bodies competed for investment and royal attention in London. However, two different features help understand their specificity as Jacobean companies as well as their interconnectedness.

11Indeed, beside the fact that both companies were founded within the same decade, they were led by individuals whose influence spread across overlapping merchant, political and court circles, and whose activities and interests often converged. Thus, individuals involved in one of the companies were often simultaneously involved in the other. Sir Thomas Smythe, for example, served as the first governor of the East India Company and as treasurer to the Virginia Company from 1609 to 1620. Richard Hakluyt himself, though mainly engaged in the promotion of colonisation in Virginia, also had ties with the East India Company for which he provided advice in its early years. Besides, regular merchants and investors could take part in both companies to maximise financial returns. The joint-stock model meant that the capital invested in the company was owned by people who merged their interests into one single corporate entity. Funds being provided by individuals who pooled their resources, the company required investments which would later yield dividends. For this reason, the company sought investors to raise sufficient funds in order to finance long-distance operations in the East Indies and in Virginia - a task which called for advertising plans to lure in wealthy investors. It is the surge in promotional rhetoric and literature in the first quarter of the seventeenth century which sets the companies under study apart from those of an earlier period.

  • 5 For example, the expression is used in the title for Susan Schmidt Horning’s article “The Power of (...)

12In order to manoeuvre their way into profitable colonisation in America and lucrative commerce in Asia, the fledgling companies crafted an image of the space they set out to discover and invest in. This image was mainly made up of words in the tracts, sermons, letters and pamphlets which constituted what scholars would later refer to as the “promotional literature” published by and for the companies.5 Such a “promotional literature” also included visual material such as maps which reflected the ideological framework and economic ambitions – whether consciously or not – of those who wielded those propagandistic weapons. Company-sponsored texts and maps were not unlike modern-day advertising flyers, video clips and posters which seek to sell a product whose image is designed to inform, attract and persuade. As Virginia and the East Indies were not within everyone’s reach, long-distance trading and colonial ventures there could be tough to sell. Thus, companies had to define the geographical boundaries of the targeted area as well as help investors locate commodities which might yield a profit. What better medium was there than the map to pinpoint a location and its resources?

Map production and map use in the early modern era

  • 6 Oxford English Dictionary.
  • 7 In fact, the OED uses this exact quote from the Divers Voyages to illustrate the early modern meani (...)
  • 8 John Brian Harley and David Woodward (eds.), History of Cartography, (Chicago: University of Chicag (...)
  • 9 Shakespeare, King Lear: “Meane time we will expresses our darker purposes,/The Map there; know we h (...)
  • 10 For cartographic references in John Donne for instance, see Ladan Niayesh, ““All flat maps, and I a (...)

13In the opening quote, Hakluyt refers to one such “Mappe”. A twenty-first century dictionary will tell us that a map is “a drawing or other representation of the earth’s surface or a part of it made on a flat surface, showing the distribution of physical or geographical features”.6 The number of entries for the term and corresponding variety of uses in English over the centuries imply semantic slipperiness, a plasticity suggested by Hakluyt’s hesitant formulation (“Mappe or Carde”).7 Despite this loose definition, maps from the early 17th century were disseminated widely enough for them to become familiar objects in everybody’s vocabulary. Indeed, European map production had developed rapidly in the wake of intellectual and technical revolutions in the field of cartography in the 15th century: the rediscovery of Ptolemaic cartography with the Latin translation of the Cosmographia in Italy and the printing press in pre-reformation Germany. By the end of the 16th century, maps were no longer confined to the evangelical spaces of the cathedral and the psalm-book as they had been through most of the Middle Ages. Though British map production in the early modern period paled in comparison to 16th century Italian maps and the “Golden Age” of Dutch map-making, English cartography quantitatively and qualitatively peaked during the early years of the reign of James I, a period which saw “more maps launched on the British market than at any other time in the period”.8 Monarchs, scholars and nobles under Henry VIII and Elizabeth I had expressed real interest in cartography and made use of maps for information and promotion before the Jacobean era. Tudor ambitions of expansion and the perception that the cartographic tool might prove useful point to the proto-imperial dimension of English aspirations in the early modern period. However, it is under the reign of James I that map use became more widely extended to a non-royal and non-scholarly public including merchants and courtly investors. Further evidence for an increasingly cartographic-minded public may be found in the references to cartographic images in popular English works authored by John Donne and Shakespeare for instance. 9In their works, maps appear to have been objects which were familiar enough for them to be mentioned in plays and used as metaphors.10

14What did company-sponsored maps specifically show? Facts were crucial of course, but the promotional agenda of the companies also required some kind of embellishment, and fiction seeped in. The manipulation of facts as a strategy to outplay commercial rivals is hinted at by Hakluyt himself in the opening quote. Foreign “cosmographers” could intentionally over-emphasise the dangers of navigation in the Indian seas so as to repel English rivals. Conversely, the English themselves could - and did - resort to similar strategies to dissuade rivals and persuade fellow Britons, downplaying threats and magnifying potential sources of profit. Yet, despite those deliberate distortions, maps were still deemed useful as a source of information. Whether produced or used by the VC and the EIC, maps were central to the commercial endeavours of those companies not only abroad but also at home. While some of the manuscript maps produced in London and sold to captains there were taken on board for British seamen to find their way to the Spice Islands and Virginia, printed maps and wall maps were tailored to different needs. Those maps refracted a multiplicity of meanings and motivations, providing a palimpsestic document where economics, politics and ethnography converged. By reason of their specific uses by company members and backers, I would consider those maps both sources of key information and potent advertisements resulting from effective marketing strategies.

Studying company maps: methods and approaches

15In order to examine the role and place of the cartographic medium in the promotional literature of the East India Company and the Virginia Company, I selected maps which had been produced by or for influential individuals who were somehow connected to at least one of the two companies. The official records of the companies and unofficial texts written by people gravitating in the orbit of either of those companies provided hints to try and understand why and how maps were integrated to the broader corpus of advertising literature. Comparing the cartographic strategies of those companies helped see the ways in which the fates of the East India Company and the Virginia Company intersected and diverged. Taking 1600, year of the chartering of the EIC, as the starting point, I have chosen maps which were produced during the cartographically prolific Jacobean era ending in 1625. The corpus of maps under study includes manuscript and printed documents which were either sold separately, appended to a text or part of an atlas. Some of the maps, such as Smith’s maps of Virginia and Speed’s atlas, are well-known and have already attracted much scholarly attention. Others, such as Robert Tindall’s chart of the James River and the anonymous Insulae Indicae have less frequently been the object of experts’ interest. Most of the maps were produced or published within the bounds of that particular timeframe (1600-1625), with the exception of Speed’s maps of Asia, China and Persia which appeared in his Prospect of the most famovs parts of world published in 1626, the sketches of which were already drawn prior to that date.

16Some of the cartographic material I selected was directly available to me in Cambridge where I have worked as a French lectrice this academic year. The University Library holds an original copy of John Speed’s Prospect which is usually available for viewing at the Map Room but now in the Rare Books Reading Room of the UL because of the pandemic. Another map connected to Cambridge caught my attention during my research. As I was reading about Sir Thomas Smith (1513-1577) to understand what early company promoters made of cartography, I encountered a reference to a “small mappe” listed in the “Inventaries” of items bequeathed to his home College where I worked as a supervisor: Queens’ College. Using the digitised version of that list, I hoped to shed some light on the connections which could be established between company interests and promoters’ interest in cartography. Hands-on research also led me to a list of books purchased for the Virginia Company by Nicholas Ferrar, active member of the Virginia Company and friend to Sir Edwin Sandys and Walter Ralegh. The list was kindly made accessible to me and I was able to examine the document in person at the Pepys Library of Magdalene College, Cambridge. First-hand study of other source material at the British Library, where there are company records and other map-related material, was unfortunately impossible this year due to pandemic-related restrictions.

  • 11 John Brian Harley, and David Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography.

17After having done groundwork reading about early modern joint-stock companies, English politics and art history, I turned to volumes devoted to the history of cartography, early modern cartography and the theory of cartography. Using Harley and Woodward’s classic History of Cartography as a starting point to make sense of the general context of map-production in the first quarter of the 17th century, I then moved on to articles and books which dealt with specific maps and map uses.11 My reading also included works on key figures such as Richard Hakluyt, Edward Sandys and John Smith, as well as scholarly productions on early modern ethnography and literature. By the end of the reading phase of my research for this thesis, I was able to attend the annual conference of the French Society for Anglo-American Studies (17th and 18th centuries), also known as the SEAA1718. The thematic core of this conference was maps and mapping practices in English-speaking countries. Specialists’ talks provided me with fresh ideas and helpful insights while also helping me locate my own findings within the historiographical canon. The conference revealed the diversity of fields to which early cartography could be applied, a diversity which reflected the multi-dimensional aspect of my own efforts.

18In this thesis, the aim is to tie those different threads together and see how intersecting lines of enquiry in commercial and cartographic history might help understand the ways in which art and science, converging in the cartographic medium, could serve broader economic and political ambitions in Jacobean England. To this end, I will be taking the examples of the Virginia Company’s plans for colonial settlement in the New World to the west and of the East India Company’s schemes for trading in the Asian part of the Old World to the east.

19In order to check the validity of this hypothesis, I shall begin by reviewing maps as visualisations of spatial knowledge of Virginia and the East Indies. In this first part, maps will be examined as attempts to collect and organise data, striving for reliable objectivity and exhaustive accuracy. The second part of this dissertation shall address the cartographic “silences” of palimpsestic maps. The implicit dimension of the maps and their effects - whether desired or accidental - will be at the heart of this section. In the third and last part, the blend of cartographic fact and fiction resulting in ambiguous promotional mapping will be examined in more detail.

I – From miscellany to inventory: visualisations of spatial knowledge

Maps of commodities and the map as commodity

20Maps as shop windows

  • 12 Richard Hakluyt, A Particuler Discourse Concerninge the Greate Necessitie and Manifolde Commodyties (...)
  • 13 Hakluyt in Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two (...)
  • 14 John Shaw (ed.), Charters Relating to the East India Company from 1600 to 1761 (Madras: R. Hill at (...)
  • 15 Jack P. Greene, “From John Smith to Adam Smith: Virginia and the Founding Conventions of English Lo (...)
  • 16 Samuel M. Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London, with Seven Related Do (...)
  • 17 For more details on 17th century beliefs about British lacks and wants, as well as perceptions of t (...)
  • 18 John Smith, A Description of New England (1616). (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, Zea E-Books in A (...)

21During the two decades preceding the launching of the East India Company and the Virginia Company, such promoting figures as Richard Hakluyt extolled the economic benefits of establishing commercial connections overseas. In his Discourse of Western Planting (1584), he made the suggestion that while “all other englishe trades [had] grown beggarly or dangerous”, western voyages were to “yelde unto us all the commodities of Europe, Affrica, and Asia” and “supplye the wants of all our decayed trades” (my emphases).12 In short, the key to meet English economic “wants” was to seek “commodities” elsewhere. A few years later, and after the East India Company had been formally established, Hakluyt brought his notes to members of the EIC for whom he laid out “instruccions for provisions of Jewelles” and notes on the “principall places in the East Indies wher Trade is to be had”.13 Extensive research based on travellers and merchants’ accounts helped Hakluyt compile a list of items which might yield a profit; those eastern commodities listed by Hakluyt for the EIC included calicoes, camphor, frankincense, amber, sugar and saltpetre. Accordingly, the letters patent granted by Elizabeth I laid out plans to seek “Commodities and Merchandizes”, the word “commodity” being repeated again with special emphasis on the variety of goods which could be traded in the East (“divers and sundry Commodities”) as well as on the “Quantity of foreign commodities” which could be obtained there.14 Hakluyt’s notes and advice tailored to company-specific needs. Indeed, the very purpose of joint-stock companies, as Jack. P. Greene reminds readers in his contribution to Virginia 1619, was to trade commodities or produce a marketable commodity.15 The language of the first charter of the Virginia Company reflects this drive for commodities, stating that company members “shall have all the landes, woods, soile, groundes, havens, ports, rivers, mines, mineralls, marshes, waters, fishinges, commodities and hereditaments”.16 Driven by a faith in the inexhaustible quality of natural resources, merchants responded to the widespread perception that England’s resources were insufficient to support the entirety of its population by seeking out new markets, and new commodities to trade.17 Decades later, adventurers likely to lead or participate in overseas ventures were still animated by similar wants and wishes according to Captain John Smith who wrote in his Description of New England in 1616 that he was “not so simple, to thinke, that ever any other motive than wealth, will ever erect there a Commonweale”.18 Identifying tangible sources of wealth, then, was a priority.

  • 19 Sir Walter Ralegh had led the voyage to Roanoke in the late 1580s. Thomas Harriot, who had taken pa (...)
  • 20 Christine Jeanette Green, “The Illustrated Map: Cartography and Power in 17th Century Virginia” (MP (...)
  • 21 For more on forests during the 17th century, see G. D. Holmes, “History of Forestry and Forest Mana (...)
  • 22 Green, “The Illustrated Map: Cartography and Power in 17th century Virginia”, p. 28.
  • 23 Jack P. Greene, “From John Smith to Adam Smith: Virginia and the Founding Conventions of English Lo (...)
  • 24 George Percy, in Philip L. Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580-1631). (Ch (...)

22In maps accompanying such promotional writings, the relevance and significance of the quest for commodities were equally put forward. Such is the case with John Smith’s map of Virginia whose very title advertised “A Map of Virginia. With a Description of the Country, the Commodities, People, Government and Religion. Written by Captaine Smith, sometime Governour of the Country” (my emphasis). In that particular instance, “commodities” were only second to the geography of the area itself. Though not always particularly conspicuous, commodities such as those listed by Richard Hakluyt and announced by Smith’s title were showcased on maps. Some of those commodities being natural resources, they blended into the more general landscape of the map where natural features were transposed. The sassafras roots which Sir Water Ralegh - whose excursions inspired the Virginia venture – collected in the Chesapeake region proved disappointing.19 Yet, Virginia Company members still hoped to make a profit from fur, timber and other natural resources. In her thesis entitled “The Illustrated Map: Cartography and Power in 17th century Virginia”, Green makes wood the primary natural commodity which the English/British initially sought in Virginia.20 Her claim is supported by the fact that by the beginning of the 17th century, forests in England were dwindling, which left the British in need of more wood for timber and fuel.21 In that respect, Captain John Smith’s map of Virginia reflects “not only the abundance of timber in Virginia, but also the scarcity of timber in England”.22 Indeed, Smith’s map is characterised by an abundance of trees covering the cartographic space. The author of the map took pains to outline over two hundred individual trees across the map. Besides, those trees came in a great variety of shapes, each tree species matching different needs: ship masts could be made from trees with a large and sturdy trunk while fruit could be harvested from fruit-bearing varieties. Before tobacco became the key Virginian staple, lumber was sent back to Britain where black walnut was prized by English furniture makers for example.23 Contemporary observer George Percy commented on the abundance and diversity of trees in Virginia, noting the “goodliest Woods as Beech, Oke, Cedar, Cypress, Wal-nuts, Sassafras, and Vines in great abundance, which hang in great clusters on many trees, and other Trees vnknowne” (my emphasis).24 Smith’s map can thus be defined as a cartographic inventory offering a visual equivalent of Percy’s list. The insistence on the abundance of trees and plants in the Chesapeake survived in the 1624 version of Smith’s map engraved by Robert Vaughan. Despite the historical focus on relations with the Powhatans, there is still room for trees, plants and sunflowers scattered across the battle scenes in the vignettes.

  • 25 The map is also known as “Nova et rece terrarum et regnorum Californae, nouae Hispaiae Mexicanae, e (...)
  • 26 George Percy in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625. (New York: Barn (...)
  • 27 John Smith’s “Description of Virginia” in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, (...)
  • 28 “And likewise because at our first coming we found in our owne river no store of fish after many tr (...)

23Beyond their potential for timber, Smith’s forests also represented sources for game. The 1612 map, for instance, locates four-footed animals in the forests where they are hunted by people whose bows and arrows seemingly identify them as Powhatans. The animal skin hanging from the back of the large Indian standing on the map is probably the fruit of such hunting activities as those depicted on the left hand side of the map. However, there is another example of marketable wildlife which features more prominently and more frequently on maps. On Benjamin Wright and Gabriel Tatton’s 1600 map of North America resources in fish figure prominently.25 European fishermen are known to have sailed from Europe to the Atlantic Coast for fish and though this was not to be the most profitable of North American commodities, fish were still of economic interest. Despite being of marginal financial interest in Virginia, fish was deemed worthy of being located on the map. To pinpoint the location of resources of fish, the authors represented a large specimen in the middle of the “Sinus Mexicanus” (Mexican Bay). Its size may have been a graphic indication of abundance – rather than of literal size. Early reports of Virginia ventures had already located abundant resources in fish in the area: George Percy had described the “excellent Bay” where there were a “great store of Fresh-fish, and abundance of Sea Tortoises” which had relieved the British settlers after the famine.26 John Smith too had enthusiastically listed the quantity and variety of fish including “Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish, Rockfish, Eeles”, etc., but also “Pearch of 3 sorts”.27 Though neither drawn nor described on his “Draught” of Virginia (1608), contextual information and structural features connect Robert Tindall’s map to halieutic opportunities. Structurally, Tindall’s drawing on the James River primarily focuses on the ocean, main rivers and their sources. Contextual elements further suggest that fishery was part of the cartographic equation. Indeed, the author himself played a role in a fishing expedition in the Chesapeake Bay two years after the map was drawn. Evidence for his fish-seeking mission can be found in the records of the Virginia Company from the year 1610.28 In a more explicit manner though in a very different part of the world, John Speed’s map of the “Kingdom of Persia” (1626) contains a lengthy description not only of the characteristics of the Caspian Sea, but also of what it contains. A hyperbolic verbal description replaces the large drawing of a fish from the Tatton and Wright map in the middle of a body of water: “as the greatest Lake of the whole world called the Salt Lake, and it is said to abound w.th great plenty of fishes”. In this particular instance, there is no visualisation to strengthen the claim as the verbal description leaves no room for fish in the sea. Besides, Speed admits to his knowledge being of uncertain source as he is careful to use the passive form “it is said to abound”.

  • 29 Sir Walter Ralegh detailed his theory in The discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful Empire of (...)
  • 30 For more on the divergent visions of Ralegh and Smith with regards to gold mining in America, see S (...)
  • 31 John Smith’s “Description of Virginia” in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, (...)
  • 32 Letter reprinted as “Letter to Bacon” in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John S (...)
  • 33 John Smith in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625, p. 178.

24In the middle of the same map, somewhere in the space saturated with verbal descriptions and symbols south of the Caspian Sea, Speed tells the viewer that “pearles of Turchinus are found here”. The adverb “here” however, fails to provide a precise location for those pearls as the word spreads across miles of land. The Tatton and Wright map of North America is equally vague in its identification of mineral resources. Stretching below a northern mountain range symbolised by shadowed lumps, a Latin label reads: “mons Apallaci in quo aurum et argentum est” (the Appalachian mountains, where gold and silver are). The cartographer thus claims to have located mines where valuable metals might be sourced without either saying where the information comes from or imparting the precise geographical location of the “aurum et argentum”. If not to map the exact location of gold and silver, why mention them at all? Gold and silver were the key currency to trade with anyone overseas, and England/Britain often found itself short of bullion. Strong advocates of the East India Company such as Thomas Mun deplored that the Indies were draining English bullion. While Thomas Mun probably hoped that the EIC and its activities would be the solution to the bullion shortage, others saw opportunities in North America. The main proponent of American sources of gold for Britain was Sir Walter Ralegh who was still promoting in the 1600s the idea that an Eldorado awaited the English in America.29 Others, like John Smith, opposed the view that the British should make gold their priority in America but still deemed it worthwhile to include them in lists of Virginian commodities.30 In his description of Virginia, Smith devotes a paragraph to “the entrails of the earth” where, despite his acknowledgement that “little can be saide for certainty”, he believes mountains “affort mines very rich of diverse natures”.31 By 1616, Smith not only admitted in his private correspondence that he could “promise noe mynes of gold”, but also resented the British obsession with ore extraction in the early years of the Virginia Company. 32The “Spaniards good hap” had let them make “use of gold and silver” found in the regions they settled in America, but to Smith, Britain was to steer clear from that golden illusion in order to be successful.33

  • 34 Martin Brückner, The Social Life of Maps in America, 1750-1860. (Chapel Hill, NC: University of Nor (...)
  • 35 Norman JW. Thrower, Maps & Civilization: Cartography in Culture and Society. (Chicago: University o (...)
  • 36 Ibid, p. 95.
  • 37 Rodney Walter Shirley, “Foreword” to The Mapping of the World: Early Printed World Maps 1472–1700. (...)

25 The representation and location of commodities of interest to company members and backers help understand the comparison formulated by Martin Brückner and conjured up in this section. Using the supersized fonts imitating banners on maps as a basis for his simile, Brückner suggested that maps are constructed “similarly to shop window designs”.34 In a sense, the accumulative enumeration of commodities defines the map as an itemising device akin to a catalogue. By reason of their focus on commodities, the maps under study could be grouped under the expression “thematic cartography”. In Maps and Civilization, Norman Thrower defines a thematic map as one which is “designed to serve some special purpose or to illustrate a particular subject, in contrast to a general map, on which a variety of phenomena (landforms, lines of transportation, settlements, political boundaries, and so forth) appear together”.35 Though the maps examined here arguably show more than just marketable commodities, they do use geographical features as “points of reference for the phenomenon being mapped”.36 According to Rodney Walter Shirley, the beginnings of thematic cartography can be traced back to the mid-seventeenth century as maps were drawn to show a single aspect such as oceanic currents or volcanic activity.37 The maps of the corpus used in this thesis could therefore be said to be early examples of “open” thematic maps which left room for other components necessary to map out territories of interest to company members and their supporters.

26Geography: an asset

  • 38 Heidi Brayman Hackel and Peter C.Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt the Younger’s Notes for the East India C (...)
  • 39 Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Ha (...)
  • 40 John Shaw, Charters Relating to the East India Company, p. 25.
  • 41 Verner Coolie, “The First Maps of Virginia, 1590-1673” (in The Virginia Magazine of History and Bio (...)
  • 42 Samuel Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London, p. 1.
  • 43 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England”, i (...)
  • 44 Samuel Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London, p. 1.
  • 45 John Brereton, A Briefe and true Relation of the Discoverie of the North part of Virginia (in David (...)

27Mentioning the commodity alone was insufficient. The key to making resources profitable was to combine an item with a unique location, which is why, as Hackel and Mancall explain, plans would only be approved if they were supported by appropriate geographical knowledge of the location of goods and commodities.38 For that reason, his inventory of potential goods was accompanied with a long list of various locations: Calicut, Malabar, Ceylon, Sumatra, Java and Malacca. As evidenced by phrasings such as “where sondry sorte of spices do grow in the East Indies”, emphasis was not merely on “what” but also on “where”.39 In light of this, it seems unsurprising that a geographer, E. G. R. Taylor, would have reprinted Hakluyt’s writings in 1935. That geography was of prime interest is suggested by the names of the companies themselves: “Virginia” and the “East Indies” were toponyms set to define the identity of commercial groups which were based in London but seeking to connect with distant lands. This geographical focus was particularly conspicuous at the early stages of company business as the charters themselves primarily defined the companies in geographical terms. The language of the letters patent granted by Elizabeth I to the East India Company in 1600 is characterised by a dominant geographical strain. According to the patent, the success of the company depended on such geographical entities as “Islands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Towns or Places aforesaid”, the list of which reappears in varying order throughout the letters (“Havens, Cities, Towns or Places”, “Ports, Havens or Creeks”, etc.).40 Less than a decade later, the charter of the Virginia Company was worded in a similar fashion. In “The First Maps of Virginia, 1590-1673”, Coolie Verner reviews early examples of Virginian cartography and reminds us that the Virginia Company charter was a document which first and foremost defined the geographical boundaries of the surface where the Company might carry its business.41 This observation is based on the geographical rhetoric which underpins the charter of the Virginia Company stating that James I gave his licence to “deduce a colonie” in territory which is “lying and being all along the sea coastes between fower and thirtie degrees of northerly latitude from the equinoctiall line and five and fortie degrees of the same latitude and in the maine lande betweene the same fower and thirtie and five and fourtie degrees, and the ilandes thereunto adjacente or within one hundred miles of the coaste thereof”.42 Company names and geographical discourse thus promoted the notion that there were “vast untapped resources” across the non-Christian globe, to use Lesley B. Cormack’s expression in Geography and Empire.43 Evidence for Cormack’s explanation can be found in the first sections of the charter itself: “parts and territories in America either appartaining unto us or which are not nowe actuallie possessed by anie Christian prince or people”.44 The theory is also supported by earlier works by promotional writers such as John Brereton whose Briefe and true Relation of the Discoverie of the North part of Virginia (1602) contains the claim that Virginia was “never yet actually possessed by any Christian prince or people” and its resources were therefore free for the taking.45

  • 46 See Appendix A, “Roe’s Geographical Account of the Mogul’s Territories” in Sir Thomas Roe, The Emba (...)
  • 47 Appendix A, “Roe’s Geographical Account of the Mogul’s Territories” in Sir Thomas Roe, The Embassy (...)

28Reference to geographical features such as cities and ports thus permeated company discourse throughout the Jacobean era, and maps responded to that thirst for geographical information. Speed’s map, for instance, shows “The kingdome of Persia with the cheef citties and habites described by Iohn Speede” (my emphasis). His map depicting Asia responds to a similar need to single out places of interest as it provides a picture of “ASIA with the islands adioying described, the attire of the people, & townes of importance, all of them newly augmented by I. S.: Ano. Dom. 1626” (my emphasis again). In 1614, the East India Company gave instructions to ambassador Sir Thomas Roe who was asked to specifically locate cities and rivers. Roe’s journal reveals that he did his best to meet company needs by consigning data on no less than 37 cities and explaining what his methods were: “The Severall Kingdomes and prouinces subject to the Great Mogoll Sha-Selim Gehangier with the principall Cittyes and Riuers, the Scituation and borders, and extent length and breadth, as neere as by description I could geather them. The names I tooke from the kings register”.46 Company instructions and maps’ focus on major cities in Asia correspond to the company’s plan to develop stable trading relations with foreign powers. Aside from large cities, ports were central to commercial designs in the East Indies. This explains why Roe was more specifically asked to note which port cities were used by European rivals for trade, which he did: “there are many Hauens as Port Grande (Chittagong), Port Pequina (Satgaon) traded by the Portugals”.47 Indeed, trading activities were mainly to take place in large port cities where bulks of goods could be exchanged. The appeal of major trading port cities such as Macao and “Quinzay” is likewise made explicit on Speed’s map of China where ships sailing to and from those cities are represented.

  • 48 Excerpt of the “Letters Received” (IV, xv) reprinted in Kirti N. Chaudhuri, The English East India (...)
  • 49 Richard Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting” reprinted in Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), (...)

29In some instances, company instructions required information on “principal places” for less transparent reasons. In 1614, when the East India Company was reorganised, new instructions were given out to freshly appointed sea captains such as William Keeling. Those instructions admonished their recipients to “choose four principal places where the chief persons ought to be resident”.48 In his English East India Company: The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Company, 1600–1640, Chaudhuri explains that those instructions had been given after news concerning Persian climate had reached the East India Company in London. Persia, according to new accounts, had a colder climate than previously assumed. This information was meant to encourage the British to develop a market for British cloth in Persia as people there might be in need of such cloth after all. If Persians were to develop an interest in British cloth, the EIC could acquire luxury goods such as silk and gems along the way to India and the Spice Islands. This notion that Persia enjoyed a similar climate as the one enjoyed under British climes is hinted at on Speed’s map of Persia. On either side of the title, cartouches offer a frontal view of cities. “Tarvis” (sic), for example, exhibits green plains and blue skies, thereby creating an image set to counterbalance mentions of “deserts” across the map. The mountains in the background are there to suggest potential mineral resources and natural defence while being sufficiently remote for them not to threaten the bucolic image of a displaced Europe created by the cartouche. The insistence on the country’s mild climate mirrors claims made about Virginia in Hakluyt’s Discourse of Western Planting where he advertised land in “latitude 34 D, with good and holsome ayre, temperate betweene hot and colde”.49 Asia and North America, then, were presented as distant but hospitable spaces which could be turned into profitable ventures provided that the company drew on usable geographical knowledge.

  • 50 Unlike the Dutch, and later the French, equivalents of the EIC.
  • 51 Significantly, Ormuz was an island and a key merchant city located at the entrance of the Persian G (...)

30Though North America was not known for having a dense urban network in the first quarter of the 17th century, Speed also provides bird’s-eye view cartouches showing harbours at the top of his map of America “With Those Known Parts in That Unknowne Worlde Both People and Manner of Buildings. With Virginia, coastal areas, where great trading ports were situated in Asia, were more relevant for their connection with waterways than they were for their urbanization. Indeed, Jamestown and other settlements were but a handful of small forts set up on the mouth of the James River and along its tributaries. Interest in the opportunities offered by navigable networks is illustrated by Robert Tindall’s “Draughte of Virginia”. The title announces a map of a region which is in fact reduced to its hydrographic networks. Initially, the idea was for the Virginia Company to gather knowledge on the bays, sounds and rivers, to make sure that ships could be sent to fill their cargoes and sail back laden with goods. Waterways were key to exploration and settlement as they connected the sea from whence the English came to the hinterland. Explorers therefore sailed up the rivers to reach their sources in the hope of gathering usable knowledge on waterways which gave access to the less accessible mainland. Though neither the Virginia Company nor the East India Company formally established a hydrographic office to carry out such tasks hydrographic information was key to both companies.50 Such an interest was not always as obvious as it is on Tindall’s sketch of the James and York Rivers and could be expressed verbally. On the Tatton and Wright map of North America, for example, the title cartouche boasts of its maker being a “celebrem hydrogeographo” (celebrated hydrogeographer), an asset of importance when it came to mapping coastlines and rivers which the British might use. To match the proud claim of the title, the map shows how hinterland riches are accessible via waterways which are made emphatically large and visible. In Asia, waterways were also likely to broaden the horizon of commercial possibilities. Speed’s map of Persia, for instance, conveniently locates “Ormus”, a city associated to a suggestive label (“Ormus emporium”), near a waterway connected to the “streigt of Basora”.51

31Descriptive geography and the visual power of maps

  • 52 Sir Thomas Roe and William Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 345.

32The verbal kind of geography present in the charters found an echo in the volumes of descriptive geography produced at the time. Hakluyt’s Discourse of Western Planting as well as his notes presented to the East India Company discussed heretofore are two examples of verbal geography whereby commodities and their location are described with words and exhibited in a linear fashion. Most of the authors of the maps in the corpus used for this thesis are known to have written textual accounts of their findings, just as Hakluyt did. Robert Tindall kept a journal of his travels, and so did Thomas Roe and William Baffin, while Captain John Smith had his stories published over the years. Textual copia was required by company policies, which is why adventurers and other members involved in either the VC or the EIC documented their activities in detail so as to present their written reports to data-hungry companies. When Sir Thomas Roe consigned the data he had collected on cities and rivers in his journals or described locations in his correspondence, he was giving shape to a textual record of spatial knowledge. In a letter to the East India Company in November 1616, for example, Roe advises company leaders to opt for “the roade of Swally and the Port of Suratt” which are “fittest for you in all the Mogolles territory”, then taking great pains to provide a verbal visualisation of the places he refers to and the potential itineraries connecting those places. In order to do so, he outlines one such itinerary for EIC ships: “you must send a Pinnace of 60 Tunne with ten Pieces, that drawes but seuen or eight foote water, to passe vp the riuer betwene Swally and Suratt”.52 Roe thereby conjures up an image which unfolds progressively in a dynamic fashion with motion suggested by prepositions (“up”) combined with verbs of movement (“passes”). However precise Roe and other writers sought to be, accumulation of localities listed in texts created a maze-like picture of a space whose unfamiliar nature probably did not help when it came to devise itineraries for commercial voyages. The writers mentioned above were probably aware of this as none of them deemed their textual descriptions enough to provide a full image of Virginia or of the East Indies.

  • 53 See for example the French translation of Baffin and Roe’s map engraved to illustrate Melchisédec T (...)
  • 54 For more on William Baffin’s past as a surveyor in the Arctic region and his ties with the EIC, see (...)
  • 55 Quoted in Coolie Verner, “The First Maps of Virginia, 1590-1673” (in The Virginia Magazine of Histo (...)
  • 56 Quoted in Coolie Verner, “The First Maps of Virginia, 1590-1673” (in The Virginia Magazine of Histo (...)

33In Roe’s case, as in others, texts were only a part of the record. Drawing on the geographical data collected by Sir Thomas Roe, surveyor and explorer William Baffin drew a map of the region which was published in 1619. Comparisons of this map with later maps of the area produced by the British, but also by the French, show that Baffin and Roe’s map was deemed accurate enough for it to be used as a basis for many future maps of India in the following century.53 When they petitioned the king to send an ambassador to the Mughal court, members of the East India Company also expressed the wish to employ someone who could draw a map of the Mughal Empire.54 Maps were requested or appended in addition to any textual description which might be offered to the companies. As for Tindall, when he sent his notes and documents to Prince Henry, he also included a map drawn by himself. Similarly, when John Smith reported to the Virginia Company, he sent maps to those he corresponded with. According to Coolie Verner, Smith’s map was made in direct response to company orders which asked him to “observe” whether the river where he settled “doth spring out of mountains or out of lakes”.55 Instructions told Smith to “observe” but did not specify how he was to report his observations back to the company. To Smith, a map probably was not just as good a means as any, but the best one too. Hence, Smith sent “this mappe of the Bay and Rivers with an annexed Relation of the Counties and Nations that inhabit them as you may see at large”, thereby placing the map first, and implying the textual “relation” was only of secondary importance.56 Technically, William Hole’s map of the “Near East” (1614) functions in a similar way as it was designed as an illustration for Walter Ralegh’s Historie of the World. The map was appended to the volume and meant to illustrate, that is, to shed light on the contents of the text by providing a visual equivalent. However, the map contains an abundance of descriptive texts scattered across its surface, thereby combining both the explicit quality of messages expressed in the abundant notes and the potency of visual mapping. The author of the map thus seems to have found a middle ground between modern minimalist mapping and medieval ample writing. The map shows, describes and explains all at the same time.

  • 57 Horning, Susan Schmidt, “The Power of Image: Promotional Literature and its Changing Role in the Se (...)
  • 58 Thomas Harriot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (London: Published for t (...)
  • 59 Horning, The Power of Image”, p 386.
  • 60 Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt, Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe. (London: (...)
  • 61 Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nati (...)
  • 62 Ibid., vol. 1, p. xviv.
  • 63 Heidi Brayman Hackel and Peter C. Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt the Younger’s Notes for the East India (...)

34Interest in the visual quality of cartography probably motivated company members and backers to produce and consume maps. Appetite for visual accounts of the New World and the unfamiliar parts of the Old one was already evident in the early years of promotional writing in favour of the VC and the EIC. To report on North America, Thomas Harriot was encouraged to collaborate with illustrator John White whose portraits of North American people and pictures of landscape inspired Captain John Smith’s “Oulde Virginia” (1624). Though Harriot originally published his Brief and True Report (1588) without the illustrations, it was then republished as part of Theodore De Bry’s series America where Harriot’s text was illustrated by De Bry’s engravings based on White’s drawings. According to Susan Schmidt Horning, De Bry’s publication was expensive, and thus most likely intended for courtiers and merchants.57 The illustrated report was for the “more readie view & easier understanding”.58 Thus, the perceived power of the image could explain why there was a “continuing impact of the Roanoke promotion”, a promotion primarily defined by its visual quality.59 In his contribution to Carey and Jowitt’s Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe, Peter Mancall points out that though Hakluyt “knew that a few well-selected images might persuade more than thousands of words”, he relied on texts more than he did on visual representations.60 Despite his personal preference for words, Hakluyt was not insensitive to the effect of images, particularly those of a cartographic nature. In the “Epistle Dedicatorie” of the Principal Navigations, Hakluyt recounts his visit in his youthful years to his cousin and mentor who had a map laid out on the table: “I found lying once upon his boord certeine bookes of Cosmographie, with an universall Mappe [on which] he pointed with his wand to all the knowen Seas, Gulfs, Bayes, Straights, Capes, Rivers, Empires, Kingdomes, Dukedomes and Territories of ech part, with declaration also of their speciall commodities & particular wants, which by the benefit of traffike & entercourse of merchants, are plentifully supplied”.61 When it came to representing space, maps rather than “those wearie volumes bearing the titles of universall Cosmographie” were best to “bring us to the certayne and full discoverie of the world”.62 In fact, when he set out to present his notes to the East India Company in January 1601, Hakluyt brought Italian maps which he translated and “caused to be drawne for the Company”.63 It is a particular kind of image which increasingly appealed to promoters then: the cartographic one.

  • 64 Walter W. Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the new Campaign for New England: a Study in Early Mode (...)
  • 65 Martin Brückner, The Social life of maps in America, 1750-1860, p. 209.
  • 66 John Smith in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (Chapel Hill: Universi (...)
  • 67 My thanks go to Catherine Sutherland, Deputy Librarian of the Pepys Library for letting me access t (...)
  • 68 More on this list and its use by the Virginia Company in part II.

35In his article “Captain John Smith and the new Campaign for New England”, Walter Woodward spells out the idea that “the power of maps as instruments of persuasion cannot be overestimated, especially in lands and times in which literacy rates are low and interest in the place mapped cuts across class lines”.64 To support this claim, Woodward explains that Smith’s later books and maps were cheap, the 1620 volume selling for six pence. At first, Horning and Woodward’s hypotheses may appear antinomic: were maps’ evocative powers destined to the literate and wealthy, or to the illiterate and poor? Both could be said to be true as some of the more expensive maps — such as those published by De Bry — could be addressed to those who were involved in the financing and organising of the commercial ventures whereas the cheaper ones – Smith’s volumes and maps for example – were destined to another kind of company adventurer, the kind that embarked on ships to Virginia as a common settler in the hope of making a fortune outside Britain. In that respect, maps were the most wide-reaching instrument of information and persuasion, appealing both sides of the social spectrum. In both instances, reading maps shifted the problem “from literacy to visualcy” – that is, the ability to read visual documents such as maps.65 There is evidence that Smith himself appealed to merchants, backers and settlers all at once. While blaming company leaders for wanting to “keepe this abounding Countrey still in obscuritie” and concentrating all the profit in their hands, Smith also reached out to London merchants, presenting books and “a great many Maps both of Virginia and New-England” to “thirty of the chiefe Companies in London at their Halls, desiring either generally or particularly (them that would) to imbrace it”.66 Yet, cartographers did not always have to chase merchants themselves. There is evidence that the Virginia Company ordered the purchase of Smith’s volumes – in particular those containing maps – in 1623. Scholar, courtier and businessman Nicholas Ferrar (1592-1637) worked for the Virginia Company and was close to the likes of Sir Walter Ralegh and Sir Edwin Sandys. As Deputy Treasurer of the VC, Ferrar kept records now known as the “Ferrar Papers” which are held by the Pepys Library at Magdalene College (Cambridge).67 Among those papers is an inventory of books purchased for the company in 1623 with the number of volumes acquired and their price. Smith’s Generall Historie, containing the 1612 map of Virginia, is included that list.68

  • 69 Christian Jacob, “Toward a Cultural History of Cartography” (in Imago Mundi, 48, 1996), p. 193.

36As implied by the title of Smith’s 1624 map (“A Description of the Adventures of Cap. Smith in Virginia”), maps were descriptions too. However, they summarised, condensed and organised whatever was discussed in the textual “relation”. Aside from clarity, maps of Virginia and the East Indies permitted an immediate and holistic understanding of space. If one cast aside the textual descriptions and other verbal minutiae of the document, a map was remarkable for its function as a “mnemonic summary”, to borrow Christian Jacob’s expression.69 Though Jacob admits that the cognitive aspect of map-reading is difficult to circumscribe, it remains a useful approach to help understand company members and backers’ interest in maps. Maps drew on geographical information which was directly or indirectly collected, and then organised spatially to produce a new carto-coded vision of Virginia and the East Indies. It may not have been possible for a viewer to behold all the objects or read all the labels presented on the map at once, but the cartographic image facilitated a more global understanding of relations between locations than a textual description did. Text and map therefore served different but complementary purposes.

  • 70 I use the adjective “indigenous” as opposed to “exogenous”.

37In short, maps produced, acquired or used by company members and backers were useful to itemise, index and locate material commodities which were ready for trade (in the East Indies) or extraction (in Virginia). Geography was a key feature of company discourse and found its most effective expression in the form of maps. Yet, commercial success depended not only on the availability of resources present in the East Indies and in Virginia, but also on other actors’ willingness to deal with the British companies, be they European or indigenous.70

People to trade goods with: ethnographic sources, travel writing and maps

38The Virginia Company and the East India Company were first and foremost designed to organise and facilitate trade in distant lands. Trade predicates the existence of a counterpart to engage and exchange with. In North America and in the East Indies, the British companies were led to have dealings with indigenous as well as exogenous groups of people. The trends and inconsistencies in the representation of these groups on company maps and in the proto-ethnographic discourse surrounding those maps will be under scrutiny in this section.

39Representing indigenous otherness: stereotypes and first-hand descriptions

40Blending available cosmographic data with their envoys’ own perceptions of people living in parts of the world where the British companies thought they could make a profit, company discourse and maps reveal an interest in knowing the people they were led to deal with, willingly or not. While representations of Asian people on maps tend to put the sartorial question and its economic implications to the fore, representations of Powhatan people on company maps produced ambiguous and occasionally contradictory pictures idealising Algonquians as fabled “noble savages” or potential colonial subjects, and demonising them as barbaric creatures.

  • 71 John Howland Rowe, “Ethnography and Ethnology in the Sixteenth Century” (in Kroeber Anthropological (...)
  • 72 The Virginea Pars map was drawn between 1585 and 1593 by John White. It was most likely based on su (...)
  • 73 Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility: English Reading of American Self-Presentation in (...)

41With possibly the relative novelty of the Americas to early modern audiences in mind, John Howland Rowe notes that most of the European proto-ethnographic work of the time was about the Americas.71 More specifically, Virginia attracted much Britons’ attention. Though ethnography was not an established discipline, late 16th- and early 17th-century Britons showed an interest in creating and sharing an exhaustive record of Virginians’ appearance and lore, an interest which could be said to have been partly antiquarian and partly utilitarian (particularly in a context of colonial expansion). Indeed, human data and realistic visualisations of people were one of John White’s primary concerns. An Elizabethan artist, explorer and cartographer, but also a governor of the colony of Roanoke (a prototype for Jamestown established by the VC), John White was one of the first Britons to have closely observed and described Virginians, working closely with his fellow observer, the ethnographer and mathematician Thomas Harriot (1560-1621). Though John White’s map of Virginia, La Virginea Pars (1585-1593), lacks the ethnographic details its author was known for, an engraved reproduction could be found alongside the ethnographic drawings in Theodore de Bry’s illustrated publication of Thomas Harriot’s Brief and True Report (1588).72 Thus, however marginal to the map itself, visual representations of indigenous peoples helped later members of the established Virginia Company imagine Virginian otherness, but also influenced representational choices when it came to carve the company’s own picture of the people it hoped to trade with or submit. When early modern British observers examined Virginians, “they employed a traditional template for categorizing others” and descriptions followed a pattern which gradually zoomed in from stature to bodily ornaments.73 I would suggest that John White’s pictures provided later company map-makers with such templates for them to represent indigenous people on their cartographic documents.

  • 74 More on tobacco in Virginia in part II of this thesis.

42Indeed, a number of company maps produced after the Virginia Company received its charter also reveal a keen interest in ethnographic observation reminiscent of John White’s own work earlier in Roanoke. For example, John Smith and William Hole’s map (1612) features labels locating the neighbouring tribes such as the Pamunkeys. As most of the interactions in the Chesapeake and a majority of accounts of “Indians” of Virginia revolved around the Powhatans, the largest and most powerful group in the region, it is unsurprising that the name should be stamped across the cartographic space and that they should be given a visual group portrait in the cartouche appearing in the top left corner of the map. However indistinct the features of the people in the cartouche may be, there are aspects which helped visually identify Powhatans as foreign, such as the feathered headdress of the central individual, but also the manner of sitting and the clothing of others as well. The shading provides depth to this detailed picture of local life, a picture where the billowing smoke in the middle creates a sense of mysticism and mystery while conjuring up the specter of tobacco which would eventually prove a financial bonanza.74 To further guide the viewer, the caption suggests that the central individual is “Powhatan” whose name is in large capital letters and whom the reader may guess to be the king mentioned in the legend in the top right corner of the map (see the “kings howses”). Physical features and other signs of otherness are easier to discern with the full portrait of the individual who is said to be a member of the “Susquesahanough”, a tribe living in the vicinity of the Jamestown settlement. Presented as a “gyant-like” individual, the Susquesahanough man matched early modern British expectations about North American stature as writing of the time suggests that Indians were believed to be well-proportioned and taller than Englishmen. Besides, with a stature, proportions and features reminiscent of John White’s style, one cannot but think the drawing of the individual was inspired by earlier observations and visualisations of Virginians. With that full portrait, the map provides the viewer (merchant, investor or aspiring settler) with a picture of a handsome and seemingly amenable potential partner, one which adopts and adapts earlier and contemporary visual templates of Virginian otherness.

  • 75 A member of the “Worshipful Company of Merchant Taylors” in London, John Speed was involved in the (...)

43Of all the external signs of otherness, foreign clothing seemed to be of greatest interest to cartographers. As a visible marker of alterity, a sign of “civilisation” and a commodity in itself, Asian clothes were given a particular focus. Published in A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World in 1627 (the first atlas produced in the English language) John Speed’s maps of Asia, China, Persia and America, for example, denote a particular emphasis on the sartorial side of ethnographic description.75 The title of the map of Asia announces from the onset the significance of the human aspect of geography: “ASIA with the islands adioying described, the attire of the people, & townes of importance”. Though their titles do not explicitly point to the importance of people, the other three maps also offer a series of portraits in the margins. In order to do so, the representation of space is framed with a gallery of cartouches showcasing individuals meant to be representative of a whole group or nation. In Asia, for example, these are “A Iavan” and a “Moluccan”. The maps of China and Persia equally put rich, colourful and elaborate clothing on display. In all three cases, maps are framed with full-length portraits of men and women clothed according to local fashion. In general, their costumes are lavish and come in a variety of textures and colours. The gallery of Persians in particular shows characters striking a pose as if showing off sartorial richness and beauty. These representations were in keeping with the EIC’s growing interest in Asian cloth which became a staple merchandise of the company.

  • 76 In his letter, Edward Connock, a company factor in Persia, explained that because of “the warres be (...)
  • 77 Samuel Purchas, “A Discourse on Virginia”, Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. 19, chapter xx, p. 243.
  • 78 Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. 11, chapter x, p. 534, p. 559 and p. 501.
  • 79 See R. W. Ferrier, “An English View of Persian Trade up to 1618” (in the Journal of the Economic an (...)
  • 80 By 1613, the East India Company had sold several thousand calicoes in London, increasing its export (...)
  • 81 For more on the “Amboyna incident” and the tensions with the Dutch in Asia, see the next subsection (...)
  • 82 Speed’s map of China shows only two women for six men.
  • 83 Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility”, p. 194.

44More specifically, the EIC was interested in the fabric worn by the hooded man wearing a blue robe which shimmers like silk on the map of Persia. The “Turk” in the bottom right corner is equally richly clad with what seems to be silk cloth. The glossy red fabric and complex arabesque pattern could well have caught the eye of an aspiring silk trader looking to take advantage of the war between Turks and Persians, an opportunity put forward in a letter to the EIC in 1618 by a company factor based in Persia.76 The map’s display of silken materials and the company factor’s invitation to seize geopolitical opportunities to increase profits from the silk trade echoed the focus on silks in Samuel Purchas’ compilation of travel narratives, Purchas His Pilgrimes (originally published in 1614 but reprinted in 1619 and 1625), where the reader was told there were “Silken Countries” including Persia, China and Japan.77 In “A Treatise of China and the Adjoyning Regions” of the same book, silk is regularly mentioned, appearing in a variety of colours and forms in a part of the world where there are even “Flags of Silke” and “silken Ragges” used as writing paper.78 The East India Company and the Levant Company – with which the EIC collaborated to exploit the possibilities of a broadened silk market – had indeed set their eyes on the Persian Empire, China and Japan in the hope to find their way into the trade of silk so enticingly advertised in the margins of Speed’s maps.79 However, the realities of trade in Asia redirected company activities towards the calico markets of the Mughal Empire.80 In particular, China and Japan showed little interest in what the EIC had to offer in return. After the Amboyna incident with the Dutch in the Spice Islands, India became even more central to EIC activities and its calicoes became the new trading staple.81 Beyond the economic prospects connected to those valuable fabrics, Speed’s maps, through their description of Asian “atyre”, provide ocial hierarchy and rank to distinguish commoners from nobility. These clothes also facilitate a gendered differentiation between men and women while taking care to leave more room for male individuals who were more visible in the public space and more likely to have commercial dealings with the EIC.82 Speed’s effort to represent external class and gender markers echoes the theory that the early modern British “criterion for civility was the degree to which the Indians recognized male-female distinctions and a hereditary hierarchy and maintained these demarcations by outward signs”, as Karen Ordahl Kupperman tells us.83 Speed’s maps of Asia and their portraits of people clothed according to rank and gender therefore suggest that the British possibly deemed Asian people as “civil” as they thought themselves to be.

  • 84 More on the theatricality of cartographic displays in part III, section 2.
  • 85 William Stratchey, Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britania (ed. R. H. Major. Farnham: Ashgate, (...)

45At first glance, it may seem that North American clothing was used in a similar way. Indeed, John Speed’s America With Those Known Parts in That Unknowne Worlde Both People and Manner of Buildings resembles maps of Asia and their galleries, as the map of North America too reveals an interest in people and their clothing, with a vertical gallery of portraits showcasing local fashion. The garment of the “Peruviane”, the “Mochan” and the “Virginian”, with their feathered headdresses and less covering pieces of clothing, also identify them as foreign. The visible class and gender distinctions displayed in the portrait galleries of Speed’s maps find an echo in portrayals of Powhatans on Smith and Hole’s map of Virginia which also identifies distinctions of rank in the New World. The map discloses the meaning of the various symbols used to represent indigenous dwellings: “Kings howses” are marked by a greyed rectangle while the “ordinary howses” are symbolised by a small circle. The careful distinction between the social significance of one locale compared to another reveals a keen interest in ethnographic detail which is also manifest in a later version of the map published in 1624 and made by John Smith and Robert Vaughan, “Ould Virginia”, where Algonquian Indians feature almost more prominently than geographic representation. The sketches surrounding the map differentiate commoners from leaders who are labelled “king” and given a couple of distinctive attributes such as extra feathers for their headdress and more jewels. The particular role and status of “King Powhatan” is not exactly clear but the document does single him out by endowing him with a few recognisable attributes; these include marks inked onto his limbs, a full-fledged feather headdress on his head and what looks more like a toga than a loincloth. From Smith and Hole’s map and the “Oulde Virginia” version, it appears that the “Virginian” labelled by John Speed is meant to represent an ordinary member of society. Beyond the distinction between commoner and leader, “Oulde Virginia” also relies on clothing as a visual index of social roles and status in the Powhatan society. The central vignette represents a “coniuration about C. Smith 1607”, a scene of religious life which is placed in the central space of the cartographic document, as if to literally suggest the centrality of rituals in Powhatan society. Individuals wearing the appropriate costume are portrayed in a dynamic fashion and labelled accordingly: “A Coniurer”, “Their Idoll”, “A Priest”. The scene towers over the map of Virginia itself as if the Chesapeake were the cartographic stage on which such scenes were played out. The cartouche’s stage-like setting with its stock characters playing a “coniuration” for John Smith, who is sitting on a makeshift stool as far from the scene as possible, creates an impression of theatrical ethnography.84 The map’s reader might then be said to be placed in a spectatorial position similar to Smith’s own. As for the Powhatan clothing examined heretofore, it could be said to be a mere costume designed to identify New World characters. All these external features impressed William Strachey (1572-1621), a shareholder of the Virginia Company and eyewitness of its early activities in the Chesapeake, who expressed his delight to see “so much presentment of Civility”.85 Yet, British interpretations of North American sartorial styles in company discourse and maps were neither neutral nor particularly positive.

  • 86 Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility”, p. 201.
  • 87 Ibid, p. 200.
  • 88 George Percy, “Observations” in Philip L. Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages Under the First Char (...)

46Indeed, the sartorial question was approached differently when it came to Virginia. Significantly, portrayals of Virginians on Hole and Smith’s map or on Speed’s map of North America show them wearing fabrics which were comparatively less concealing and of less value to Britons than Asian clothing. Instead, nudity seems to characterise Virginians rather than multi-layered clothing and valuable fabrics. Though early modern maps seem to have abandoned the cannibalistic trope featuring on most medieval maps, they retained nudity as an outward sign of savagery. In the accounts of colonists sent by the Virginia Company, Indians were described as being “naked”, a word which “seemed automatically to go with the word savage” which is probably why “promoters without any experience of America used the word freely in their writing”.86 The adjective “naked”, however, when used by an early modern writer, should not be taken at face value. To Kupperman, “naked” is a “complex word, conveying a variety of levels of meaning” in the early modern lexis.87 The adjective was often used to refer to less elaborate dressing such as that of lower class Britons or Virginians in general. Kupperman’s elucidation of the semantic depth of the adjective helps account for colonist George Percy’s portrayal of Virginians as “altogether naked” though “their privities are covered with Beasts skinnes”.88 This paradoxical portrayal of Powhatan Indians is mirrored by Hole and Smith’s map of Virginia. In the top left cartouche, feathered headdress, necklaces and partial clothing help identify the “Powhatan” mentioned in the caption below. In the top right corner of the map, the full-length portrait is accompanied by the following label: “The Sasquesahanougs are a gyant-like people & thus atyred” (my emphasis). The supersized individual standing on the map has long flowing hair, a tasseled loincloth and skin clothing complete with a pelt hanging in his back, an image altogether reminiscent of George Percy’s description of Virginian dress.

  • 89 Alexander Whitaker, Good Newes from Virginia, vol. I (New York: Scholars’ Facsimiles & Reprints, 19 (...)
  • 90 Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility”, p. 195.
  • 91 Harriot’s notes for John White’s paintings, reprinted in David Beers Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, 15 (...)
  • 92 Richard Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting” in Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Corresp (...)
  • 93 Sir Thomas Roe, and William Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Thomas Roe, p. 344.

47Interpretations of indigenous “nakedness” varied and were often double-edged. On the one hand, the concept could evoke a close connection to nature and the prelapsarian world. From that perspective, sartorial simplicity – or “nakedness” – was read as a sign that indigenous people had not been graced by God and made the spectator feel a sense of postlapsarian shame, as promotional writer Alexander Whitaker did, writing in his Good Newes from Virginia that Indians were “naked slaues of the diuell”.89 Nakedness could alternatively suggest the “Americans’ vigour, simplicity, and primary virtue, contrasting that virtue with the luxurious degeneracy of England”.90 Smith’s representation was thus in keeping with earlier portrayals of Virginians from an English perspective. Such was the case when Thomas Harriot praised the “verye sober” lifestyle of Virginians who “verye longe lived because they doe not oppress nature”, a description which mirrored de Bry’s engravings after John White’s drawings in the illustrated edition of the Brief and True Report. Such a perspective on nakedness cast Virginians as embodiments of a prelapsarian ideal of virtue.91 Their manner of clothing was also a sign of close connection to nature, an idea refracted in the alternative use of the term “naturalls” to refer to indigenous people, as Hakluyt did when he wrote about the fortifications which “shall kepe the naturall people of the contrye in obedience and good order”. 92British writers occasionally called East Indians “naturals”, as Thomas Roe did in a letter to the EIC in 1616: “if it had beene fit for trade, the Naturalles would haue Chosen it”.93 On the other hand, that same “nakedness” could be interpreted as a sign of beastliness and savagery. Indeed, Smith’s portrayal of a Virginian shows animal parts merging with the person’s appearance in such a way that his otherness is reinforced by a process of subtle animalization connecting him to the wilderness. The notion that Powhatans are part of the natural landscape is equally implied by the scattering of the letters of “Powhatans” across the central area of the map, letters which blend in the natural landscape of hills, trees and four-footed animals. Thus, Smith’s map cartographically suggests that the Powhatans are not a people whose empire spreads across the company-targeted region but is merely a part of the natural landscape which the English have to contend with.

  • 94 George Percy in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 8; p. 10.
  • 95 Samuel Purchas, “A Discourse on Virginia”, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes (Cambridge: (...)
  • 96 For more on giants, conquest and early Britain, see Sylvia Huot’s Outsiders: the Humanity and Inhum (...)
  • 97 For more on the biblical inspiration of this map of the Near East drawn by William Hole to illustra (...)

48To conclude, it seems that in early modern maps, Virginians could alternatively or simultaneously be perceived as natural and unnatural. Indeed, the perception that Powhatans were animal-like people integral to the natural landscape is apparent in contemporary descriptions written by Britons who had travelled to Virginia. George Percy, for instance, described people who “will lap up mans spittle, whilst one spits in their mouthes, in a barbarous fashion like Dogges”, later commenting on the “Savages creeping upon all four, from the Hills, like Beares, with their Bowes in their mouthes” before they “retired into the Woods”.94 Virginians could also simultaneously be perceived as both “natural” and “unnatural”, as suggested by an oxymoron formulated by Samuel Purchas who once referred to Indians as “the unnaturall Naturalls”.95 The expression combines a noun (“Naturalls”) pointing to the geographical origin of the indigenous people and an adjective (“unnaturall”) suggesting inhuman behaviour. The oxymoron is given materiality on Smith’s map which labels Indians a “gyant-like people”, making the individual akin to fabled monsters. This particular monstrous parallel is reminiscent of medieval Arthurian narratives about the giants who supposedly peopled the British Isles before being alternatively eradicated or civilized – but mostly eradicated.96 In that respect, maps of Virginia containing proto-ethnographic data which animalized indigenous people did not much depart from William Hole and Walter Ralegh’s map of the Near East featuring monstrous creatures.97 All in all, the parallel did not bode well for the Indians.

49Dealing with others: partners, rivals or foes?

50In the context of the two companies’ efforts to establish commercial connections with Virginians and Asian peoples, representations of otherness on company maps were usually inconsistent, veering between an acknowledgement of their partners’ power and a desire to gain the upper hand from an economic or symbolic perspective. Confronted with Algonquian resistance and Asian power, company discourse and maps revealed an uncertainty as to whether indigenous peoples should be partners, rivals or foes.

  • 98 The so-called “Pocahontas” married John Rolfe, was forced to convert to the Christian faith and tak (...)
  • 99 David Beers Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590, p. 381.
  • 100 Robert Copland, Virginia’s God be Thanked (London: John Dawson, 1622), p. 8-9.
  • 101 Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. 19, p. 229.
  • 102 Lisa Blansett in Robert Appelbaum, and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: James (...)
  • 103 Ibid, p. 85.

51Walt Disney’s animated fiction about Captain John Smith and Pocahontas has popularised the myth of a British adventurer and a transgressive princess establishing peaceful relations between Powhatans and colonists in early Virginia. Beyond the fact that Smith and Pocahontas never married and that Pocahontas was probably a false name, relations between early British settlers and the people who already inhabited the allegedly empty Virginia were far from amenable.98 At first, British settlers did hope to find allies in Virginia. Company policy encouraged peaceful relations with indigenous peoples to develop trade and cohabit with them, but also, if possible, to live off their resources. Inspired by early accounts claiming that Virginians were ready to “honour, obey, feare and love us”, a number of promotional writers such as Robert Johnson, a member of the company, advised “patience and humanitie”.99 In a sermon to members of the London Company, Robert Copland also pleaded in favour of “Peace and Amitie” between “the English and the Natives”.100 Later, Samuel Purchas too praised the fact that “Temperance and Justice had kissed each other, and seemed to blesse the cohabitations of English and Indians in Virginia”.101 The notion that Indians were willing to cooperate with British tradesmen is suggested by the way they were represented on company maps. John White’s map entitled La Virginea Pars shows friendly Indians greeting the colonists near the rivers, providing direct access to the mountains and their riches in the hinterland. On the latest authoritative image of Virginia available to the Virginia Company, the map made by its envoy John Smith and William Hole in 1612, Virginia too is inhabited by people whose amenable intentions are signaled by their smile and peaceful pose, with their weapons unused. From tiny undiscernible figures on White’s map, Virginians have become full-fledged individuals represented in full on Smith and Hole’s map. Indeed, a supersized bowman leans on his club and holds his bow “in the manner of a sword-holding gentleman posing for a portrait”.102 The pelt dangling in his back suggests that bows are used to hunt animals rather than colonists. In a sense, the map is “aesthetically resolving the menace of the werowans who raided the settler camps” and confirms the hint on John White’s earlier Virginea Pars.103 In a similar fashion, the characters sketched in the margins of Speed’s maps also strike poses denoting cordiality, and even readiness, to trade with the map-reader to whom some characters extend their hand. Friendliness is also ascribed to peoples in Asia on Speed’s map where the “Arabian”, the “Moluccan” and the “Chinean”, with their palms facing up and their hands open, seem to be haggling with an invisible counterpart. Similarly, on Speed’s map of Persia, some of the men are armed but hold their weapons low; meanwhile, the “Contt. Woman” on the right hand side is holding what looks like two dead pheasants, as if these were offerings to the British viewer. The idea behind such representations was to promote the image of eager commercial partners in both Virginia and the Indies. However, company attitudes towards indigenous populations were ambiguous at best as people, just like Virginian land, were eventually expected to “yield” their riches.

  • 104 Richard Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting” in Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Corresp (...)
  • 105 Hakluyt, “Pamphlet for the Virginia Enterprise by Richard Hakluyt” (1585), in Eva Germaine Rimingto (...)
  • 106 Ibid, p. 329-30.
  • 107 Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625. (New York: Barnes and Noble, 19 (...)
  • 108 King James I, “A Counter-blaste to Tobacco” in The Workes of the most high and mightie prince, Jame (...)
  • 109 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia (ed. Wesley F. Craven, New York: Scholars’ Facsimiles & Repri (...)
  • 110 Susan Kingsbury, The Records of the Virginia Company, vol. 3, p. 15.
  • 111 Edward Waterhouse, A Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in Virginia. (Amsterdam: T (...)
  • 112 Susan Kingsbury (ed.), The Records of the Virginia Company, p. 672; Francis Wyatt, “Letter of Sir F (...)
  • 113 Alden T. Vaughan, “Expulsion of the Salvages’: English Policy and the Virginia Massacre of 1622” (W (...)

52In a contradictory fashion, portrayals of indigenous people could represent them as welcoming, but also as “yielding”, implying initial reluctance, if not resistance. Indeed, it was said of the Virginian soil that it “yeldeth, and may be made to yelde all the severall commodities of Europe”, but Indians too were expected to “yelde themselves” to the London company.104 In fact, most of the promotional writing advertising Virginia portrayed Indians in a negative light. In Hakluyt’s promotional writing, “trafficke” was an option but it was not necessarily incompatible with conflict as “the ends of this voyage are these: i. To plant Christian religion. 2. To trafficke. 3. To conquer. Or, to doe all three”.105 Hakluyt also suggested that the British might “in the end bring them all in subjection and to civilitie”.106 Later, the Virginia Assembly similarly put trade and conquest on the same level, as Indian corn could be “procured by trade or by the sworde”.107 As it soon became clear that Virginians did not have to offer the same kind of goods as those traded in Asia, British traders and settlers turned to alternative sources of profit. King James I himself dismissed them as “wilde, godlesse and slauish Indians” whose “barbarous and beastly manners” made them unworthy of British commercial schemes.108 Similarly, promotional writer Robert Gray wrote a sermon for the company, admonishing adventurers to beware of “unreasonable creatures” who were “brutish savages, which by reason of their godles ignorance, and blasphemous Idolatrie, are worse then those beasts which are of most wilde and savage nature”.109 Despite the dire need of food which the first settlers experienced and their reliance on indigenous peoples’ supplies, instructions given out by the Virginia Company for the expedition of 1606-1607 not only agreed with Hakluyt’s views but also gave them a geographical definition as settlers were specifically asked not the let indigenous Virginians settle between British outposts and the sea. When the Virginia Company replaced Smith, company instructions advised the new governor, Sir Thomas Gates, that it was “not crueltie nor breache of Charity to deale more sharpely with them and to proceede even to dache [death] with these murtherers of Soules”.110 After Powhatan’s attack on Jamestown in 1622, British policy towards Indians shifted towards more distrust and violence. Reports of the “treacherous violence of the Savages” led the British to consider that is was “now by right of Warre, and law of Nations” that they could “invade the Country, and destroy them who sought to destroy us”.111 After 1622, settlers were advised by the Virginia Company to “roote out” the Algonquians and proceed with the “remouall of them”, in line with Governor Francis Wyatt’s policy of “expulsion of the Salvages”.112 That being said, one should be careful not to exaggerate the role of the 1622 attack and the suddenness of the “shift” towards more aggressive policies as the change “merely reflected the profound prejudice that had clouded Indian-English contact from the beginning”.113

53While Captain Smith’s policy in Virginia never was that of a pacifist, the maps he co-authored in 1612 and 1624 do reflect a change in mood with regards to Powhatans. Though the “Oulde Virginia” map admits to Powhatan’s daughter attempting to save Smith as he was about to be executed (“Pokahontas beggs his life”), most of the vignettes surrounding Smith’s later map of Virginia suggest tense relations between Britons and Powhatans. The map is called a “description of the adventures of Cap. Smith in Virginia” but the overwhelming presence of military paraphernalia in the pictures and warlike vocabulary in the captions gives shape to a war narrative rather than “adventures”. The cooperating individual of the earlier map of Virginia is replaced by a belligerent figure. Thus, Smith is depicted “bound to a tree to be shott to death” in one of the vignettes to the left and then pictured as “they took him prisoner in the Oaze” in another. Smith is shown responding to the onslaughts as he “taketh the King of Pamavakee prisoner” and “bindeth a salvage to his arme, fighteth with the king Pamaunkee and all his company, and flew of them”. In the sketch representing Smith struggling with various “kings”, Smith is dwarfed by his mighty opponent. In the background, numerous Indians confront small groups of British colonists confined to the right-hand side of the vignette. The overall impression conveyed by the sketches is one of dynamic dramatization as scenes show people alternatively fighting to death or running for their lives. Despite the initial “triumph” of the dancing Indians, the vignettes are careful to show how ineffective their weapons and attempts at having Smith “slayne” are. In one of the scenes on the right, Smith uses his opponent’s long hair to control him and manages to overwhelm him. Smith and his opponent engage in melee but they are shown wielding range weapons: while the Algonquian bow and arrows are proven to be useless in close combat, Smith’s tiny yet potent firearm proves a game-changer which gives him a safe advantage. The effectiveness of British weapons is further demonstrated in the background where despite their numerical superiority, Indians fall dead to the British or take shelter behind a hill, a feat resulting in Smith having “subiected 39 of their kings”. These vignettes contrast sharply with the spirit of the original version of Smith’s map of Virginia and help the cartographer re-shape the history of British-Indian relations in early Virginia.

  • 114 Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion: the Far East and the English imagination, 1600– (...)
  • 115 Kirti N. Chaudhuri, “The World-System East of Longitude 20°: The European Role in Asia 1500-1750” ( (...)

5417th-century Britons may have perceived Powhatans as a real threat and occasionally acknowledged their control over Virginia but it is in the East Indies that their power was most fragile. Maps made in the context of the EIC’s activities in the East Indies reflect this difference in mood and attitude towards indigenous peoples in Asia. Commenting on the balance of power in the early modern world in “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion: the Far East and the English imagination, 1600–1720”, Robert Markley describes “England’s comparatively marginal position in the seventeenth-century world”, a position which accounted for the use of “compensatory rhetoric” mobilised by authors who feared “England’s and Europe’s marginalization within a world dominated economically by Asia”.114 Challenging the assumption that 17th-century writers in Britain automatically felt cultural and economic superiority over Asian peoples, Markley points out their awareness of the fact that the world economy was dominated by India and China, rather than by Britain. Markley’s claim is supported by Kirti N. Chaudhuri’s review of the role of British commercial activities in Asia at a time when the continent saw the rise of strong, centralised and militarised empires, ranging from the Ottomans in the Middle East to the Ming dynasty in China and the Mughals in India.115

  • 116 More on the role of Roe’s embassy in a commercial context in Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder, an (...)
  • 117 Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion”, p. 514.
  • 118 Ibid, p. 515.

55Accordingly, when he was sent by James I at the request of the EIC as an ambassador to the Mughal emperor, Thomas Roe was in no position to make demands. All he secured for the EIC was improved relations, and he failed to acquire the monopolies and exclusive protection the company sought.116 As a result, the Mughal Empire was to be neither friend nor foe. The far-reaching influence and firm grip of the Mughal Empire in India and beyond are materialised in the form of the imperial seal stamped in the top right corner of Baffin and Roe’s map of India. A symbol of authority, the dynastic seal is made up of the name of ruling emperor in the centre, surrounded by his Timurid ancestors. Roe probably took notice of the symbol when he was consulting sources available to him at court as the seal was used in a variety of official papers and orders emanating from the emperor. The seal drawn by William Baffin is a translated version of the original, faithfully replicating the symbolic lion and sun while providing an accessible English version of the texts. The geographical equivalent for that imperial symbol is territorial unity, which takes the form of mountain ranges delineating impermeable borders enclosing Jahangir’s lands. Other mapmakers showed an awareness of Asian empires’ might, ranking them alongside familiar European powers. China and Persia, for instance, were two of the “kingdoms therein contained” in the Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World and listed alongside France, Germany and Britain. Equally eager to identify those who held power and the extent to which their control spread, Speed focused on the area between the Mughal and the Ottoman empires, where “the Persians and Mauritaniãs” who “possesse a great parte of Asia” were established. Thus maps provided a holistic and comprehensive image of how power was distributed in Asia. Drawing on their knowledge of who owned what, company members could determine who they should deal with to develop trading relations in the East Indies. In one particular example, though, the EIC found neither an ally nor an enemy in an Asian country. While Japan was “too enticing a potential trading partner to be condemned outright”, there was “too rocky a history with Western merchants and missionaries [for it] to be idealized as a nation of like-minded merchants”.117 Accordingly, Speed’s map of Asia leaves “Iapan” devoid of topographical detail, unapproached by western ships and without a human representative in the margins. In that respect, Japan, a “wealthy and virtuous nation that has rejected the commercial and religious bases of European self-definition”, revealed the limitations of the British mercantilist worldview in the East.118

  • 119 Though the concept of “Oriental despotism” was not used by 17th-century writers themselves, Jonatha (...)
  • 120 Interestingly, the perception that the other was despotic was reciprocated, as Asian powers ascribe (...)
  • 121 Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire: India in the Making of Britain and America, 1600-1830, p. 38.
  • 122 For details on the shifting imperial centres, mobility and the “peripatetic” Mughal courts, see Lis (...)
  • 123 In that sense, it appears that the “monstrous races” concentrated in Asia on English medieval maps (...)

56In an attempt to compensate their position of weakness in Asia and undermine the legitimacy of those who had the upper hand, company discourse and maps also portrayed Asian powers as despotic, alchemically turning British weakness into virtue, and Mughal strength into a flaw.119 The perception that strong eastern powers were tyrannical is materialised on Speed’s map of Asia “with the islands adioyning” where a disproportionately large elephant is located somewhere along a mountain range in the western part of modern China.120 The bright red elephant could be merely decorative, but this theory is not particularly convincing: the animal is the only specimen represented on the continent. In Jonathan Eacott’s Selling Empire, we learn that the elephant symbolised wealth and power as well as cruel despotism in early modern thought.121 To further understand the connotations of such decorative features on Baffin and Roe’s map, it may be helpful to complete our understanding by looking at Roe’s experience and comments related to the area. Indeed, in his journals, Sir Thomas Roe made the customary observations of cruel despotism at the court of emperor Jahangir and chastised acts of what he deemed typical examples of violence at the hands of an eastern tyrant, but these remarks also included descriptions of tent cities which, to Roe’s eyes, pointed to the notion that Mughal wealth and power were unstable.122 Though these tent cities are not represented on the map, the low density of the urban network in Mughal India symbolically weakened the image of a land under firm control. As the Mughal Empire was not in such a position of weakness, it appears that Roe’s map somewhat distorted reality, unknowingly and prematurely anticipating the control the EIC would eventually exert over the empire two centuries later. Moreover, ensuring that Asian peoples are safely contained in a controllable space, maps such as Speed’s framed Asian people in the boxes placed on the cartographic margins.123 Thus, the maps of Asian regions by Speed, Baffin and Roe, though admitting to the superiority of Asian powers, drew on a compensatory rhetoric attempting to undermine their legitimacy and circumscribe them to the safe space of the map.

  • 124 Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage, quoted in Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire, p. 30.

57Thus, while the goal was not to challenge eastern powers, there were hopes that company activities would enable Britons to ultimately ensure that Asia “clothes us with her Silkes, feedes us with her Spices, cures us with her Drugges, adornes us with her Jewels” so that “the Easterne World might be Spectators of the Westerne Worth” despite the superiority of powers such as the Mughal and the Persian empires.124 Despite the later successes of the EIC in the following centuries, the balance of power in the East remained in favour of Eastern powers in the first quarter of the 17th century and the EIC could but fantasise control through discourse and maps.

58Exogenous populations and European rivalries

  • 125 Though separate nations, Spain and Portugal were ruled by the same sovereign until 1640.

59Patterns of interactions in Asia and the New World cannot be fitted into a binary model opposing the East and the West. Rather, there was a triangular relationship where Europeans frequently sought to seal alliances with indigenous peoples against a third European party – particularly in the East Indies. Indeed, the British were not the only Europeans whose commercial activities expanded to the New World and the Indies: the French, Spanish, Portuguese and Dutch contended for commercial control there too.125 I would suggest that company maps also reflected and negotiated the shifting balance of power among Europeans in the New World and the East Indies.

  • 126 Noel Malcolm, “Hobbes, Sandys, and the Virginia Company” (in The Historical Journal, Vol. 24, No. 2 (...)
  • 127 Hakluyt, Discourse of Western Planting, p. 217.
  • 128 Ibid, p. 217.
  • 129 Ibid, p. 217.
  • 130 Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 179 and p.120.
  • 131 Richard Wiffin, William Phettiplace and Anas Todkill in Lyon Gardiner Tyler, Narratives, p. 178.
  • 132 Ibid, p. 178.
  • 133 Though officially Catholic, France had seen its colonial activities in the New World led by Protest (...)

60Rhetorically, company writers sought to define their colonial and cartographic project as one against Catholic Iberia. Tensions with Catholic Iberia, whether official (during most of the Elizabethan reign) or officious (during most of the Jacobean era), were transferred to the international stage. Indeed, the dominant attitude among company writers towards Iberian powers was characterised by defiance against Catholics and their alleged mass proselytising activities. According to Noel Malcolm, “anti-catholicism supplies a significant common denominator of many of the members of the Virginia Company” and “Spain was their major commercial rival”.126 Such was the case for the Virginia Company in particular, whose promotional writers (the Hakluyts and Purchas), company preachers (Copland and Gray) and politicians (Sandys and Rich) shared a common anti-Catholic sentiment mobilised in the company’s inflammatory rhetoric. Hakluyt, for instance, admonished Britons to take action in the New World where “the papistes confirme themselves and drawe other to theire side, shewing that they are the true Catholicke Churche because they have bene the onely converters of many millions of Infidells of Christianitie”.127 Indeed, by bringing the “Catholicke Churche” to Americans, the Iberian were believed to have performed a “perversion” rather than a “conversion”, having “drawen them as yt were oute of Sylla into Charidbis, that is to say from one error into another”.128 At this point, it is worth noting that while Hakluyt’s words cast Catholicism as a “perversion”, his metaphor implies that it is a lesser evil if compared with being an “Infidell” outside “christendome”.129 Sometime after Hakluyt’s warnings and enticements, the “Proceedings of the English Colonies in Virginia” (1612) would echo the “relations of M. Hacklut” in an attempt to present the “plaine simple and naked truth” about the company’s activities.130 Complaining about the Spanish, Richard Wiffin, William Phettiplace and Anas Todkill expressed the belief that if Spain had chanced upon a land “as Salvage, as barbarous, as ill-peopled, as little planted laboured and manured, as Virginia”, then they would “have produced as small profit as ours”, perhaps from both an earthly and a spiritual perspective.131 Moreover, they deemed they had wasted a golden opportunity with substandard morals and mismanagement, writing that “what the Spaniard got was only the spoile and pillage of those countries people, and not the labour of their own hands”.132 Hence, frustration with Catholic Spain overseas was strengthened by the perception of their success and profit. To put a check on Catholic Iberia, company writers and members sought to lay hands on their own piece of North America.133

  • 134 For more on French activities and geography in North America, see Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Re (...)

61Maps anticipated or reflected those endeavours. For example, produced the same year the EIC was chartered and at a time when the Virginia project was already enjoying active support in London, the map of North America made by the English cartographer Gabriel Tatton and the engraver Benjamin Wright testifies to the Iberian grasp on America, where there are such regions as “Nova Hispania” and “Nova Granada” six years before the Virginia Company sent their first ships to the Chesapeake. The zone of interest delineated by the two English authors includes the coastal area which lies between the territory appropriated by the French in a northerly direction and the vast swathes of land under Spanish rule in a southerly direction, the most threatening of the two possibly being the latter.134 Indeed, the Iberian presence, marked by a network of scattered settlements across the map and by the intimidating coat of arms of Castile and Leòn, meant the British had to forego most of the Americas. Over two decades later, when John Speed drew his own map of North America, the cartographic void left north of “Nova Hispania” had been filled with a “Newe Brittaine” and a “Newe England”. Thus, British maps of North America provided visual proof that Britons partook in the exploration and appropriation of parts of a continent long dominated by the Iberian powers. Thus, maps showing the role and place of the Virginia project in context present the activities and progress of the Virginia Company comparatively to Spanish activities in the New World.

  • 135 On the origins of the EIC, the role of European rivalry at the start and the need for the English t (...)
  • 136 James Lancaster, for example, a former trader in Portugal, tradesmen and privateer, was commissione (...)
  • 137 On the realisation that cloth could be used by the company, see Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the (...)
  • 138 Thomas Roe, The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 349.
  • 139 The Indian city of Goa was invaded in 1510 by the Portuguese whose colonial rule lasted for over fo (...)
  • 140 Rogério Miguel Puga’s The British Presence in Macau, 1635-1793 (transl. Monica Andrade. Hong Kong: (...)

62The cartographic approach to the Luso-British rivalry in the East Indies was different. Despite the significant Portuguese presence in that part of the world, and though commercial competition with the Portuguese had been a key argument in favour of the creation of the EIC (particularly because in 1585 the English were excluded from the Lisbon trade where Europeans obtained East Indian spices), the Portuguese were left out of the cartographic equation.135 Taking advantage of their strong bases in Hormuz, Goa and Malacca, but also of their control over key channels leading to the Spice Islands, the Portuguese were the European nation who had the best access to Southeast Asian cloves, pepper and cinnamon. This exclusion from a key European spice market meant that English entrepreneurs had to find their own way to those spices. Before the Treaty of London marked the end of the war with Spain in 1604, British captains employed by the EIC sometimes simply seized Portuguese ships sailing in the Indian Ocean.136 Though neither condoned by the crown nor planned by the company, those early captures proved a turning point in company policy as it made the British realise how valuable a trading commodity Asian cloth was.137 However, there is no trace of these unofficial privateering ventures targeting Portuguese ships on the maps. Further erasing Portuguese presence in South Asia, Portuguese-held harbours and cities are swept off the map of the Mughal Empire by Baffin and Roe. Though Sir Thomas Roe showed some concern with regards to Portuguese activities in India and the Spice Islands, warning the EIC that a particular port is “traded by the Portugalles from Pegu with rubyes, topasss and Saphiers”, such a port does not feature on the map.138 Instead, the map represents and locates port cities open to the EIC such as “Suratt” which is strategically located on the mouth of a river, thereby opening the way to inland capitals and riches. Fortunately for the EIC, the company could enjoy the Mughal emperor’s support in Surat. Indeed, the emperor perceived that he could use the ships and arsenal of the British EIC as a shield against the Portuguese-held Goa, especially after the Portuguese seized a merchant ship from Surat in 1613.139 From the beginning of the 17th century onwards, because of the growing influence of the EIC in India and of the VOC east of Malacca, Portugal was defied “at the very heart of her empire” and had to share control over the Asian trade and the spice market.140 Portuguese struggle in the face of competition with the EIC and the VOC translated into cartographic obliteration on British maps.

  • 141 For more on the rhetorical fallacy of confessional affinity to cement alliances, and the intricacie (...)
  • 142 Quoted in Chaudhuri, Kirti N. The English East India Company: The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Com (...)
  • 143 For more on this collaboration, see Peter Barber (ed.), The Map Book (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholso (...)

63Interestingly, the religious strain initially present in company rhetoric is absent from those maps, which goes to show that confessional alignments could not account for everything in terms of company policies and decisions with regards to European competitors: the argument of religious affinities as a basis for cooperation was inconsistently used.141 Initially, there seemed to be room for confessional-based collaboration between the Dutch and the British against a common Catholic rival in the Indies. At first, the Dutch were presented as a model, with the EIC wishing “with no less affection to advance the trade of their native country than the Dutch merchants were to benefit their Commonwealth”.142 In the following two decades, collaboration with the Dutch occurred. In 1621, for instance, the British and the Dutch joined their forces and formed a “Defence Fleet” against the Catholic Iberians who had settled for the Philippines and Manila. Military cooperation came along with a unique example of Anglo-Dutch collaboration in the field of cartography as the 1621 map of the Celebes and Java was probably drafted jointly on board one of the ships of the fleet.143 Nevertheless, though predominantly Protestant too, the Dutch were no allies of the British when it came to overseas trade.

64In fact, “for all their common struggles in Europe, the English and the Dutch were hardly automatic allies when far from home, as Alison Games points out.144 In fact, commercial rivalry between the British and the Dutch came to pit Protestants against Protestants. The EIC was specifically faced with a rival company in 1602 when the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, or VOC) was founded to organise Dutch trade with the Mughal Empire. The VOC proved a formidable obstacle to British ambitions in the Indies. The same year the British and the Dutch joined forces with their “Defence Fleet”, however, the Dutch resumed their efforts to exclude the British from the profitable Spice Islands, establishing a monopoly on nutmeg and mace in Banda for example. Tensions eventually culminated with the so-called “Amboyna massacre” which took place in the Indies in 1623 and “became a legendary and long-cherished grievance against the Dutch”.145 Those tensions, whether armed or commercial, point to the notion that shared Protestantism gradually became insufficient to cement alliances in the race for profit in Asia. Given the upper-hand of the Dutch in the Anglo-Dutch competition for commercial control in the East Indies, it is unsurprising that the British should take their presence into account on their maps of the area. With a focus on the appealing “Spice Islands”, the anonymous Insulae Indicae produced the same year the East India Company was chartered, names the island south of the archipelago “Nova Hollandia” while taking care not to saturate the most lucrative islands (Borneo and Celebes) and the Dutch-held Java with toponyms conjuring up the presence of the Dutch.146

  • 147 Benjamin Schmidt, “Mapping an Empire: Cartographic and Colonial Rivalry in Seventeenth-Century Dutc (...)
  • 148 Peter Barber, in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, p. 1615.
  • 149 Dudley Carleton to the Lords of the Council, Feb. 5, 1621, in Edmund Bailey O’Callaghan, Berthold F (...)
  • 150 Benjamin Schmidt, “Mapping an Empire: Cartographic and Colonial Rivalry in Seventeenth-Century Dutc (...)

65Cartographically, however, the Dutch could not be completely swept aside. Indeed, the Dutch dominated the European scene, their cartographic production being such that they could easily “outmap the English”, to borrow Benjamin Schmidt’s expression.147 English cartographers, and more specifically those who devised maps of territories of interest to the VC and the EIC, were painfully aware of their indebtedness to Dutch cartography. John Speed himself acknowledges the Dutch source for his map of Asia where a whale is “Scultpum apud Abrahamum Goos” (modelled after Abraham Goos’). Similar structural features and toponymic choices also suggest that his map of Persia was probably inspired by Ortelius’ own map of Persia drawn in 1601. Aside from the four maps under study, Speed’s Prospect also included printed maps plainly copied from the likes of Ortelius and Blaeu who were leading cartographers of the Dutch “Golden Age”. Furthermore, his atlas in the English language only came fifty years after Ortelius and Mercator’s own. Acknowledgement of the Dutch influence is also evident in the very title of his Theatre of Great Britain (1611) which is modelled on Ortelius’ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570). Though British companies could be said to have “anticipated the large-scale cartographic activity and patronage of the Dutch East India Company”, Dutch company maps remained qualitatively and quantitatively superior to British production from the same period.148 There was, however, a need for British companies to counteract Dutch maps, as Sir Dudley Carlton, ambassador to The Hague, recommended to the Privy Council in 1621, warning that the Dutch had “given new names to the severall portes appertaining to that part of the countrie” which the British called Virginia.149 Thus, the updated and anglicised versions of Dutch maps helped the British companies compete with the Dutch, at least in the cartographic space.150

66Overall, company maps reflected and shaped contemporary feelings towards potential foreign trade partners, be they indigenous or exogenous. Such sentiments were partly determined by early modern biases and inspired by early accounts, while accommodating the specific commercial needs of the companies. The maps thus mixed a wide array of occasionally contradictory feelings, ranging from admiration for the strong states of Asia to delight in the alleged warm welcome from the Algonquians. The paradoxes and ambiguities of British perceptions of others in the context of overseas commercial activities could be resolved, if not verbally and discursively, by the cartographic ornament.

The ornament as argument

  • 151 John Brian Harley, “Deconstructing the Map” (in Cartographica 26/2, 1989), p. 8; p. 2.

67In the wake of John Brian Harley’s pioneering work in the field of historical cartography, scholars have looked for meaning beyond the misleading concepts of “true” versus “false”, or “accurate” versus “inaccurate” traditionally used to examine and categorise early maps. Harley’s approach to maps was a demystifying one which invited to go “beyond the assessment of geometric accuracy, beyond the fixing of location, and beyond the recognition of topographical patterns and geographies” and to search for the “social forces that have structured cartography”.151 The aim of this section is to shed light on some of the “invisible” formal features of early maps and to put decorative marginalia back to the centre of our attention in the specific case of company maps.

68Integrating form, content and message

  • 152 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: Mapping the Art of Travel and Exploration” (in the Journal of Histori (...)
  • 153 See entries 1 and 7 for “art” in the Oxford English Dictionary.
  • 154 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: Mapping the Art of Travel and Exploration”, p. 7.
  • 155 For more on the textual quality of maps, see John Brian Harley, “Deconstructing the map” (in Cartog (...)
  • 156 Erwin Panofsky, Meaning in the Visual Arts (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955; 1982).
  • 157 Ibid, p. 26.
  • 158 Ibid, p. 31.

69Maps are visual artefacts documenting contemporary perceptions of the world which “offer the most obvious site of congruence or collision between the languages of art history and historical geography”.152 To a degree, early modern cartography reconciled two meanings of the term “art” as its performance usually required both artistic invention and artful science.153 Maps’ blurring of traditional distinctions between art and science calls for caution when dealing with “seemingly innocuous landscape views”.154 Visual and decorative features are often overlooked and invisible to the viewer’s eye which focuses on the geographical information mapped out. Most of the maps of the corpus used in this thesis are richly decorated and colourful, adorned with decorative cartouches, frames and flying scrolls complete with elaborate typography. Even Robert Tindall’s less decorated map of Virginia has ornamental margins where golden and greenish hues are entwined in a complex flowery motif breaking with the apparent stylistic sobriety of the chart itself. Those maps were obviously more than mere decorative pieces and functioned as systems of interdependent signs, thereby integrating form, content and message. In that respect, ornamental aspects cannot be discarded as mere decorations which passively embellished the document. They were signs functioning diacritically in the map-system just as much as other features. As such, they are part of the carto-coded language of the cartographic text.155 Drawing on art historian Erwin Panofsky’s seminal Meaning in the Visual Arts, Harley recognised this congruence of art and geography which defines early cartography, and sought to examine the possible meanings of seemingly purely formal aspects of maps.156 The book exposed a theory of hermeneutical archaeology which can be applied to mapping practices and artefacts. Panofsky’s theory establishes three different levels of interpretation in art to account for the viewer’s “overstepping the limits of purely formal perception”.157 First, what he calls the “natural subject matter”, consists of “pure forms” calling for a “pre-iconographical” analysis. Then, the “conventional” subject matter, with its interpretations of personifications and conventional themes, corresponds to the “iconographical” level. The last step is determined by the notion that what we see is evidence for something else, inviting the viewer to uncover the “underlying principles which reveal the basic attitude of a nation, a period, a class, a religious or philosophical persuasion” which constitute the “iconological” level of analysis.158

  • 159 Catherine Delano Smith, “Cartographic Signs on European maps and their Explanation before 1700” (in (...)
  • 160 More on early modern efforts at standardising cartographic symbols in the chapter “The Character of (...)
  • 161 Catherine Delano Smith, “Cartographic Signs on European Maps and their Explanation before 1700”, p. (...)

70Re-mobilising Panofsky’s levels of meaning in art, Harley applied this interpretive theory to cartographic sources. For him, cartographic “natural” subject matters include lines and shapes mimetically representing mountain ranges, trees or rivers. “Conventional” subject matters on the map could take the form of sugar loaves which symbolised hills such as those depicted on Smith’s maps of Virginia. The quantity of such “conventional” signs grew during the early modern period as maps relied on “increasingly abstract cartographic signs”, as Catherine Delano Smith points out in her article on early modern cartographic signs on European maps.159 The late 16th century and early 17th century were a time when renowned cartographers such as John Norden (1546-1625) began establishing special icons for markets and villages for example, those urban settlements being more and more frequently symbolised by a tiny house with a circle around a dot marked on the main door.160 Cartographic symbols in general had been in use long before the Renaissance but they still lacked standardisation. It is then that cartographers began “[directing] attention to the definition of their map signs”.161 When conventional signs were too abstract and opaque, the mapmaker could need to communicate keys for the viewer to decipher them. Different ways of providing such explanations included labelling natural features, writing textual explanations in a part of the map or framing space with decorative rolls. On his map of Virginia, John Smith provides tools to read the more opaque cartographic symbols he used by giving a verbal explanation for them. He sheds light on the “Signification of these markes”, explaining that “Kings howses” are marked by a greyed rectangle while “Ordinary howses” are symbolised by a small circle. As for the Maltese crosses, we are told that they represent the limits of the world known to the British colonists at this stage. These crosses and their explanation outline boundaries which are loosely defined. In that respect, they counteract the enclosing and limiting effects emanating from the framing of the map itself. In other words, the frame of the map suggests that Virginia ends where the map stops, but the disconnected series of crosses marking boundaries leaves room for an expansion of those porous limits. As companies led and encouraged expansion in uncharted territory, cartographers had to devise new systems of imagery to depict the formerly unknown.

  • 162 John Pickles, Writing Worlds: Discourse, Text and Metaphor in the Representation of Landscape (ed. (...)
  • 163 G. N. G. Clarke, “Taking Possession: The Cartouche as Cultural text in Eighteenth Century American (...)
  • 164 John Brian Harley, “Deconstructing the Map”, p. 1-20.
  • 165 John Brian Harley in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map-Making 1500 – 1650 (London: The British Library (...)
  • 166 For a review of Surat in the 17th century, see Balkrishna Govind Gokhale’s Surat in the Seventeenth (...)
  • 167 A trading factory was a kind of local warehouse used by early modern European companies when they t (...)

71Thus, the application of art theory to cartography encourages the deciphering of seemingly insignificant formal features. Interest in the ways form gives shape to contents stems from the notion that a map is a “purposive cultural object with reasons behind its construction and values associated with its reading. To suggest otherwise is to fail to see its status as a made object”.162 Indeed, a map is a cultural object which refracts “a series of ideological assumptions as to the way the land is viewed”.163 Panofsky’s theory of iconology (the third level of visual analysis) and Harley’s plea in favour of “deconstructing” the map encourage the map-viewer to look beyond the size and colour of the cartographic objects, the lettering and other seemingly value-free elements of the map.164 Although the mapmaker’s vision and the map-user’s interpretation remain invisible to us, iconological meaning can be deduced from what we know of the map’s context and can retrieve from para-cartographic data (cartographer’s letters, company books, etc.). Examples of cultural meaning derived from aesthetic choices include the classical style used to represent indigenous people on the margins of Smith’s and Speed’s maps. Greek-looking figures and traits not only mirrored “the well-known Renaissance enthusiasm for the civilisation of the classical world”, but also created a likeness between images of familiar European people and those of estranged indigenous people whom the companies wished to deal with.165 Size too could also refract cultural perceptions. For instance, the size of the Native Americans on Smith’s map of Virginia, being comparable to that of the animals and trees, suggests that the indigenous people are part of the natural landscape they feature in. On the same map, the sense of their inconsequential passivity is strengthened by the peaceful pose adopted by Powhatan and his people. Similarly, the elaborate calligraphic meandering which characterises the lettering of some words (“Monacans” for example) makes the words and people associated to them merge with the landscape seamlessly. Thus relegated to the rank of static decorative elements on the map, Virginians differed from the more aggressive and dynamic versions of themselves on Smith’s later map whose formal aspects reflected the 1622 change in company policy with regards to relations with indigenous peoples in the New World. The often disregarded typographic styles and other invisible decorative elements conveyed specific meanings on maps of the East Indies too. On Baffin and Roe’s map of the Mughal Empire, “Suratt” (Surat) is symbolised by an agglomeration of houses and high towers huddled together, possibly in an effort to compensate the “moderate size” of a port-city of great commercial interest to the EIC.166 When the map was drawn in 1619, the East India Company had been focusing on trade in Surat and established a factory there seven years earlier.167 This was the company’s very first factory in the East Indies and it was envisaged as a pivotal location connecting easternmost Asia with Persia with hopes of accessing the riches of the Gujarat region and the Indian hinterland.

  • 168 John Brian Harley in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map-Making 1500 – 1650, p. 32.

72In those examples, as in Speed’s portrait-flanked maps, decorative figures represented tangible visualisations which helped claiming the authenticity of proto-ethnographic observation and colonial experience. The way natural features themselves were drawn also reflected contemporary mind sets and assumptions. In “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography”, Harley shows that sugar loaves representing hills “reflect an attitude in Elizabethan England to part of the natural world: their apparently careless delineation connotes a set of values rather than a purely technical backwardness”.168 This is also true of Jacobean company maps where similar sugar loaves stand for hills on Speed’s maps of Asia and Smith’s maps of Virginia. As there was no demand for precision in relief description, these maps did not need to provide an exact rendering of what the hills looked like and how they featured in the landscape. There are even more inconspicuous artistic choices which point to possible auctorial assumptions. For instance, the variety of hills, mountains and trees featuring on the maps by Speed, Smith, Tatton and Wright, and Roe, are shaded as if the sun were rising in the east. Literally, the shading gives a sense of depth creating a lively three-dimensional picture supported by complementary elements of dynamism on a verbal level for example. The preposition “to” and the noun “discovery” denote movement in the label associated to the supersized individual on Smith’s map for example. Dynamism and movement were to be defining features of overseas commercial venture requiring an adventuresome and risk-taking spirit. Metaphorically, the shading choices could suggest that the sun of British commercial success was rising on Virginia and the Indies.

73Visual cornucopiae and (is)lands of plenty

  • 169 Ibid, p. 36.
  • 170 Alessandro Scafi, “Mapping Eden: Cartographies of the Earthly Paradise” in Denis Cosgrove (ed.), Ma (...)

74When studying decorated maps displaying artistic qualities, one should take care not to rely on the “notion that decoration is a marginal exercise in aesthetics” but to examine the ways in which decoration “lent ideological support” to the cartographic representation.169 The ideology which prevailed among company members, leaders and backers was moulded in the mercantile crucible of early modern economic thought. Companies were designed to either trade British goods for foreign produce, or else to find a “commodity” which might be sold back home for a handsome price. In the first subpart on this chapter (I. A.), I have suggested that company maps served as shop windows showcasing marketable goods. Here, I would add that the ornamental elements of the maps reinforced the case for material wealth in the New World and the Indies. Though “the decline of the mappaemundi brought about the decline and fall of the Garden of Eden from maps of the world”, cartographic earthly paradises were recast as aestheticized representations of Virginia and the Indies.170 Instead of a holy garden, company maps offered a kitchen garden in the west and a spice rack in the east, both of which being expected to yield earthly profits.

  • 171 John Smith, A Map of Virginia (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1973), p. 10; George Percy in Ty (...)
  • 172 Peter Barber, The Map Book (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 2005), p. 144.
  • 173 Martin Brückner, The Social Life of Maps in America, 1750-1860 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of Nort (...)
  • 174 James Horn, “The Conquest of Eden” in Robert Appelbaum, and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an (...)
  • 175 Gabriel Archer in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, p. 101.
  • 176 For more on the dynamism of allegorical images, see Eléonore Reverzy, « Le fruit caché. L’allégorie (...)

75In Virginia, the London Company’s envoys were impressed by the abundance of edible flora and fauna. John Smith commented on the “many excellent vegitables and living Creatures”, George Percy on the “great store of Fresh-fish” and “sundry fruits” while Gabriel Archer extolled the “goodliest Woods” and “great plenty of fish of all kindes”.171 In those verbal accounts, material abundance is expressed in two different ways: lexically, there are meadows, trees, fish, oysters and crabs. Grammatically and lexically, these detailed descriptions denote quantity (“great plenty of”, “great store of”, “sundry”, “many”) and quality (“excellent”, “great”, “goodliest”). I would argue that this strategy was applied to the cartographic medium as it “lexically” provided the trees, fish and pearls by adding realistic sketches on the map while its “grammar” obliquely strengthened the sense of profusion and quality. For example, the fruit hanging from the cartouches of Tatton and Wright’s map of Virginia (1600), just like the shells, leaves and flower decorating the title cartouche on the anonymous “Insulae Indicae” (1600), embellished the map with patterns “reminiscent of Jacobean embroidery”.172 Decorative margins, Martin Brückner observes, could easily be customised by the mapmaker who was free to recycle and appropriate visual tropes to serve his own agenda.173 The leaves, fruit and flowers, for example, were traditional images symbolising wealth in the arts and could be more abundantly found in representations of the Ancient cornucopia overflowing with natural commodities. The traditionally Mediterranean goods visualised in the Ancient cornucopias could also be viewed as replacements for the wine, olive, fruit and oil Britain struggled to acquire after Spain disrupted England’s trade with Southern Europe. London merchants were therefore “keen to promote colonies that would produce commodities traditionally imported from southern Europe”, rejoicing that the Virginian climate was similar to the Mediterranean so that south-European staples might be acquired in the Chesapeake.174 Gabriel Archer, for example, suggested the British could “by our industry and plantacion of commodious marchandize make oyle wynes soapes ashes”.175 Such symbols were widespread in the visual arts and would have been recognised for what they stood for by almost anyone. The allegorical cornucopia on the cartographic margins thus appealed to common references and shared knowledge, calling for a “cynegetic” reading of a map which had the viewer engage his senses and sense of business.176 Gentlemen viewing the maps might have been persuaded by the implicit message of abundance conveyed by the marginalia.

  • 177 Jess Edwards, “Between “Plain Wilderness” and “Goodly Corn Fields”: Representing Land Use in Early (...)
  • 178 John Brian Harley in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map-Making 1500 – 1650, p. 37.
  • 179 Richard Hakluyt, “Instructions by Richard Hakluyt”, in Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Corr (...)
  • 180 Sir Thomas Roe, in William Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 403; p. 345.

76In Virginia, company policy “[flickered] rather earlier between goodly corn fields and plain wilderness” conjured up in promotional literature and maps.177 Maps’ decorative flora, fauna and people helped resolve that dilemma by linking “the concrete and the abstract which are never far apart in maps” and suggesting wealth, rather than showing it.178 Exploiting the suggestive power of the map’s ornaments, mapmakers could also evoke goods and riches by representing ships which decorated the seas on most of the maps under study. Indeed, Hakluyt’s commodities were probably safely stowed away in the ships’ hulls. In fact, contemporary accounts of ships’ valuable cargoes encouraged such an interpretation. Richard Hakluyt himself suggested that maps “full of shippes of all sorts” were designed “to make the more shew of your great trade and trafficke in trade of merchandize”.179 Similarly, Thomas Roe, for example, informed the East India Company that Dutch ships had “come from the Southward with Spices and China Silkes” while Portuguese ships were laden with “Indico and Cloth”.180 Such ships are represented on most of the maps studied in this thesis. John White’s Virginea Pars shows ships of varying sizes arriving from the south and sailing northwards to the Chesapeake Bay. They are carefully delineated, with their wooden hulls inked in brown and their sails shadowed with grey to render a dynamic visualisation. The closer they are to the bottom side of the frame, the larger they are, as if to create an optical illusion placing the viewer from a southern perspective looking upward to Virginian shores. The ships all seem to be sailing towards the port at Jamestown, which reflects the promoters’ vision of Jamestown as a future commercial hub where gold and goods would circulate to and from England. Ships are also a prominent visual feature on the anonymous “Insulae Indicae”, particularly so because there are few other decorative elements on the map. There, ships seem to be closing in on the Spice Islands where the British and the Dutch EICs competed for control over produce. Speed’s map of China also represents a number of ships sailing to and from trading port cities – Macao and “Quinzay”. These bird’s-eye views of key trading harbours are not mere illustrations of geographical data on urban settlements, they denote wealth and appeal to the prospecting merchant’s yearn to acquire foreign riches.

  • 181 Martin Brückner, The Social Life of Maps in America, 1750-1860 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of Nort (...)
  • 182 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World: The Geographical Imagination in the Age of Discov (...)
  • 183 Ladan Niayesh, “From Myth to Appropriation: English Discourses on the Strait of Anian (1566-1628)” (...)
  • 184 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 113.
  • 185 Christian Jacob, “Toward a Cultural History of Cartography” (in Imago Mundi, 48, 1996), pp. 191-198
  • 186 Ibid, p. 192.

77The flowery motifs, ships and cornucopias were altogether mimetic images of what the cartographer sought to represent as metaphors of wealth, thereby juxtaposing realistic materiality and allegorical abstraction. In a way, the allegorical insets provided keys to decipher other pictures and symbols across the map and on its margins. Some of the images on the maps “created a visual compound strong enough to let paratextual illustrations overwhelm the actual map text”.181 This could be said of the portrait galleries on Speed’s maps and of the scenes on Vaughan and Smith’s map. Similarly, the slightly cursive and elegant letters spelling out “The Arabian and Indian Sea”, stretched across the southernmost sea of Speed’s map of Persia helped fill a cartographic void. In the same way, the old Roman lettering used for “California” compensates for the lack of geographical details in that area of Tatton and Wright’s map. These large verbal inscriptions masked cartographic gaps to achieve what Frank Lestringant called “graphic plenitude” and suggest abundance in oblique ways.182 In her contribution to Frédéric Regard’s Quest for the Northwest Passage, 1576-1806, Ladan Niayesh observes that large prints filled the gaps in an attempt to address the cartographic “horror vacui”.183 Those aesthetic features not only compensated for cartographers’ “horror of the void” but also ensured the viewer would not be tempted to read Virginia and the Indies as lands empty of all riches.184 Baffin and Roe’s “INDOSTAN” takes typographical ornamentation even further as the letters are incised with alternatively hollow and bulging decorations as if the letters were individually carved in ivory set with pearls. Because they sought to highlight those decorative elements suggesting abundance and success, company-maps could be said to be both “transparent” and “opaque”. In his article “Toward a Cultural History of Cartography”, Christian Jacob defines “transparent maps” as mere devices where the cartographic medium is meant to vanish behind the geographical contents it displays.185 Most modern satellite images of the earth would fall into that particular category. “Opaque maps”, on the contrary, draw attention to the material object itself as well as to its “graphic, aesthetic and structural” features, focusing on the signifier rather than the signified to use Saussurean terminology.186 Company maps, it seems, combined features from both categories as the cartographic medium could alternatively disappear behind the advertising message or draw attention to the artistry itself.

  • 187 Jess Edwards, “Between “Plain Wilderness” and “Goodly Corn Fields”: Representing Land Use in Early (...)
  • 188 Edward Lynam, The Mapmaker’s Art: Essays on the History of Maps (London: The Batchworth Press, 1953 (...)
  • 189 Martin Brückner, The Social life of maps in America, 1750-1860, p. 207.
  • 190 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance.
  • 191 The smaller the scale, the more global the image of the world.
  • 192 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 32.
  • 193 Ibid, p. 35.

78With all their natural riches – whether sketched on the map or suggested in the ornamental margins – Virginia was perceived as “full of an undisciplined and frameless content” rather than mere emptiness to the British.187. Company envoys probably perceived the Indies to be in a similar state of disorderly abundance as the maps and their accumulation of natural resources, crafted goods, ships, flowers and people, would suggest. The overall impression is that of an “artistic jungle”.188 Yet, a map’s internal composition “follows aesthetic rather than cartographic principles of legibility and knowledge”, therefore creating an image which places those goods in a pleasing and reassuring cosmographical order unlike the dreary lists of marketable items.189 This connection between cartography, aesthetics and order is explored by Frank Lestringant in Mapping the Renaissance. Using etymology as a starting point, he points out the morphological and conceptual affinity of the words “cosmetic” and “cosmography”.190 Both words derive from the Greek kosmos (κόσμος) which alternatively translates as order, ornament or universe. The world is not just knowable space but also a spectacle, hence the small scale used for most of the maps of the corpus.191 Additionally, both “cosmetics and cosmography proceed from the same divine principle of variety” as they “weave into a single fabric the threads of heterogeneous discourse” as if following a mannerist aesthetic of unified variety.192 In a sense, the map visually ordered the miscellaneous and aesthetically made atomistic components such as trees, individuals and animals cohere. As a result, the cartographic kosmos, being simultaneously cosmetic and cosmographical, reconciled the “global and instantaneous vision” with “indefinite dispersion”.193 The medieval aesthetic principle of varietas (variety) was a useful one to mobilise when shaping images of lands abounding in sundry commodities advertised in promotional works. The wider the range of resources, the greater the chances of making a profit. The more orderly those resources, the greater the chances of persuading to invest in company activities.

  • 194 Martin Brückner, The Social life of maps in America, p. 204.
  • 195 Ibid, p. 204.
  • 196 Christian Jacob, “Toward a Cultural History of Cartography”, p. 193.
  • 197 Cormack, ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours”: Geography as Self-Definition in Early Modern England” (...)

79In The Social Life of Maps in America, Martin Brückner corroborates Lestringant’s theory, arguing that “macrographic” elements such as bold letters, decorative cartouches and pictorial inserts served the “visual integrity of wall maps”.194 Examples of such macrographic elements can be found on Baffin and Roe’s map of the Mughal Empire, on Tatton and Wright’s map of North America, and also on Vaughan and Smith’s “Oulde Map of Virginia”. There, large letters and ornamented frames helped create a sense of visual harmony ensuring all the different elements were firmly tied together on a map which could be a “collage-like media platform uniting drastically different modes of representation”.195 Speed’s maps framed with portraits as well as Vaughan and Smith’s map accompanied by pictorial scenes are two such examples of “collage-like” maps which might have needed some visual harmonising. Highly aestheticized images of resources could more effectively communicate to the map-viewer a sense of material wealth. Christian Jacob warns against the misleading assumption that quantitative displays of data on a map were necessarily more persuasive than examples of stylised sketches and symbolical geography such as the medieval T-O maps. Aestheticised cosmographies provided a more legible and compact map which could “make the invisible visible” through style and ornament. 196Thanks to its harmonious aesthetic composition, the map made geographical facts become “amalgamated into a world view that was greater than the sum of its parts”, helping the perception of the map as a “Gestalt” or self-fashioning tool.197

  • 198 David Buisseret, Monarchs, Ministers and Maps (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. (...)
  • 199 Ibid, p. 43.

80Not only was cartographic ornament charged with meaning, but the cartographic medium was weaponised as an appealing aesthetic object in itself. In his contribution to David Buisseret’s Monarchs, Ministers and Maps, Peter Barber comments on the way regal symbols were “swamped by arms and illustrations designed to appeal to the antiquarian interests and local pride of the merchants, squires and noble lords on whose purchasing power the commercial success of Speed’s venture depended”.198 The decorative elements of the cartographic document therefore contributed to an overall picture serving a specific ornamental function. The map was not only meant to inform, but also to generate aesthetic pleasure so as to appeal to the viewer’s senses, in the ultimate hope to persuade that overseas ventures were worth backing. This aesthetic value of early modern maps was perceived by company sponsors such as James I himself. Indeed, copies of maps were destined to be on display in the very halls of power. In the Privy Gallery, where courtiers, foreign envoys and petitioners to the king strolled, maps were displayed alongside paintings, and “despite its charm and artistry”, the display “was every bit as much a part of the infrastructure of state power as the law courts or the coastal forts”.199 By virtue of its ornamental, pedagogical and political value then, the map combined the two aspects of the Latin precept of “placere et docere” (to please and to teach).

81The art of science: asserting the superiority of a particular worldview

  • 200 Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 212.
  • 201 Gerald Roe Crone, Maps and their Makers: an Introduction to the History of Cartography (London: Hut (...)

82The very practice of mapping is built on the premise that the world can be objectively known and modelised truthfully by using scientific techniques guaranteeing readability, reliability and precision. A modern reader will certainly be familiar with modern Western maps which “rely on legends, directional indicators, metadata statements, geographic coordinate systems, and other paramap elements to extend their geographic arguments”.200 On the western early modern map too, indication of scale, wind-roses, projection choices and abstract symbols structured the cartographic image as a scientific one. In his book Maps and their Makers: an Introduction to the History of Cartography, Gerald Roe Crone acknowledges early modern Britons’ efforts to make cartography more scientific, but discards the entirety of 17th century British mappings which he deemed “definitely behind that of other nations” and therefore not worth discussing in his book.201 In the remainder of this subsection, I would like to do otherwise and examine the ways in which late 16th and early 17th century writers and cosmographers used the scientific argument.

  • 202 Kathleen Biddick, chapter 12, ““The ABC of Ptolemy: Mapping the World with the Alphabet”, in Gilles (...)
  • 203 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in (...)
  • 204 Chorography (from the Greek “choros” which means “part” or “region”) provided descriptions or visua (...)
  • 205 Lesley Cormack in Godlewska and Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 19.

83In addition to the more obviously aesthetic ornaments discussed heretofore, there were parts of the map accompanying the graphic representation of space which combined aesthetics with science, thereby creating some kind of “scientific aesthetic”. Breaking with the stylised T-O map of the Middle Ages, early modern cartographers opted for “purportedly rational and "modern" Ptolemaic cartographic practices, which became dominant in Western Europe” and which were “notable for locating and representing objects in gridded space”, to quote Kathleen Biddick’s words in the chapter “The ABC of Ptolemy: Mapping the World with the Alphabet”.202 If the Ptolemaic worldview was eventually replaced by other cartographic models perceived as more accurate, it did set the trend for systematic cartography and the irruption of science on maps made by professional cartographers. In late 16th and early 17th century Britain, geography was taught at university and geographical works were read by merchants, courtiers, investors and explorers alike, Lesley B. Cormack tells us in “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England”.203 The field split into three main branches: mathematical geography, descriptive geography and chorography.204 Early modern cartography tended to blend all three traditions. Speed’s maps, with their anecdotal sketches of local cities, harbours and peoples, included examples of chorography complete with verbal descriptions unified in a mathematical cartographic system. At the time, mathematical cartography “depended far more on guild methods of transfer of knowledge and less on any systematic development of theories or models” but it remained the most theoretical form of geography available to cartographers.205 In fact, early modern trading companies encouraged collaboration with theorists such as John Dee (1527-1608 or 1609), the famed Anglo-Welsh mathematician, alchemist and royal advisor in favour of imperial expansion. Thus, cartographers increasingly relied on other sciences (mathematics, geodesy, geometry, etc.) to give shape to cartographic space. It is in that context of accrued interest in the scientific basis of cartography that the early 17th century company maps under scrutiny here were produced.

  • 206 Edward Wright’s theories on Mercator and mathematical geography can be found in his Certaine Errors (...)
  • 207 Rodney Walter Shirley, The Mapping of the World: Early Printed World Maps 1472–1700. (London: Holla (...)
  • 208 William Shakespeare, Twelfth Night (ed. Roger Warren and Stanley Wells. Oxford: Oxford University P (...)
  • 209 Quoted in John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography”, in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) En (...)

84By the beginning of the 17th century, cartographers were encouraged to use mathematically constructed projections such as the one devised earlier by Gerard Mercator whose work had been carefully studied and perfected by the Cambridge-educated mathematician Edward Wright (c.1561-1615).206 To Wright, English printed maps of America paled in comparison to Dutch map production and techniques and his own version was a “model of restraint, showing only discovered lands and a network of loxodromic lines”.207 Wright’s improved projection, published in Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations, possibly inspired Shakespeare’s cartographic parallel in Twelfth Night: “He does smile his face into more lynes then are in the new Mappe with the augmentation of the Indies”.208 The words “new” and “augmentation”, combined with the evocation of the rhumb lines, mirror contemporary and later conventions of representing a gridded cartographic space, and a new one too. Promotional writers expressed a similar interest in the reliability of recent and mathematically constructed maps. In the Principall Navigations (1589), Richard Hakluyt wrote about “the olde imperfectly composed, and the new lately reformed Mappes, Globes, Spheares, and other instruments of this Art”.209 This pride in accurate and up-to-date examples of cartography is reflected in the phrasing of some of the geographic labels which can be found on maps such as Speed’s map of Persia. The information made available to the viewer is recent and precise, as the labels “Now Indostan” and “Indu sometimes Indas River” would suggest. While the latter description could be seen as an acknowledgement of the author’s uncertainty and the limits of British knowledge, it could also be considered to imply the cartographer’s ability to grasp the local toponymic nuances. Speed’s America With Those Known Parts in That Unknowne Worlde Both People and Manner of Buildings admits to its own limits while it also labels a lower part of the map “the unknown world”. Maps’ titles and subtitles also boasted about their accuracy. The cartouche in the bottom left corner of Baffin and Roe’s map of the Mughal Empire explains how cartographic data was both extensive (“Indolstani Imperij Totius Asiae ditissimi descriptio”) and up-to-date (“Vera. quae visa; quae non veriora”). From the emphatic insistence on the “new” as opposed to the “olde imperfectly composed” maps, one can infer that cartographers and promotional writers using maps distinguished mendacious fiction and what they considered to be a true “lately reformed” map. The Virginia and the East India Companies, with their policy of exhaustive and regular collection of adventurers’ journals and sketches, probably sought to use and acquire the most accurate of cartographic documents. In fact, the map of Virginia made by Smith and ordered for purchase by the Virginia Company in 1623 was considered the most precise representation of the region, just as Baffin and Roe’s map of “Indostan” was deemed good enough to be used and reproduced across Europe in the following decades.

  • 210 Martin Dodge, Justin Gleeson and Rob Kitchin, “Unfolding Mapping Practices: a New Epistemology for (...)
  • 211 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia”, in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envision (...)

85In their article entitled “Unfolding Mapping Practices: a New Epistemology for Cartography”, Dodge, Gleeson and Kitchin explain that the map’s scientific components were either on the map itself or in what they call the “perimap”.210 The first category corresponds to the habit of segmenting the world along longitude and latitude lines, thereby creating an image of structural symmetry and scientific reliability. The anonymous “Insulae Indicae” and Speed’s maps, for example, are gridded with longitudinal and latitudinal lines while Tatton and Wright’s and Smith’s maps were drawn with rhumb lines radiating from wind-roses drawn somewhere in the lower half of the map. The network of lines converging at the poles provided a sense of reliable geographical information. Despite the absence of such lines, White’s map displayed a sober outline of the coast and rivers which drew attention to its informative goal and its assumed reliability. On this particular map, aesthetics were at the service of science as different inks and colours helped differentiate white landmasses from the waters whose blue is reinforced along the shorelines. Tindall’s map of the Chesapeake too seems clear of all ornament so as to give a sense of objective scientificity conveyed by the relative neutrality of a chart whose most prominent feature is the scale bar at the top of the map. To the exception of Hole’s map of the Near East, all maps considered here provide an indication of scale usually located in the bottom part of the map. Scale bars and wind-roses fell into Dodge, Gleeson and Kitchin’s second type of scientific mark on the map - the “perimap” – because they surrounded the graphic representation of landmasses and bodies of water rather than being directly integrated. Scale bars were occasionally decorated in a way which reinforced the message of reliable scientificity. On Smith and Hole’s map of Virginia, for example, a large surveyor’s compass piercing a flying scroll identifying the “Scale of Leagues and Half Leagues” suggests that geographical data was collected and represented with the help of modern mathematical instruments. The combination of mathematical instruments and geometrical features created an “assurance of truth”.211 On the later version, drawn with the help of Robert Vaughan, science has become part of the natural cartographic landscape as it is now framed with fruit and monstrous creatures. In most cases, the map’s orientation was accounted for too, with the “septentrio” (north), “occidens” (west) and “oriens” (east) inscribed in the frame lines of the Tatton and Wright map for example. On this particular map, north was at the top but this was not systematically the case in the early 1600s, which is why Tindall’s and Smith’s maps of Virginia were oriented with the west at the top. White, Tatton and Wright, and Smith included a wind-rose with an elaborate and occasionally flowery design. Overall, the artful and conspicuous display of the scientific techniques behind the making of the map seems to suggest that the cartographer felt the need to show how accurate and reliable his document was.

  • 212 Lesley Cormack in Godlewska and Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 19.
  • 213 Martin Dodge, Justin Gleeson and Rob Kitchin, “Unfolding mapping practices: a new epistemology for (...)
  • 214 Martin Brückner (eds.), Early American Cartographies, p. 18.
  • 215 For new ways of centralising Western Europe on maps, see Michael Wintle, The Image of Europe: Visua (...)
  • 216 The “Skidi Star Chart” was a map of the skies which puzzled European viewers because it seemed conf (...)
  • 217 Gavin Hollis, “The Wrong Side of the Map” in Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p (...)
  • 218 Philip Barbour (ed.) The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580-1631), vol. 1 (Chapel Hill: Uni (...)

86While the purpose of these maps’ authors could be said to have been “the utility of knowledge”, I would suggest that graphic visualisations of the science underpinning the making of company-maps could serve to support the belief in the superiority of British worldviews.212 Indeed, Dodge, Gleeson and Kitchin remind us that it is crucial to “appreciate that mappings rarely unfold in isolation, but are embedded within wider discursive fields”.213 Company maps and their scientific aesthetic were no exception, which is why it is useful to treat “maps as snapshots documenting a specific cultural view of geographic knowledge”.214 The perception that the British held the keys to cartographic truth is reminiscent of the medieval assertion that the Christian worldview was the only valid understanding and organising of the cosmos. On medieval maps, Jerusalem was more often than not put in the literal middle of the cartographic space. In the context of 17th-century company maps, Jerusalem was replaced by London and the Christian faith by a mercantilist creed.215 Early modern geometrical projections such as Mercator’s and Wright’s placed Europe – and Britain by extension – at the centre of the world system, relegating Virginia and the East Indies to the margins of the known world. Even when the map focused on these parts of the world, they established a connection with the companies’ homeland by means of rhumb lines radiating back towards Britain. Besides, by imprinting western science on Virginia and the East Indies, British cartographers were one step closer to making these lands their own, rejecting local world views and charts which already existed. In the chapter “An Image to Carry the World Within It: Performance Cartography and the Skidi Star Chart”, William Gustav Gartner shows that western map publishing “[privileged] certain ‘knowable’ components” and excluded local forms of geographic knowledge such as the Skidi chart drawn by indigenous people of the East Coast.216 This did not mean that British cartographers did not draw on local knowledge but that they integrated experience and testimonies to their own science-based world views. In fact, the British “adopted and adapted” local spatial knowledge.217 John Smith, for example, acknowledged that “as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other places have beene discovered, the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set downe, according to their instructions”.218 Thomas Roe too reported to the Company that he had found information in local records he had drawn from to give shape to the map of “Indostan”. London Companies not only sought “true” maps, but also home-made maps which could help them bypass local forms of representation and symbolically appropriate a land reduced to geometry and mathematics.

87From this first chapter emerges the notion that there was such a thing as “company maps” and that their value as promotional weapons arose not only from their explicit display of distant riches, but also from their less obvious advertising messages contained in the more decorative parts of the map. In the following chapter, I would like to delve into yet another layer of the implicit: cartographic “silences.”

II – Palimpsests: addressing cartographic “silences”

  • 219 John Brian Harley, “Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe (...)

88So far, the focus of this thesis has been on the parts of the maps which were available to the viewer’s eye. In this chapter, I shall draw on John Brian Harley’s terminology and examine the cartographic “silences” of the map – in other words, the parts of the map which appear to the viewer as blanks or voids, or do not even appear as anything at all.219 Silence, Harley tells us, occurs in non-performing arts like cartography as it would in speech and music for instance. Whether deliberate or not, these silences are more than the absence of something else and no less eloquent than the non-silent features of the company map as they point to intentions, biases and ambitions. Silence and utterance, then, are not alternatives but complementary discursive modalities which shall be examined in this chapter.

Maps as a promise: the temporalisation of space

89Speculative maps looking forward

  • 220 John Brian Harley, “Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe” (...)
  • 221 Ibid, p. 24.
  • 222 Denis Cosgrove (ed.), Mappings (London: Reaktion, 1999), p. 1; p. 2.
  • 223 Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 18.
  • 224 For more on the meaning and implications of modality in linguistics, see Frank Robert Palmer, Mood (...)

90At first glance, a modern viewer may be struck by the blank spaces spreading across a number of the company maps under study, particularly on maps of Virginia. John White’s Virginea Pars and Robert Tindall’s Draughte of Virginia, for example, seem to simply delineate shorelines, adding next to nothing in terms of visual detail on the land. To a degree, Tatton and Wright’s map of North America as well as Speed’s map of the same continent also showcase a landmass mainly left open to use in the northerly parts of America. While continental spaces are less empty on maps of Asia, it appears that a similar strategy was used to visualise oceanic spaces with the seas open to British ships free to roam in the “East Ocean”, the “Chinean Ocean” and the “West Ocean” on the anonymous Insulae Indicae and Speed’s maps of Asia. However, whether continental or oceanic, North American or Asian, those blanks should not be taken at face value. More specifically, there is “no such thing as an empty space on a map”, or so John Brian Harley contends in “Silences and Secrecy”.220 Earlier in this thesis, it has been argued that early modern maps made in Britain, being geometrically structured, possibly claimed to be complete and definitive representations of Virginia and the East Indies. However, these maps were “themselves tentative”, including in their world system blanks which were more or less deliberately part of the represented space.221 Maps were therefore not only a “spatial embodiment of knowledge” of an archival nature, consigning data to the static space of the cartographic sheet, but also a “stimulus to further cognitive engagements”.222 Though it is true that modern western charts tend to keep time and space separate, representing objects with a unique and immutable location, the early modern map was a “time- and space- sensitive palimpsest” calling for a careful analysis of the less obvious temporal depth of the map.223 Indeed, the maps mentioned above involved an expression of cartographic modality whereby they did not just represent what was already there, but also what space should, could and would be.224

  • 225 Eric Hirsch and Michael O’Hanlon (eds.), The Anthropology of Landscape (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 19 (...)
  • 226 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 5.
  • 227 Arthur H. Robinson and Barbara Bartz Petchenik, “The Map as Communication System (in The Cartograph (...)
  • 228 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: Mapping the Art of Travel and Exploration” (in The Journal of Histori (...)
  • 229 John Brian Harley, “Deconstructing the Map” (in Cartographica 26/2, 1989), p. 11.
  • 230 Maurice Mook, “The Ethnological Significance of Tindall’s Map of Virginia, 1608” (in The William an (...)
  • 231 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 113.

91The cartographic document, and even more so in the case of promotional company maps, was less a static visualisation of phenomena than a prospective artefact and a “facilitator”, binding together “the foreground actuality” (people, harbours, settlements) and the “background potentiality” (uncharted hinterland, vast empty spaces) to use the words of Eric Hirsch and Michael O’Hanlon in The Anthropology of Landscape.225 Animated by a future-oriented dynamism and awaiting completion, maps were of a proleptic nature in many ways. Conveniently for the merchant and investor, maps were both “overflowing and lacunary”, offering an image of the world concomitantly full (because inscribed in a representational system) and empty (because partially known and used).226 To fill those gaps, the map required a visual percipient who would read it and extract information which could be obtained by “inductive generalisation”.227 Taking advantage of the “fertile interstices between fact and fiction”, the percipient could complete the picture by drawing on external knowledge or following cues scattered across the map.228 Though the grids and rhumb lines structured the world as a full cosmos, the world remained open to speculation, with the map being “propositional in nature”.229 Robert Tindall’s sketch of the Chesapeake, for example, with its rough outlines of the James and the York Rivers, amounts to no more than a “reconnaissance sketch” – as Maurice Mook terms it – serving as a starting point for future expeditions.230 The sketch was later fleshed out by John Smith who, in turn, left it up to future explorers to chart what lied beyond the Maltese crosses on the fringes of his 1612 map. Yet, the proleptic dimension of the map was not limited to exploration plans. Insisting on the “prospective value” and the speculative nature of early modern maps, Frank Lestringant paved the way for fruitful analyses of the morphological and semantic affinities of cartographic and economic discourses.231

  • 232 Ken MacMillan, “Sovereignty “More Plainly Described”: Early English Maps of North America, 1580–162 (...)
  • 233 Ibid, p. 426.
  • 234 Carole Shammas, “English Commercial Development and American Colonisation, 1560-1620” in Andrews, C (...)
  • 235 Gerard de Malynes, Consuetudo, Vel Lex Mercatoria (1622. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1979), (...)
  • 236 Ibid, p. 115; p. 114.

92The prefix “pro” in “prospective”, for example, points to the forward-looking strategy of a map encouraging the viewer to prospect for economic opportunities. Interestingly, the term “speculation” appears in other articles on the topic, “Sovereignty “More Plainly Described”: Early English Maps of North America, 1580–1625” where Ken MacMillan uses the adjective “speculative” to characterise maps produced in the early years of British colonisation in North America, writing that maps were “optimistic, speculative, and unrepresentative”.232 Printed maps were a means to convince others to take part in commercial ventures and to do so, the map often had to imagine and envision the different forms of wealth which could be found in the East Indies and Virginia. According to MacMillan, John White’s map, for example, was “probably intended for use by sea captains” but also to assist Britain in “planning its activities in this region”.233 As a meeting point between the merchant’s speculative ambitions and the mapmaker’s cartographic endeavour, the company map exemplified the semantic affinity between the specular (to see) and the speculative (to gamble). To convince fellow Britons to take part in company ventures, company leaders and members had to provide “an economic foundation for their domain that would attract men to follow them to America” or the East Indies, and these foundations initially tended to be speculative and hopeful at best.234 Indeed, joint-stock companies were inherently forward-looking enterprises seeking to fulfil the potential observed in nature. Hence, when economist Gerard de Malynes provided an account of the “goodnesse and value of East India Commodities”, most of the “Naturall riches” appearing there remained objects of speculation which required a little imagination and a sound agricultural plan.235 With potentially that kind of information in mind, map viewers could complete the picture. That Virginia would yield a profit and that there would be room for the British in the East Indies were essentially a gamble – a gamble which sprang from the promise of future gains. Presenting Virginia and the Indies as vast spaces with untapped resources which called for Britons’ entrepreneurship and action, maps depicted “blank spaces primed for expansive individualism” and open to speculation.236

  • 237 David Harris Sacks, “’To deduce a colonie’: Richard Hakluyt’s Godly Mission in its Contexts, c. 158 (...)
  • 238 Patrick Copland, Virginia’s God be Thanked (London: John Dawson, 1622), p. 12.
  • 239 Frédéric Regard (ed.), The Quest for the Northwest Passage: Knowledge, Nation and Empire, 1576-1806 (...)
  • 240 Ladan Niayesh, “From Myth to Appropriation: English Discourses on the Strait of Anian (1566-1628), (...)

93Evidence to support such a reading of maps can be found in contemporary promotional literature. In the late 16th century and early 17th century, when Richard Hakluyt was selling the idea that Virginia was replete with gold, fruit, game and timber to the Virginia Company, he carved an image defined by a specific vision of what the British might be able to achieve there. Propagandistic discourse, just like cartography and economics, predicated the necessity of looking to the future, rather than back to the past or the present. From the onset, the charter of the company invited to “deduce a colonie”. In his contribution to Carey and Jowitt’s volume on Hakluyt, David Harris Sacks explains that the archaic meaning of “deduce” was inherently forward-looking, the verb meaning to “lead forth”.237 To use an earlier argument based on morphology, “promotion” and “propaganda” also suggested a proleptic logic. Accordingly, promotional literature was designed to persuade and redirect a certain course of action in order to shape the future in a certain way. In the context of commerce and colonisation, the audience or viewer would thus be spurred into wanting to invest or emigrate. Promotional language throughout the period was imbued with a lexis of plenty and abundance whose future materialisation was dependent on British action. Patrick Copland, among others, rejoiced at the “great hopes of abundance of Corne, Wine, Oyle, Lemons, Oranges, Pomegranats, and all maner of fruites pleasant to the eye, and wholesome for the belly” (my emphasis), not at their present existence.238 The very image of a thirst to be quenched and an appetite to be satisfied implied that British yearns and wants could be met in remote lands in a near future, rather than at home and now. Copland used sensuous language and relied on mouth-watering tangible imagery which made the corn and fruit seem almost within the audience’s grasp, but they were yet to be mapped out before investors’ eyes. Hakluyt and Copland’s verbal promises, just like Tobias Gentleman’s Way to Wealth (1614), found a visual expression in maps which could literally show the way to wealth, across both time and space. The dynamism and proleptic logic are exemplified by the preposition “to” in the title, a preposition which could simultaneously signal spatial directions and a temporal progression towards commercial success. The theory that company-sponsored geographical discourse was fundamentally modal and speculative is formulated by Ladan Niayesh in her contribution to Frédéric Regard’s Quest for the Northwest Passage, 1576-1806.239 In her chapter entitled “From Myth to Appropriation: English Discourses on the Strait of Anian (1566-1628)”, she explains how Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s Discourse of a Discouerie for a New Passage to Cataia was a work which was “not that of a geographer presenting the latest state of available knowledge, but that of an advocate of Arctic expeditions”.240 Maps provided a speculative and convincing visualisation of what the British thought there might be in Virginia. Supporting rather than contradicting promotional writers’ statements about the potential of the East Indies and the Chesapeake, maps offered an enticing image and a promise.

  • 241 John Smith in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, vol. 1, p. 29.
  • 242 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia”, in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envision (...)
  • 243 James Horn, “The Conquest of Eden”, Appelbaum and Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: Jame (...)
  • 244 Samuel Purchas, “Virginias Verger”, in Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes (1625. Cambridg (...)
  • 245 Court Minutes of the East India Company, in The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 522.
  • 246 9 November 1619, Court Book, IV, pp. 445-447.
  • 247 David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance. Continuity and Change”, Harley and Woodward (eds. (...)
  • 248 Christine Jeanette Green, The Illustrated Map: Cartography and Power in 17th Century Virginia, p. 7 (...)
  • 249 Walter Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the new Campaign for New England: a Study in Early Modern (...)

94Even as the British set foot in the Chesapeake and the East Indies, they continued to perceive the land for what it could be, rather than for what it already was. Reporting to the Virginia Company, John Smith described a “verie fit place for the erecting of a great cittie”.241 The mouth of the James River was thus perceived through the lens of prospective development and opportunities for enrichment as the “fit place” observed here and now was already imagined as a future “great cittie”. Less explicitly so, the Maltese crosses on the margins of the John Smith’s map of the Chesapeake mark the limits of British knowledge of the area, but also “create imaginary narratives that signify a starting point for subsequent expeditions”, as Lisa Blansett suggests in her analysis of the map.242 Surveying, describing and mapping the land was therefore integral to “assessing [its] potential use and profit”.243 Promotional texts echoed those hopes, persisting in showing land for what it could be, or could have been. Writing in 1625, Samuel Purchas invited his reader to picture a country and “her Virgin portion nothing empaired, nay not yet improved” (my emphasis) where natural bounty is envisioned as a set of “opportunities for offence and defence” rather than purely for what it is.244 On the other side of the globe, the East India Company was also using geographical knowledge and ambassadorial reports to shape future policies and direct its course of action. According to the Court Minutes of the Company in September 1619, Roe “gaue to vnderstand in what a desperate case he found the factoryes at Surat, Amadauaz and eslwher” but also explained to the EIC “what a profit may be hoped for and had by the trade into the Red sea”.245 As evident from Roe’s reports for the EIC and the court minutes of the company, company activities and interest in local geography were primarily tied to “hopes” of profits in the future. These hopes were supported by the economist Thomas Mun who concurred, speculating that the “trade of Surat, being the life of other trades, being good now will be better thereafter” (my emphasis).246 The aim was to take advantage of whatever could be used and transformed to increase company profits. Similar speculative rhetoric was materialised on the map. Despite company records and Roe’s journals deploring the “desperate case” of Surat, map and text collaborated to produce an image of a territory which would eventually live up to the ambassador’s promise. The prominence of Surat and the Gujarat region on Roe’s map anticipated the success of company factories there in the future despite their relative insignificance at the time Baffin and Roe drew the map. At the early stages of colonisation in Virginia and commerce in the East Indies, maps were key to help companies substantiate their vision and “mapping their commercial interests”.247 In a sense, maps created a space at “the intersection of reality and aspiration”. 248As full-fledged instruments of land use and land planning, they anticipated the future and speculated about it, rather than lifted up a mirror to the geographic reality of the East Indies and the Chesapeake, leading the latter to be shaped by “a single person with a particular vision of its potential”.249 When presented to viewers, maps enabled Britons to envision a potential reality, laying out an appealing scenario which could be rehearsed at home before being played out on the world stage.

95The growing ideal of the “plantation” and cash-cropping

  • 250 Jonathan Barth, “Reconstructing Mercantilism: Consensus and Conflict in British Imperial Economy in (...)
  • 251 Thomas Mun, England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade (Oxford: Blackwell, 1959), p.11.
  • 252 King James I, quoted in Jonathan Barth, “Reconstructing Mercantilism: Consensus and Conflict in Bri (...)
  • 253 J. H. Parry “The English in the New World”, in Andrews, Canny and Hair, The Westward Enterprise, p. (...)

96Initially, the East India Company and the Virginia Company were designed as enterprises leading to more or less instantaneous gains. Scholars who have extensively written about the origins and forms of early modern mercantilism help us understand why and how early modern trading companies devised and tested their respective profit-driven policies. In “Reconstructing Mercantilism”, for example, Jonathan Barth sketches out the conflicts surrounding the genesis of mercantilism in early modern Britain and explains how the mercantilist quest for a general trade surplus generated intense creativity when it came to formulate the most effective means to ensure a positive balance of trade.250 Leading economists of the early 17th century, believing trade would enrich the British companies who were playing a part in the nascent world-economy, insisted that the British “must ever observe this rule, to sell more to strangers yearly than [they] consume of theirs in value”.251 This maxim was devised in response to the relatively consensual conclusion that Britain was economically suffering from its decaying trade and that it could no longer sustain the “exhausting” of the “treasure of the Realme”, to quote the anxious words of King James I at the time.252 This consensual observation, however, resulted in a multiplicity of competing economic solutions. Aside from lawful trade, piracy initially helped fill the national treasure and company members’ pockets. At the beginning of the 17th century, however, it was deemed a self-defeating and “unsatisfactory commercial expedient”.253 After a difficult start in Virginia and a no less difficult access to profitable goods in Asian markets, companies were led to adapt their initial trading ambitions. As hopes of instantaneous wealth faded, long-term solutions requiring time, patience and a vision became necessary if the companies were to become profitable. In this subsection, I will examine the ways in which maps reflected these new company needs and the role the “plantation” played in these schemes.

  • 254 John Smith A Map of Virginia: with a description of the covntrey, the commodities, people, governme (...)
  • 255 Norman J. Thrower (ed.), The Compleat Plattmaker: Essays on Chart, Map and Globe Making in England (...)
  • 256 David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance. Continuity and Change” in Harley and Woodward (ed (...)
  • 257 Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Makin (...)
  • 258 Ibid, p. 223.
  • 259 Thomas Harriot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (Chapel Hill: University (...)

97Despite the failure of the Roanoke settlement in the late 16th century, British advocates of overseas trade and expansion began turning to land as a potential source of wealth. In the textual part of his Map of Virginia, John Smith describes a land “overgrowne with trees and weedes” which amounts to no more than a “plaine wilderness as God first made it”.254 Yet, the British seldom made maps of areas in which they had no interest or for which they had no use, to paraphrase Norman Thrower’s argument in The Compleat Plattmaker.255 European discovery and its cartography were “driven by the enormously lucrative trade in spices, especially pepper and cloves, in the subtropical regions of India and Southeast Asia”, and by the hopes of making a profit from trade and colonisation in Virginia.256 Accordingly, John Smith’s geography of the Chesapeake veered “between generalising declarations on the land’s emptiness and availability for colonial exploitation”.257 The maps of Virginia produced by White, Tindall, Smith, Tatton and Wright represent an “unrealised potential: a blank accounting sheet and cartographic template” fit for agricultural development.258 Promotional writers tied to the Virginia Company set out to carve a vision of Virginia shaped by British hands, with Thomas Harriot (John White’s collaborator) claiming that there were “commodities there alreadie found” but most importantly, there were commodities “to be raised” too, the “ouerplus” of which Harriot called “Merchantable” commodities destined to “enrich your selues the prouiders”.259 Thus, promotional writers like John Smith, Richard Hakluyt and Ralph Lane tended to waver between a sense of local under-exploitation and an impression of potential natural bounty, the combination of which gave shape to vast expanses of promising land on maps. It may seem that such hopes were contradicted by those swathes of empty land on the maps but there was hope that the country’s soil might still yield riches.

  • 260 “Declaration of the London Company” (1620) in Willis Mason West (ed.), Source Book in American Hist (...)
  • 261 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 8.
  • 262 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 9.
  • 263 John Smith in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 138.
  • 264 The image of agricultural fertility found a metaphorical equivalent in the English language. Person (...)
  • 265 Patricia Crouch, “Patronage and Competing Visions of Virginia in George Chapman's "The Memorable Ma (...)
  • 266 For criticism of company plans, see John Smith’s response in sixth book of the Generall Historie of (...)
  • 267 Ladan Niayesh, “Seeing and Overseeing the Stage as Map in Early Modern Drama” in Claire Jowitt and (...)
  • 268 Ladan Niayesh, “From Myth to Appropriation: English Discourses on the Strait of Anian (1566-1628)” (...)

98Those seemingly contradictory claims were solved by the argument of fertility put forward by promotional writers and suggested by the maps. Virginian land was empty, but its alleged fertility held alluring promises of future profits. Geography had been key to determine that Virginia would be of interest to the British as it was believed that they would find a Mediterranean climate as both areas had similar latitudinal coordinates. Mediterranean fertility had to be asserted first, which is precisely what Hole’s map of the Near East does by mentioning not once but twice a “fecund plantation” located in the Mediterranean space. Syllogistic reasoning could help the viewer correlate this “fecund plantation” in Greece with the possibilities of Virginian soil located on the same latitudinal lines. Company records, with claims about the “extraordinary fertility of that soil”, reveal the enthusiasm for Virginian soil and its economic potential.260 Such accounts of Virginian fertility were inspired by Richard Hakluyt’s early invitation to “set fast footing such fertill and temperate places, as are left as yet unpossessed”.261 A few paragraphs down, he had insisted again on the “temperate and fertile” nature of those “partes of America” which Britain should seek to use.262 The term was reclaimed by a number of company writers after him, appearing for example in John Smith’s comment on the “three fertile Islands” spotted while exploring the river.263 To convey this sense of fertility, maps were etched with imagery or labels suggesting as much, or accompanied by textual commentaries making a case for the fertile abundance of Virginian land.264 Examining the connection between London masques and the Virginia Company, Patricia Crouch considers the masque to have been an “opportunity to regenerate metaphorically the theretofore-barren land of Virginia”.265 I would suggest that company maps and promotional discourse imbued with geographical considerations, with their decorated blanks and advertisements of fertility, probably served a similar purpose, graphically restoring the virgin fertility of a country increasingly discarded as barren and forsaken in public discourse.266 To use Ladan Niayesh’s words, both the cartographer and the company displayed an ability to “see beyond the current appearance and limits of the world he plans to change” – that is, beyond perceptions of wilderness and cartographic blanks.267 Using a telling metaphor, she also contends that company discourse was charting “not a geographical, but above all a mental and textual territory” which “[aimed] less at establishing geographical facts than at planting an idea and a purpose”.268

  • 269 Paul Musselwhite, “Private plantation: the political economy of land in early Virginia” in Horn, Ma (...)
  • 270 John Smith, A Map of Virginia, p. 4. and p. 16.
  • 271 “Letter of Sir Francis Wyatt, Governor of Virginia, 1621-1626” (in The William and Mary Quarterly, (...)
  • 272 George Percy in Philip Barbour, The Jamestown Voyages, vol. 1, p. 137.
  • 273 Declaration of the London Company (1620) in Willis Mason West (ed.), Source Book, pp. 64-65.
  • 274 John Bonoeil, Obseruations to be followed, for the making of fit roomes, to keep silk-wormes in. (L (...)

99The increasingly common keyword found in promotional discourse and subsequently materialised onto the map was the term “plantation” or “planting”. The term is not as straightforward as a modern reader might expect. In his contribution to Virginia 1619, Paul Musselwhite shows that the term “so long used to connote a public colonial project with civic ends” only “began to be applied to a commercial agricultural enterprise” in the early 17th century.269 The semantic ambiguity of the term was therefore a fruitful one. In his writing about Virginia, John Smith used the term as both evoking colonisation (“on the North side of this river are the English planted”) and agriculture, commenting the “greatest labour they [the Algonquian] take” in “planting their corne” in a country “naturally overgrown with wood”.270 Writing a little later, Sir Francis Wyatt, who served as governor of Virginia in the early 1620s, showed that the company’s colonists had followed the Algonquians’ lead and encouraged the “planting of gardens and orchards for delight and health” so as to secure the “winning of the forrest” and make room for staple-growing.271 Other first-hand observers and commentators such as George Percy praised their “goodliest corn fields that ever was seen in any country”.272 The first agricultural plans focused on the plantation of corn which had a high yield per acre and was to remain a staple product throughout the 17th century. Company records show how pleased planners were with corn, that “natural grain of that country” which “doth far exceed in pleasantness, strength and fertility”.273 A number of books purchased by the Virginia Company reveal other agricultural interests, such as stimulating silk culture and the growing of mulberry trees for instance. As late as 1623, the Virginia Company, it seems, was still hopeful that Virginian soil would enable such a dream to come true. The list of agricultural books purchased by the Virginia Company in the “Ferrar Papers” includes titles such as Obseruations to be followed, for the making of fit roomes, to keep silk-wormes in written by John Bonoeil, the King’s gardener, or again Richard Surflet’s translation of Charles Estienne and Jean Liebault’s Maison Rustique, or, the Countrey Farme.274 The latter volume, in particular, contained the earliest account of how tobacco could be cultivated. All those books appeared on the list alongside Smith’s volumes containing maps calling for a visionary gaze capable of seeing beyond the blank. However, corn was hardly profitable as a marketable item and silk was never successfully cultivated in the Chesapeake. In Virginia, after John Rolfe and others’ successful experiments with the crop, tobacco was to fill company needs for profit from the 1620s onwards. In the East Indies, it was hoped spices would play a similar role.

  • 275 James Horn, “Tobacco colonies: the shaping of English society in the 17th century Chesapeake”, in N (...)
  • 276 James Horn, “Tobacco colonies: the shaping of English society in the 17th century Chesapeake”, in N (...)
  • 277 Ibid, p. 185.
  • 278 John Pory to Sir Dudley Carleton (1619), in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia (...)
  • 279 Gerard de Malynes, Consuetudo, vel Lex Mercatoria, p. 62-63.
  • 280 Ibid, p. 72.
  • 281 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1 (...)
  • 282 Ibid, p. 33.
  • 283 Richard Hakluyt, “Declaration of the Indies”, in Divers Voyages, p. 32.
  • 284 Sarah Tyacke in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, p. 1746.

100Tobacco planting was a “radical departure from the vision of a mixed economy shared by Hakluyt and other promoters” and a far cry from the “silk and wine” agricultural model originally envisioned in the early years of the company.275 Yet, it was ultimately the agricultural staple which proved to suit the local climate best and to yield the most profits. According to James Horn, tobacco required little capital to begin with. 276Besides, it became apparent that the Chesapeake was fertile indeed, at least as far as tobacco was concerned. The soil between the James River and the Rappahannock River was where the “sweet-scented tobacco was grown mainly for the London market”.277 This particular type of tobacco, which was not endemic to the Chesapeake but imported and grown by Company developers, gave rise to a pastoral economy based on the hope of future returns dependent on effective planning and the fertility of soils. In the last years of the Virginia Company, tobacco had become a common currency, leading commentators in Britain to conclude that “all our riches for the present do consiste in Tobacco, wherein one man by his owne labour hath in one yeare raised to himself to the value of 200l sterling”.278 According to Jonathan Barth in “Rethinking Mercantilism”, tobacco proved a mercantilist bonanza in the sense that it brought considerable returns and ended British dependence on Spanish-produced tobacco which “draweth away our treasure”, as Gerard de Malynes noted.279 In the East, cash-cropping was also at the core of company interests. In the East Indies, Britons sought to acquire spices which came from trees and plants growing in the Moluccas in northeast Indonesia, an area also tellingly called the “Spice Islands”. Pepper, nutmeg, cloves and mace were the main appeal to the British and Dutch East India Companies. In his treatise, Gerard de Malynes begins his list of East Indian commodities by detailing the price and location of cloves, mace, nutmegs, ginger, cinnamon and pepper.280 However, a geographical record of where those plants were located was insufficient as trading patterns and cash-cropping strategies were not exactly superimposed to the “plant geography” of the area. In Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, Anthony Reid points out that despite clove trees’ growing in the Moluccas for example, it was Ternate and Tidore who reaped the benefits of those crops by cultivating them to fit commercial needs. Besides, centres of company production shifted over time in Asia as countries competed for control over production and commercialisation of cash-crops. The focus on a single staple was such that no less than “6% of the entire population of Sumatra, the Malayan Peninsula and Borneo earned a living from growing this one crop for the international market”.281 These commercial endeavours did not just shape the local biodiversity and human geography, they also made it to the map where the “frontiers of crash-cropping” were drawn in detail.282 In his “Declaration of the Indies” in the Divers Voyages, Hakluyt had advertised the idea that these were the “richest lands and Ilands of the worlde” where there were “Golde, precious stones, balmes, spices and other thinges that wee here esteeme most: which come out of strang countreys”.283 Accordingly, the anonymous map Insulae Indicae provided a detailed image of those “Ilands” saturated with symbols denoting natural features creating a sense of natural bounty in comparison to the relatively empty “Nova Hollandia” to the south and “India” to the north. This cartographic focus corroborates Sarah Tyacke’s theory in her contribution to the History of Cartography where she remarks that cartography “shifted not only according to what was discovered but also according to changing governmental and commercial interests”.284 The firm grip of the Dutch over the archipelago, however, precluded the East India Company from fulfilling their agricultural ambitions there. After the 1619 “Treaty of Defence” between the Dutch and the British expired, leaving the British with little control over the Spice Islands, the East India Company withdrew its agents from an area which was proving unprofitable. Thus, while the agricultural model proved a viable option in Virginia with tobacco in the 1620s, hopes for Indonesian spices faltered at the same time on the other side of the globe, despite whatever promise the maps had earlier implied.

101Cosynchronic or anasynchronic maps?

  • 285 Nandini Das, “Hakluyt’s Two Indias: textual sparagmos and editorial practice”, in Carey and Jowitt (...)
  • 286 Ibid, p. 125.
  • 287 David Beers Quinn, “A List of Books Purchased for the Virginia Company” (in The Virginia Magazine o (...)

102The title of this subsection advertised an argument about the temporalisation of maps offering a promise. A promise travels through time: it draws its credit from past events, is uttered in the present and is future-oriented. From the onset, promotional writers and cartographers looked back to the past to justify their confidence in the future. Richard Hakluyt, in particular, created a “proleptic history of England as a mercantile nation” which was meant to encourage readers and instil faith in the companies’ ambitions.285 Bringing together the various narratives of early English exploration, trade and discovery, Hakluyt provided further evidence for British success by inscribing those narratives in an “overarching providential teleology”.286 This logic entailed that God was the ultimate safeguard guaranteeing that promotional writers’ promise would be fulfilled. During the early years of the companies, promotional maps and literature speculated and offered a vision. After two decades of experimentation and confrontation of those visions with reality, came the time of introspection and retrospection. Archival evidence supports the theory that companies eventually began looking backwards for proof of the soundness of their initial vision. The purchase of a variety of books about Virginia, its geography and its history as late as 1623 was an attempt at retrospectively showing that past speculations on the Chesapeake had proven prophetic and successful. To account for the late purchase of practical volumes such as Smith’s 1612 Map of Virginia (“Captaine Smithes book att large” in the manuscript) and promotional tracts such as John Brereton’s Brief and True Relation of the Discoverie of the north part of Virginia (1602), David Quinn guesses that the Company had probably planned to compile a comprehensive history of the Company two decades after its first patent was granted.287 The conclusion that the Virginia Company’s vision had been successful – at least according to propagandistic tracts and maps – was in turn meant to stoke the fires of renewed faith about the future of the Virginia business. Furthermore, this documented account of the Company’s alleged success was probably also meant to justify the large amounts of money which had been invested over the course of the past two decades. Boasting about the soundness of past promises, the Virginia Company was then again looking to the future in the hope that new subscribers might be impressed by the company’s record.

  • 288 David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance. Continuity and Change” in Harley and Woodward (ed (...)
  • 289 Walter Goffart, Historical Atlases: the First Three Hundred Years, 1570-1870 (Chicago: University o (...)
  • 290 John Smith, The Generall Historie, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, vol. (...)
  • 291 Abraham Ortelius’ popular Parergon, an atlas illustrating secular history as well as biblical narra (...)
  • 292 Gerard de Malynes, Consuetudo, vel Lex Mercatoria; or, The Ancient Law-Merchant, p. 2.
  • 293 Walter Goffart, Historical Atlases: The First Three Hundred Years, 1570–1870 (Chicago: University o (...)
  • 294 Definition of the “early modern romance” provided in Ladan Niayesh’s introduction to her edition of (...)

103Furthermore, on early modern maps as much as on medieval mappae mundi, different periods of time could coalesce in the same cartographic space. While most of the maps under scrutiny here do point to a “desire to show information cosynchronously”, some of them are distinctly medieval in their attempt to represent different moments of history on the same map.288 In his study of historical maps, Walter Goffart explains how certain early modern maps reconciled the paradoxes of representing history on the map by condensing it into a single spatial image. On those maps, as in contemporary cosmographical treatises, “time was homogeneised” in such a way that a viewer looking at one such map “gazed upon the contemporary world but also took in all of modern history”.289 In fact, such was the avowed purpose of some of the cartographers under scrutiny here. Captain John Smith, for instance, who co-authored two of the maps of the cartographic corpus used for this thesis, believed that “Geography without History seemeth as carkasse without motion, so History without Geography wandereth s vagrant without a certaine habitation”.290 Using “Herodotus” and “Plutarck” (in the verbal column south of “Aegypt”) as sources for a map illustrating Walter Ralegh’s Historie, William Hole also acknowledges the historicity of his map. More specifically, his map as a whole is written in the past tense, both visually and verbally; “the sones of Lavan wich planted Thrace”, “sent ovt by saba” and “Aegypt first possess by Cham” are examples of such labels in the past tense. Hence, Hole’s map of the East and Smith’s map of Virginia are in that sense “analogue to those encyclopedic medieval world maps that represent the earth not merely geographically as a physical arrangement of lands and waters but theologically as the site of salvation history”.291 Contemporary tracts about economics and commerce also drew on biblical themes, thereby mirroring theological strains of discourse observable in cartography. Gerard de Malyne’s Lex Mercatoria for example, begins with “An Indication” which contains liminal remarks taking the reader back to the Christian origins of mercantilism: “So in the dayes of the Patriarke Iacob, did the merchants Madianits in their iourney meete with the children of Iacob, and then Ioseph was carried by their meanes into Egypt”.292 Historical evidence of the success of past “plantations” in fact, enabled companies and promoters to prove their point. If one looks closely at Hole’s map of the Near East for example, the word “plantation” appears in a variety of forms across the map: “plantation”, “planted”, etc. West of the Caspian Sea, Hole writes about a “fecund plantation” on which “SPAYN” eventually set their eyes, as if to inspire nationalistic Britons to do the same on the other side of the globe. Thus, the “tolerance of anachronism” which Walter Goffart deems typical of early modern maps, suited the needs of those who were simultaneously interested in profit and cartography.293 Such anachronisms are blatant on Hole’s biblical map of the Near East, but also surreptitiously present on other maps. “Paradoxically [articulating] both the nostalgia of tradition and the entrepreneurism of innovation”, Speed’s maps, for example, blend antiquarian decorum with up-to-date geometrical structures for his maps of contemporary China and Persia.294 Portraying foreign “souldiers” wielding traditional katanas as well as firearms, Speed also seems to indulge a personal taste for the modern knight. Posing as one such modern hero, John Smith gives the British Company its own valiant knight as he is portrayed as a pistol-wielding fighter single-handedly defeating his enemies in the margins of “Oulde Virginia”.

  • 295 Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape, p. 292.
  • 296 Anthony Grafton in New Worlds, Ancient Texts; Andrew Hadfield in his contribution to the TIDE confe (...)
  • 297 In addition to their connection with the author of one of the maps under study, White’s drawings ar (...)
  • 298 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, C2.
  • 299 Mary B. Campbell, “The Illustrated Travel Book and the Birth of Ethnography: Part I of De Bry’s Ame (...)
  • 300 Ibid, p. 181.
  • 301 See how William Strachey associates nouns or adjectives denoting a lack in Algonquian people: “thes (...)
  • 302 William Crashaw, A sermon preached in London before the right honorable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Gove (...)
  • 303 English translation of Hakluyt’s “Epistle Dedicatory to Sir Walter Ralegh by Richard Hakluyt” (1587 (...)
  • 304 Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes Its Object (New York: Columbia Universi (...)
  • 305 Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other.

104In more oblique ways, the map also correlated spatial distance with temporal distance. The representation of Algonquian Indians on maps of Virginia and of Asian peoples on maps of the East appeared “more as a signpost to future colonial expansion than as a recognition of their ethnic integrity”.295 In fact, a number of scholars seem to agree that John White deliberately made Virginians look similar to Picts so as to draw a parallel between contemporary Algonquians and ancient Britons. 296Picts and Algonquians were portrayed in aggressive postures with tattooed skins and war paint. In fact, one of the captions itself explains that the drawing is meant to “showe how that the Inhabitants of the great Britannie have bin in times past as savage as those of Virginia”. History – or at least what promotional writers claimed as such – provided precedents to encourage the belief that foreigners could and would be tamed.297 Though presently “savage”, Virginians were merely awaiting civilising powers to bring them to British perfection, according to White and other promotional writers. Robert Johnson invoked similar arguments in his Nova Britannia (1609) where he warns that “if Iulius Caesar with his Romane Legions (or some other) had not laid ground to make vs tame and ciuill”, the British would not have been in a position to proselytise, trade and colonise in the early 17th century.298 Like ancient Britannia in the past, Virginia was a world awaiting discovery and its people civilisation. The parallel was seemingly not intended to show how similar Britons and Virginians were but rather to show that “Indianness” was a “matter of historical development rather than a sign of absolute European difference”.299 In John White’s illustrations and on maps showcasing visualisations of ethnographic knowledge, Algonquians were described in terms of “their potential for transformation into Christians, into British subjects, into labourers”, not as people living in the “here and now” which maps usually purport to represent.300 As equals and partners then, Algonquian Indians only existed in the future; for the time being, they were considered a tabula rasa which awaited planting by influential promotional writers such as William Strachey.301 Contextual evidence in promotional writing supports this theory as company sermons promised Britain would bring “1. Civilitie for their bodies, 2. Christianitie for their soules The first to make them men. the second happy men” as if the British had the power of pulling Virginians from the past into the present.302 Hakluyt had promised that company activities would concomitantly “recall the savage and the pagan to civility”.303 This parallel, along with the use of terms such as “savage” in promotional discourse and on maps, pointed to the “implied affirmation of difference as distance”, both spatially and chronologically.304 Indeed, “savage” and “primitive” are not purely descriptive terms, but actively construing a normative conception of time, a conception best theorised by Johannes Fabian in his book Time and the Other.305

105 Looking back to the past for signs attesting to the likelihood of future successes, cartographers created a palimpsest where different temporalities converged in a single space, appealing to the viewer’s ability to see and speculate. Being simultaneously full, empty and open to development, maps were an effective tool for companies’ speculative endeavours. Though open to interpretation, maps also paradoxically functioned as legal documents which strove to territorialise space and appropriate it.

Maps as legal documents: territorialisation and appropriation of space

106Performative knowledge

  • 306 Ann M. Carlos and Stephen Nicholas “Theory and History: Seventeenth-Century Joint-Stock Chartered T (...)
  • 307 Ibid, p. 917.
  • 308 Ali Behdad, “The Politics of Adventure: Theories of Travel, Discourses of Power” in Julia Kuehn and (...)
  • 309 John Brian Harley in Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape: Essay (...)
  • 310 Ibid, p. 294.
  • 311 John Brian Harley, “Maps, Knowledge and Power” in Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Ic (...)

107When the East India Company and the Virginia Company first launched their businesses in the early 17th century, Britons were almost absent from the lands they set their eyes on. Hence, the very purpose of those 17th-century chartered companies, Ann Carlos and Stephen Nicholas tell us, was to experiment and prod uncharted territory for potential profit at a time when international markets and colonisation were both haphazard and tentative.306 For that reason, they argue, a charter was mainly a “patent on a company’s knowledge and information”.307 After a couple of decades of activities in the Indies and the Chesapeake, the numbers of traders and colonists abroad were still fairly low, even in Virginia where long-term colonisation amounted to little more than a foothold of a few hundred people confined to a single location. In the Chesapeake, Britons were confronted to powerful confederations of Algonquians. In the Indies, the desire for dominion seemed equally chimeric as “the places visited, such as Persia and Turkey, are empires themselves”, as Ali Behdad remarks in “The Politics of Adventure: Theories of Travel, Discourses of Power”.308 Considering how weak companies were in the Indies and in the Chesapeake in the first quarter of the 17th century, it may seem surprising that maps should be considered by scholars to be “pre-eminently a language of power”.309 While back in Britain, the estate maps used to strengthen landowners’ control over their land could be said to have “tended to favour the status quo, legitimising the hierarchies established on earlier maps” - as John Brian Harley put it -, I would suggest that the same could not be said of maps of Asia and the New World because of their relative geographical novelty to British entrepreneurs whose hold on lands and markets was still weak.310 While cadastral and estate maps were drafted to show ownership, company maps were used to anticipate it. Slightly different strategies were devised when it came to appropriating distant and foreign land at a time when possession and control were still being negotiated. Thus, this subsection will be devoted to John Brian Harley’s idea that maps “enshrine self-fulfilling prophecies about the geography of power” and will examine the ways in which this might apply to the company maps under study.311

  • 312 Nuala Zahedieh, “Overseas Expansion and Trade in the Seventeenth Century” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), (...)
  • 313 Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (...)
  • 314 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: the Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chic (...)
  • 315 Rob Kitchin, Justin Gleeson and Martin Dodge, “Unfolding Mapping Practices: a New Epistemology for (...)
  • 316 John Brian Harley, “Deconstructing the Map” (in Cartographica 26/2, 1989), p. 7.
  • 317 The number of people, their military might and omnipresence in the Chesapeake is made more evident (...)
  • 318 Bruce P. Lenman, “The EIC and the Trade in Non-Metallic Precious Materials from Sir Thomas Roe to D (...)
  • 319 Kirti N., Chaudhuri The English East India Company: The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Company, 1600 (...)
  • 320 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in (...)
  • 321 Ken MacMillan, “Centres and Peripheries in English Maps of America, 1590-1685” in Martin Brückner ( (...)
  • 322 Ibid, p. 79.

108In many ways, maps anticipated a reversal of power dynamics and constituted the first step towards actual control. In a chapter in the Oxford History of the British Empire, Nuala Zahedieh explains how “trade stimulated a range of innovations designed to improve control through better information, management and accounting”, thereby implicitly confirming the notion that words, figures and pictures could be powerful tools of control in a proto-imperial context.312 Samuel Purchas, who took up Richard Hakluyt’s mantle as a travel-writing compiler and promotional writer, would have seemingly concurred with such as view as he identified the Britons’ “literall advantage”, remarking that “by speech we utter our minds once, at the present, to the present, as present occasions move (and perhaps unadvisedly transport) us; but by writing Man seemes immortall”.313 In Marvelous Possessions, Stephen Greenblatt perceives that the Britons’ “literall advantage” entailed indigenous people’s “fatal loss of manipulative power in the present”.314 More specifically, maps were the ideal means to achieve an inversion of power dynamics in the East and in the West where companies sought to gain the upper hand. In an illuminating study of mapping practices, Rob Kitchin, Justin Gleeson and Martin Dodge insist on the notion that maps are first and foremost a construct and a process.315 Steering away from the strictly representational readings of maps, they call for a post-representational understanding of maps which do more than representing the world: they produce it. Being fluid and processual by nature, maps enable the negotiation and invention of new power dynamics. Thus, Baffin and Roe’s map of the Mughal Empire, despite its visual acknowledgement of indigenous authority in the form of Jahangir’s imperial seal in the margin, suggests the prevalence of the capitalised “DESCRIPTION OF EAST INDIA” made by the company’s ambassador. The inscription looms large over the “empire of the Great Mogoll” squeezed at the bottom of the cartouche. Smith’s maps of Virginia too exemplify cartography’s power to “engineer” distinctions and hierarchies which were “reified and legitimated in the map by means of cartographic signs”.316 By reducing the “kings howses” and the “ordinary howses” to components of the legend in the top right corner and signs blending in the natural landscape of trees and sugar loaves, the map not only recasts local hierarchies as a simplified pair of types (“kings” versus “ordinary”) but also reduces the threatening legitimacy of indigenous people whose empire is absent from the map.317 Similarly, the anonymous Insulae Indicae seems to ignore the fact that the British East India Company had been “squeezed out of key trades like the spice trade of the Moluccas and the diamonds of Borneo” early on, effectively erasing the Dutch presence from the space where they still hoped to make a profit.318 According to Kirti Chaudhuri, leaders of the EIC felt the need to consolidate their position and “devise a system of greater control which would enforce some degree of unification” of the factories and trading posts scattered across the region.319 Cartography could and would assist in doing so as control “was first created in principle rather than proven in practice”. 320Maps were the first step to possession or control. The very scale and scope of the map could also help subvert power dynamics. On Smith’s map of Virginia, for example, it would not have been advantageous to represent the same vast swathes of land as those depicted by Tatton and Wright at the very beginning of the 17th century as Jamestown would have been “diminished to the point where the oecumene [would be] a mere speck”.321 By the time the Virginia Company had set a foot in the Chesapeake, its maps were to “attest to territorial mastery over the oecumene”, something which regional maps such as White’s, Tindall’s and Smith’s could do.322

  • 323 “Occupying American Space”, in John Huxtable Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World, Britain and Sp (...)
  • 324 Walter W. Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the new Campaign for New England: a Study in Early Mode (...)
  • 325 David J. Baker and Willy Maley (eds.) British Identities and English Renaissance Literature (Cambri (...)
  • 326 Here, I use “domestication” in its original sense as the word stems from the Latin noun “domus” whi (...)
  • 327 Stephen Daniels, “The Political Iconography of Woodland in Later Georgian England” in Denis Cosgrov (...)
  • 328 For more on deforestation in early modern Britain, see Andrew McRae, “Tree-Felling in Early Modern (...)

109To facilitate control, companies could “bring the unknown into the orbit of the known” and familiarise foreign spaces.323 Cartography could visually suggest a connection between distant lands and the company’s home country. In an analysis of Smith’s descriptions of Virginia, Walter W. Woodward contends that the lines radiating from the compass rose “suggest a dense network of sea-lanes that, ‘like umbilical cords’ connect the two Englands, old and new”.324 Such lines can be observed on Smith’s earlier map of Virginia as well as on Tatton and Wright’s map of North America. Thus, maps were responsible for the creation of a new, displaced Britain growing from the seeds sown by company adventurers. To strengthen the sense of anticipated familiarity with distant lands, cartographers appropriated the space symbolically by using signs already in use on maps at home. Famed British cartographers such as Christopher Saxton had helped establish a system of cartographic signs to represent towns on county maps for example. Similar symbols, with the encircled dot in the middle of a building representing a town, were used to depict urban settlements in Asia and in the New World. If one takes a close look at Tatton and Wright’s map of North America and at Speed’s maps of Asia, China and Persia, one can notice the use of such familiar symbols which let the map viewer “gaze upon a domesticated landscape”.325 Though difficult to discern, the same signs were used to locate cities in the Moluccas, particularly in Borneo and Java, on the anonymous Insulae Indicae. With Virginia, the visual parallel could suggest that the Virginia Company had successfully planted Britons in the Chesapeake. With Asia, these symbols probably served to show that Asian cities were fit partners for fruitful trade. More subtly so, the natural landscape itself contributed to the symbolic domestication of foreign lands.326 The sugar loaves used to symbolise relief on maps of the East (the anonymous Insulae Indicae, on Hole’s map of the Near East, and Baffin and Roe’s map of the Mughal Empire, Speed’s maps) as well as on maps of the West (Smith and Speed’s maps) were part of established cartographic conventions in Britain and helped indirectly connect foreign landscapes with more familiar ones at home. Additionally, the large trees teeming on Smith’s earlier map of Virginia evoke the stately oaks which “claimed to be venerable, patriarchal, stately, guardian and quintessentially English”, according to Stephen Daniels who further explains that tree planting was intimately connected to property in British history, with woodland being “as rich a symbolic resource as a material one”.327 Because the early modern period was a time when Britain was undergoing a significant deforestation process, the bountiful woods of Virginia simultaneously represented Britain’s past and its economic future.328

  • 329 John Brian Harley in Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape, p. 28 (...)
  • 330 Christopher Tomlins, “The Legal Cartography of Colonization, the Legal Polyphony of Settlement: Eng (...)
  • 331 Ken MacMillan, “Sovereignty “More Plainly Described”: Early English Maps of North America, 1580–162 (...)
  • 332 Ken MacMillan, “Centres and Peripheries in English Maps of America, 1590-1685”, in Martin Brückner (...)
  • 333 Ibid, p. 78.
  • 334 Ibid, p. 321.

110More than familiarising foreign landscapes, maps contributed to appropriation in a concrete way in the sense that they functioned as quasi-legal documents attesting to some form of control over land transformed into territory. By homogeneising and ordering space according to British norms and values, “maps anticipated empire” in the sense that they presented a vision as a reflection of reality.329 Indeed, maps (re)defined boundaries and enclosed property as the company saw fit, not just recording geographical data and boundaries but inventing them too.330 In the Indies, the same could be said of control over eastern markets among Europeans. As for North America, Ken MacMillan reminds us that in the early modern period, North American boundaries were “frontier regions” with “disputable” (or simply disputed) boundaries.331 Maps helped re-shape spaces and their boundaries to fit company needs, providing a visual version of the fences which might be used to mark property limits. John Smith’s map of Virginia for example, created a visual and spatialized hierarchy between spaces imagined to be under firm British control, liminal spaces under looser control and distant spaces eluding company control. His map fantasises an oikoumene occupied and controlled by colonists and marginalises places which appear out of reach, relegated to the confines of the map, beyond the Maltese crosses signalling the limits of both the knowledge of and influence over Virginian land. In reality, the area defined by the charter set geographical boundaries shaping a space which was “in practice too large to be defended physically, legally or ideologically”.332 With their narrow focus on a smaller area easier to grasp, the maps made by John Smith, John White and Robert Tindall were able to “demonstrate dominium, rather than showing the amorphous and ambiguous transfrontier over which a merely theoretical claim existed”.333 Not only could chorographies of the Chesapeake communicate a sense of visual coherence and empirical relation to space, they could also emphatically claim intellectual possession of a world incorporated in British geographical knowledge. Thus, cartography was a product of scientific geographical discourse but also a potent political speech-act, making “statements of relationships between places and people, existing or desired”.334

  • 335 Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge (transl. Colin Gordon. Harlow: Longman, 1980).
  • 336 John Smith, The Generall Historie in Barbour (ed.) The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 405.
  • 337 Ibid, p. 405.
  • 338 Jonathan Crush, “Post-Colonialism, De-Colonisation and Geography”, in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (...)
  • 339 John Langshaw Austin, How to Do Things with Words (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962); Ladan Niayesh in (...)
  • 340 “Public Giants: Re-Staging Power and the Theatricality of Maps” in Martin Brückner (ed.), The Socia (...)
  • 341 Christopher Tomlins, “The Legal Cartography of Colonization, the Legal Polyphony of Settlement: Eng (...)
  • 342 In the Divers Voyages for example, Hakluyt explains how Spain and Portugal used cosmographers and c (...)
  • 343 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 36, p. 37, p. 43, p. 44, p. 46, p. 48, p. 51.
  • 344 Peter Barber in David Buisseret, Monarchs, Ministers and Maps, (Chicago: The University of Chicago (...)

111In Foucauldian terms, companies’ ability to own and shape knowledge endowed them with the authority and power that come with it. 335Evidence for company envoys’ quest for extensive geographical knowledge can be found in Smith’s Generall Historie, for example, where he reports that he has “drawen a Map from Point to Point, Ile to Ile, and Harbour to Harbour, with the Soundings, Sands, Rocks and Landmarks”.336 After complaining that the company had not given him enough time to conduct a complete survey of the area, Smith deems his account good enough to “serve to direct any shall goe that waies, to safe Harbours and the Salvages’ habitations”.337 By Smith’s own admission, his map was designed as a thorough record of natural phenomena and networks of settlements. The constitution of an exhaustive compilation of empirical knowledge was meant to increase the company’s monopolistic control over that data (signifier) and, by extension, over the land and people that data covered (signified). To Jonathan Crush, there are significant connections “between imperialism and the construction of knowledge”.338 In that respect, the 166 Indian settlements represented on Smith’s map were not meant to scare the viewer, but to reassure them that all those settlements and their inhabitants were part of a British body of knowledge and thus under epistemological control. Because they defined things which they appropriated visually, maps and their users were able to exert power. This is why, discussing early modern maps of the Strait of Anian and echoing theories of performative language by John Austin, Ladan Niayesh refers to the map as a “cartographic speech act” whereby the map embodies a first step to possession and control.339 Though not exactly legal documents, maps “put the science of reconnaissance in dialogue with ceremonies of possession” in an attempt to make symbolic appropriation and actual appropriation coalesce.340 This is precisely what Christopher Tomlins examines in “The Legal Cartography of Colonization, the Legal Polyphony of Settlement: English Intrusions on the American Mainland in the Seventeenth Century” where he explores the connection between cartography and law, summarising the intimate connection between them by discussing the “chart(er)ing Virginia”.341 While the exact role played by maps during territorial negotiations is unclear, the fact that Europeans were required to provide evidence of control and possession to claim an area does suggest that maps were probably used to do so.342 Promotional writing’s recurring reference to maps preceded by a demonstrative (“this Carde”, “this Carde you may see”, etc.) also points to the immediate use of maps to delineate boundaries among European competitors.343 Though an “abundance of cartographic information did not automatically and immediately translate into the power to influence events”, the cartographic image could be used as evidence for territorial control.344

112Replacing, erasing and adopting indigenous toponymy

  • 345 Pickles “Texts, Hermeneutics and Propaganda Maps” in Trevor J. Barnes, and James T. Duncan (eds.), (...)
  • 346 America was named by Europeans after a European navigator and labelled as such by a German cartogra (...)
  • 347 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 44 and p. 46.
  • 348 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia: Offering Most Excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia (Amsterdam: (...)
  • 349 Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (ed.), The Iconography of Landscape, p. 289.
  • 350 Walter W. Ristow, “Seventeenth Century Wall Maps of America and Africa” (in The Quarterly Journal o (...)

113Most of the names used to refer to geographical entities targeted by the VC and the EIC were exogenous. According to John Pickles, “the linguistic elements are embedded within the image, not incidentally but as intrinsic components of the whole picture”.345 In other words, toponyms and other verbal labels for the geographical entities depicted on the map are less descriptive than they are prescriptive. While “America” did not reflect a specifically British interest in that area, “Virginia” told a different story.346 Christened by Ralegh in honour of Elizabeth I, it invented a territory and its boundaries, recasting that area as virgin land. Eastward, the “East Indies” broadly referred to Southeast Asia and India as defined from a distinctly European perspective. Tellingly, the Maluku Islands (also called the “Moluccas”) where the Dutch and the British East India Companies competed for control over the spice trade, were dubbed the “Spice Islands” or “Ilands of spicerie”, as Hakluyt occasionally called them.347 The ideological underpinnings of toponymy ought to be examined with care, for maps helped enshrine ideas and visions of distant lands, most of them being recast as British possessions after the Spanish fashion. The Tatton and Wright map attests to such a tradition with its reference to “Nova Granada”, “Galitia Nova” and “Nova Hispania”. The less saturated space in the northeast of the map possibly invited the viewer to envision the “Nova Britannia” advertised by promotional writer Robert Johnson and carved in Latin and English into a cross set up in Virginia. 348It also anticipated Smith’s “New England” which features on Speed’s map of America south of “Newe Brittaine”, near “Albion” and “Virginia”. Gradually, those new English toponyms suppressed indigenous place-names in favour of the “standard toponymy of the controlling group” – that is, the Virginia Company.349 For example, the anonymous Insulae Indicae, printed with Latin inscriptions and decorated margins, does not necessarily strike the viewer as particularly subjective or ideological. The same can be said of Speed’s printed maps of Asia and China. Yet, the impression of naturalness is a deceptive one. Imprinting European toponymy on eastern space (“Oceanus Australis”, “Nova Guinea”, “Archipelagus S. Lazari”, “Nova Hollandia”), those maps do so in the Latin language which may appear neutral as well as learned and reliable. This theory does not contradict what we know of the ambitions of the East India Company who sought control over markets rather than over land at this stage. Thus, by using a pan-European ancient language to define eastern geographical entities, cartographers did not appear to lay claim to the land itself but decidedly circumvented local toponymy. As far as the anonymous map of the Spice Islands is concerned, this effect is strengthened by the four bar scales in the bottom right corner where “Germanica”, “Hispanica”, “Gallica” and “Italica & Anglica” take precedence over any reference to indigenous geography. With a particular emphasis on maps of America and Africa in the 17th century, Walter W. Ristow reveals that copying maps published by more successful and prolific publishers was a common practice in early modern Europe.350 The Dutch Blaeu firm, active from 1600 onwards and enjoying strong connections with the Dutch East India Company, was often copied by British cartographers who produced anglicised versions of their maps. Because of its relatively neutral quality as a document in the Latin language and its convenient inclusion of the English in the cartographic space representing the Spice Islands, the map erased European rivals from the area, leaving room for the East India Company founded the same year the Insulae Indicae map was made.

  • 351 George Stewart, Names on the Land: A Historical Account of Place-Naming in the United States (New Y (...)
  • 352 Place-names often combined a name with a meaningful suffix (Cam-bridge, Readi-ng, Man-chester) or c (...)
  • 353 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: the Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chic (...)
  • 354 Norman J. Thrower, Maps & Civilization: Cartography in Culture and Society (Chicago: University of (...)

114The process of erasing local networks of power played out differently on maps of Virginia where company goals were slightly different. In a thorough account of the history of toponymy in Virginia, George Stewart wrote about the specificities of the process.351 In Britain, place-names were inherited from history and lost their referentiality over time.352 In the “New World”, however, many new names had to be found quickly. In a gesture reminiscent of Christian baptism, the British either gave names to regions which were left unnamed by indigenous people, or acknowledged but ignored existing toponymy. While “Virginia” may seem disconnected from the original place name, George Stewart explains that Ralegh had reported that the country’s king was called “Wingina”, a word with similar sonorities to those of the Queen’s Latin nickname. With such an argument, the British made it seem as if they were merely adapting sounds to their own language when in fact, they were using the semantically charged “Virginia”. Commenting on the process, Stephen Greenblatt refers to it as a “legal fiction” whereby travel writing and maps recast local geography in English terms.353 The name effectively replaced previous indigenous names and was used to label the area whose limits had been defined by the company charter. The new name figured prominently in the name of the company itself, but also on Smith’s map of “Virginia” (on the supersized flying scroll) and Tindall’s map “Draughted by Robarte Tindall of Virginia”. According to Norman Thrower, “‘acquisition’ of territory through cartographic nomenclature” became common, particularly during the early 17th century when the British were in the early stages of expansion to the New World and East Indian markets.354 Acquisition could also take place by clearing the cartographic space from indigenous toponyms. John Smith, for example, who had previously used the indigenous name “Potowomeck” for one of the tributaries of the “James River”, stopped using it when he drew a new version of the map with Robert Vaughan some years later, literally and symbolically erasing Algonquian presence from the map. On Tindall’s sketch, the Powhatan tribe is confined to the left bank of the James River and other tribes wiped off the map altogether. In a sense, Smith and Tindall’s map foreshadowed a Virginia without its indigenous population.

  • 355 John Smith in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, vol. 1, p. 309.
  • 356 The petition expressed the wish “to change the savage name of Kiccowtan & to give that Incorporatio (...)
  • 357 James Horn, Peter Mancall, and Paul Musselwhite (eds.), Virginia 1619: Slavery and Freedom in the M (...)
  • 358 John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography” in Sarah Tyacke (ed.), English Map- (...)
  • 359 Catherine Bécasse, “‘Not now believed’: the textual fate of the Baffin and Bylot expeditions (1615- (...)
  • 360 Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire, p. 40.
  • 361 Letter from Robert Tindall to Prince Henry (June 1607), reprinted in Alexander Brown (ed.), The Gen (...)
  • 362 John Smith, “The Government Surrendered to Master Scrivener. What happened the second Voyage in dis (...)
  • 363 Worthington Chauncey Ford, “Captain John Smith's Map of Virginia, 1612” (in the Geographical Review(...)

115A way to lay claim to distant lands was to rechristen places. As the charter contained no instructions about giving names, John Smith was free to pose as a nomothete in his maps and writing. In a preface to his 1616 map of New England, John Smith invited his patron to replace the “Barbarous names for such English, as Posterity may say, Prince Charles was their Godfather”.355 Three years later, Virginia’s House of Burgesses petitioned the Company in London to change indigenous place names to English ones.356 Hence, “Kiccowtan” became “Elizabeth City”, thereby “entrenching Virginia within the English governing system”.357 In this instance, Anglicised toponymy “mediated the features of the unknown county with the viewer’s own experience of the English landscape”.358 Unfamiliar space was thus transformed into a displaced fragment of Britain appropriated by individuals for the company, a process reflected by maps themselves. Smith’s map of Virginia, for instance, includes place-names such as “Smyths Iles” at the entrance of the bay. On Smith and Vaughan’s later map of the area, Smith’s name also appears prominently in the eastern part of the landmass. Robert Tindall too left his mark on geographical features, giving his name to “Tindall’s Point” and “Tindall’s Shoals”. As the alleged discoverers and first cartographers, Smith and Tindall claimed the area for themselves and by extension for the company and their home country. William Baffin, who collaborated with Roe to produce the map of the Mughal Empire, is also known to have been keen to leave a personal signature on the world he mapped, proceeding with a “‘hubristic’ imposition of his patronym”.359 As they explored the region, Tindall, “Smith and his men wrote their names across the entire Chesapeake region”, but they also drew on a royal and noble names as inspiration.360 The southern entrance of the bay was thus named “Cape Henry” after the Prince of Wales while the opposite point of land was called “Cape Charles” by Smith himself. Tindall’s sketch of the two main rivers of the area also recasts them as British waterways, one being called the “King James his River” and the other “Prince Henry His River”. In a letter to Prince Henry himself, patron of the voyage, Robert Tindall explained he made a “draughte of our River, hear inclosed, by us discovered”, making the river the grammatical and cartographic – if not literal – possession of the British.361 When cartographers and sovereigns were not used as an inspiration, explorers’ personal experience of the region was used as a basis for land-naming. Thus, both Tindall and Smith’s maps refer to “Point Comfort” because it “it pleased God in that blacke darknesse to preserue vs by that light to finde poynt Comfort” where they could go “refreshing [them] selues” after a storm.362 According to Worthington Chauncey Ford, Smith’s map “held a supremacy in Europe for thirty years” possibly “because no better map had been made”, with most English names prevailing across time and space.363

  • 364 Emily Mann, “To Build and Fortify: Defensive Architecture in the Early Atlantic Colonies” in Daniel (...)
  • 365 George Stewart, Names on the Land: A Historical Account of Place-Naming in the United States.
  • 366 Rosemarie Zagarri, The Politics of Size: Representation in the United-States, 1776-1850 (Ithaca: Co (...)

116Not all indigenous names were replaced by English toponyms. In the East Indies, where the East India Company’s purpose was less to appropriate land than to control markets protected by strong indigenous powers, local toponyms tended to be kept, except perhaps for “Nova Hollandia”: in the Southeast archipelago, Insulae Indicae labels “Borneo”, “Papous”, “Celebes” and “Paracoa”. In India, Baffin and Roe locate “Suratt”, “Guzarat”, “Bakar”, “Patna” and “Shaphur”. In both cases, those indigenous toponyms are framed with European language and symbols which are used to make them intelligible. On Baffin and Roe’s map, Latin helps identify rivers – “Narbodah fluui” (there flows the Narbodah) – while English is used to locate “Castle caliada” for example. The English language is more consistently used by John Speed whose maps of Asia, China and Persia were among the earliest cartographic representations of those regions to be drawn in the English language, with their geographical features described in English and place-names for provinces and cities featuring in a European alphabet. Those toponyms were merely translations of original place-names transcribed by the cartographers to the best of their ability. Attempting to render the subtleties of indigenous toponymy, Speed takes care to provide the different names given to a gulf on his map of China: “Gvlfe of Bengala, otherwise called the Gvlfe of Ganges”. In Virginia, on the other hand, many indigenous place-names survived because the “anglicisation of Native American place names fails to overcome the sheer scale of the land”.364 However imperfectly, British company maps and sketches of the Chesapeake did include indigenous nomenclature. John White’s Virginea Pars, for instance, refers to the “Chesepiuc” which is identified as a town in the northern parts. In fact, most of the toponyms inscribed on White’s map are indigenous: “Skicoac”, “Weapemeoc”, “Massequetuc”, “Croatamung” or “Secotaoc”. The name “Chesapeake” is one of the rare original names which made it to Smith’s later map of Virginia where it came to refer to a bay, the “Chesapeack Bay”. “Chesapeake”, however, was neither the name of a city nor that of a bay as the word meant “big river”. Some names were thus borrowed from indigenous languages but inappropriately transposed on the map, with river names being given to bays. Furthermore, ignoring – deliberately or not – local ways of naming geographical features led to a simplification and impoverishment of the original toponymy. Thus, unaware of the complexity of Algonquian place-names, the British assumed that a river had the same name throughout, when in fact different names were given to each of its bends and rapids. As a result, rivers on Smith’s map are labelled “Patowomeck” or “Sasquesahanock” rivers in a holistic and European way. Occasionally, indigenous place-names were used but simplified until they became utterly English: “Quiyoughcohanock” became “Quiyough” and then “White Oak”, for example, as George Stewart explains.365 Compensating for the overwhelming quantity of indigenous toponyms on his map, John Smith wrote “James Town” in large capital letters, playing the “politics of size” to suggest dominance.366 The blend of English and Virginian names was an avowal that Virginia was not virgin land after all.

117An alternative to violent dispossession?

  • 367 On Daniel Mytens’ portrait of the James I for instance, the king is shown sitting under the banner (...)
  • 368 For more on James as “rex pacificus”, see Pauline Croft’s chapter “Rex Pacificus, Robert Cecil, and (...)
  • 369 David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps.
  • 370 Quoted in Victor Morgan, “The Cartographic Image of 'The Country' in Early Modern England” (in Tran (...)
  • 371 David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps, p. 84.
  • 372 George N. Clark, “Jacobean England, 1603-1625” (in Bulletin of the History of Medicine, Vol. 31, No (...)
  • 373 John Brian Harley, “Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe” (...)

118The first quarter of the seventeenth century roughly covers the reign of James I (1603-1625) who adopted the title of “rex pacificus” (“king of peace”), a title he emphatically claimed for himself.367 Not only did he unite the crowns of Scotland and England, but he also adopted a foreign policy which broke with the more aggressive strain of Elizabethan politics. Hence, British animosities towards Spain abated after James I ascended the throne and pushed for the Treaty of London (1604).368 It appears that the pacific policies of James I removed the impetus official mapmaking had enjoyed heretofore, or so Peter Barber argues in his contribution to David Buisseret’s Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps.369 In appearance, James I left expansion and its mapping up to semi-private entities, contrary to his predecessor who extensively used maps and globes as symbols for possession and control. Yet, the king himself demonstrated an interest in cartography as a tool and discipline early on, being advised by British mapmaker John Norden who claimed that “it well befitteth a Prince to be trulie acquaynted with his own territories”.370 Furthermore, pacific policies did not preclude tremendous cartographic achievements from happening under the rule of James I. Examples of such maps cited by Barber include Smith’s map of Virginia, Richard Norwood’s map of the Bermuda colony as well as Speed’s maps. These were not made for “the Crown, court or government but for the world beyond: the merchants, landowners, and noblemen who formed the backbone of the great companies and who had the money to invest in voyages of discovery and to buy atlases for their libraries”.371 Yet, this did not entail a complete lack of interest on the part of James I. Considering James I posed as a “rex pacificus”, it may seem surprising that it was during the Jacobean era that the British conquest of Virginian soil and East Indian markets truly began. To scholars like George Clark, “James’ reign of peace spelt opportunity” in a variety of fields and enabled commercial and colonial expansion.372 More specifically, I would suggest that, steering clear from imitating or angering the Iberian powers, the British achieved expansion by using less confrontational tactics, with cartography and commerce serving that purpose well. Promoting the image of a peaceful exchange or transfer, company maps were central to the gradual process of dispossession which the crown officially sought to avoid. In this subsection, attention will be given to the ways in which company-sponsored maps anticipated imperial appropriation and control while circumventing the king’s official policy of appeasement with rival European powers. In line with John Brian Harley’s “Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe”, maps will be considered instances and parts of a political discourse of appropriation.373

  • 374 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, Br.
  • 375 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 28; p. 29.
  • 376 William Crashaw, A Sermon Preached in London, D4r-D4v.
  • 377 Letter to EIC, November 1616, in Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 344.
  • 378 J. C. Appleby, “War, Politics and Colonisation”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. (...)
  • 379 With peace “the Townes flourish, the Merchants become rich, the Trade doeth encrease, and the peopl (...)
  • 380 Court Book, VII, 46, 28 July 1624; Court Book, VII, 23, 16 July 1624.

119Promotional rhetoric insisted on the involvement of the king and his support, putting forward the benefits the British sovereign was likely to reap. In a sermon to the Virginia Company, Robert Johnson, deputy treasurer of the VC and once director of the EIC, explained that the company worked “for the honour of our king” and to “[enlarge] his kingdomes”.374 However, anti-Spanish sentiments and plans of conquest were no longer welcome at court. Company promoters therefore found alternative ways of achieving their goal by relying on the combination of economics and cartography so as not to break with Jacobean policies. In the “Declaration of the Indies”, Hakluyt tells the Prince to whom the text is addressed that he knows of a “secrete” way to “perpetuall glory” and “infinite profite” which could be obtained with “litle cost, peril, or labour to your Grace or any of your Subiectes” but just as able to “amplifie and inrinche” than conquest by war.375 Echoing those words, promotional writer William Crashaw extolled the benefits of a “lawfull bargaine” with a population who were allegedly not dispossessed by the Company because they received “no more profit then what the earth of it selfe will yeelde by nature”.376 With regards to eastern activities, Roe recommended those who sought profit to “seek it at sea and in quiet trade”, avoiding costly and troublesome wars.377 Maps provided an image likely to reassure a sovereign keen to avoid conflict with Spain. As Tatton and Wright’s map of North America emphatically demonstrated, the Chesapeake was free for the taking as it was there that Iberian presence was the weakest. When Ralegh’s charter rights reverted to James I in 1603, the king manifested his desire for the Virginia Company to pursue North American claims without impeding his pacifist policies. Hence, “Virginia soon emerged as the centre-piece of Jacobean colonisation in America” as it successfully accommodated Spanish plans for control in the New World.378 As for the East Indies, territorial expansion was not the company’s goal – rather, it hoped to trade there as any other nation had done in the past, with perhaps a new focus further east where they would meet Dutch rather than Iberian resistance. The king himself agreed that trade was the way to profit and glory without conquest, or so his speeches on the importance of increasing trade seemed to suggest.379 James I was personally interested in the eastern opportunities of the EIC, offering in 1624 to be an adventurer of the company so that its ships may fly the royal flag. The EIC declined the offer because it was “too far under the dignity and majesty of a king” and because it feared that it might become the “business of State” and source of income the king wished to make it.380

  • 381 Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 14.
  • 382 “Discoverie…” in Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. 19, pp. 410-24.
  • 383 H. V. Bowen, “‘No Longer Mere Traders’: Continuities and Change in the Metropolitan Development of (...)
  • 384 Christopher Marlowe, Tamburlaine the Great, parts 1 and 2, and the Massacre at Paris (eds. David Fu (...)
  • 385 Jonathan Barth, “Reconstructing Mercantilism: Consensus and Conflict in British Imperial Economy in (...)
  • 386 Jospeh Bergin, The Seventeenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 197.
  • 387 George Chapman, “De Guiana, Carmen Epicum” in The Poems of George Chapman, (ed. Phyllis Brooks Bart (...)
  • 388 George Chapman, “De Guiana, Carmen Epicum” in The Poems of George Chapman, p. 353.
  • 389 Richard Hakluyt, “That this voyage will be a great bridle to the Indies of the kinge of Spain…” in (...)
  • 390 Emily Mann, “To Build and Fortify: Defensive Architecture in the Early Atlantic Colonies” in Daniel (...)
  • 391 William Strachey, “A True Reportory” in Strachey, A Voyage to Virginia in 1609, p. 63.
  • 392 Emily Mann, “To Build and Fortify” in Maudlin and Herman (eds.), Building the British Atlantic Worl (...)
  • 393 Ibid, p. 37.
  • 394 Jack P. Greene, “From John Smith to Adam Smith: Virginia and the Founding Conventions of English Lo (...)

120Above all, the aim was to pursue expansion while avoiding the pitfall of “the pride and auarice of the Spaniards and Portingales” in the process. 381To quote Samuel Purchas, Britons were to “winne” people, land and resources “by fayre means”.382 Those “fayre means” included “information gathering” and blood-free “methods of control” such as maps which synthesised crucial information ready to use, whether for its informational or symbolic value.383 There are suggestions that maps were more or less directly used as an index of control in contemporary literature. Marlowe’s Tamburlaine, for example, puts the following words in the mouth of the imperial Tamburlaine: “Give me a map, then, let me see how much/ Is left for me to conquer all the world”.384 Another such method of control involved mercantilism which was “the cardinal philosophy of empire: the systematic blueprint for constructing and maintaining imperial economic hegemony”.385 Companies generally prospered in times of peace but nonetheless aimed to “inflict economic rather than military damage”.386 Combined together, mercantilism and cartography provided Britons with the means to expand abroad with little cost and maximal profits. While the map assisted with and attested to dominance, serving as a visual index of control, it also facilitated a war-free appropriation of land and markets, breaking with Spain’s “blacke tempestes of inuasion” in the New World (to quote George Chapman), and with “the Dutch, who seeke Plantation heere by the Swoord” in the Indies.387 If successful, British companies could acquire “Riches with honour” and “Conquest without blood”.388 Promotional discourse provided solutions to solve the paradox, when Richard Hakluyt recommended the “planting of two or three strong forts upon some good havens” (my emphasis).389 Cartography depicted those fortified settlements growing out of a bountiful natural landscape, presenting those fortifications as if they were “an act of nature rather than of military control”. 390Similarly, “A True Reportory of the Wreck” by William Strachey – then secretary of the Virginia Company – reported that colonists had raised “a little fortification” which was “likely to prove a strong fort and is now kept by Captain James Davies with forty men”.391 However, to “build a strong defence was in effect an offensive measure” as these allegedly defensive fortifications enabled Britain to demonstrate effective occupation and control over territory they wished to claim for themselves. Hence, the fortified towns on Smith, Hole and Vaughan’s maps were more than mere replicas of British towns abroad: they were disguised strongholds of conquest.392 According to Emily Mann, the “seamless collaboration between man and nature was a common theme” in promotional literature. 393Such is also the case with maps which disguised the companies’ proto-imperial activities as a natural process seemingly in keeping with official Jacobean policy. Despite its function as a fortified “military outpost”, as Jack P. Greene calls it, the settlement which bore the name of the British “rex pacificus” passed as a town at peace with its environment and surrounding people.394 Thus, the “Smith maps” as well as Tindall’s map transform the fortified and palisaded town into a regular settlement.

121In Asia, new trading posts were also fortified and garrisoned. Yet, on the Insulae Indicae and on maps by Roe and Speed, EIC factories and fortified trading posts are altogether absent. This may be either because they were an acknowledgement that peaceful trade was insufficient, or because the aim was not to control territory there.

  • 395 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in (...)
  • 396 Sir George Yeardley, governor of Jamestown from 1618 onwards, met with James I in Newmarket where h (...)
  • 397 Ladan Niayesh, “Seeing and Overseeing the Stage as Map in Early Modern Drama” (in Early Modern Dram (...)
  • 398 Benjamin Schmidt, “Mapping an Empire: Cartographic and Colonial Rivalry in Seventeenth-Century Dutc (...)
  • 399 Jonathan Crush, “Post-colonialism, De-colonisation and Geography” in Anne Godlewska, and Neil Smith (...)
  • 400 Joan-Pau Rubiés in Jas Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubiés (eds.), Voyages and Visions: Towards a Cultural H (...)

122By the time Speed, Smith and others mapped distant lands, geography had proven an effective “expansion device” laying the foundations of a colonial or commercial empire to come, with expansive success being “promoted especially by geographical writers under Elizabeth and later James”.395 James I did not necessarily envisage company activities as military, nor did he condone the use of physical violence there or explicitly wish for the cartographic dispossession of indigenous people.396 He did, however, encourage the planting of vines for “pretious liquour” and the building of churches similar to those in England, enquiring about the geography of the Chesapeake and making recommendations to alter it. Rhetoric of control and dispossession was therefore tied to geography which provided a convenient outlet for proto-imperial ambitions. Key polysemic terms connect cartographic tradition to imperial control. As demonstrated by Ladan Niayesh, “reducing” spaces “involves both subjecting them as a conqueror and drawing them to scale”.397 In that sense, “maps furnished monarchs and merchants the very materials out of which distant empires could be fashioned”.398 Considering the absence of imperial state structure at the beginning of the 17th century, it may seem excessive – if not anachronistic – to use the term “imperialism” here. Yet, the word was used by John Speed in the very title of the volume to which the maps of Asia, China and Persia were appended: That large theator of Great Brittaines empire. Performd by Iohn Speed. Furthermore, subtler hints of a nascent imperial mindset can be retrieved from other maps of the corpus. Indeed, John Smith’s motto “vincere est vivere” (to conquer is to live) appears to be some kind of avowal of intent. A similar process of verbal rather than physical conquest was achieved with the inscription “Jacobus Rex 1607” on a cross erected at the falls up the river Smith’s team explored. Echoing this inscription of British royal authority in the Virginian landscape, Smith stamped the name of the king on the map where “Jamestown” features in large letters blending in the natural landscape north of the mouth of the river bearing his name. Besides, the map on which his name was imprinted included a number of natural resources and 166 indigenous villages under the control of British “Virginia” looming large over the cartographic space. If not in action, the “rex pacificus” was symbolically appropriating distant lands. A closer look at the implications of seemingly insignificant and un-imperial phenomena therefore helps discerning the “geographical complicity in colonial dominion over space”.399 Thus, the polarity opposing the “the myth of the hopeful conquerors” and the “common sense of a merchant” formulated by Joan-Pau Rubiés seems to break down in the context of early 17th-century company adventurers setting out for the New World as company envoys and cartographers blurred the boundary between peaceful and bloody conquest.400

  • 401 Jonathan Crush in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 337.
  • 402 Nicholas Blomley, “Law, Property, and the Geography of Violence: the Frontier, the Survey, and the (...)
  • 403 Purchas, “Virginias Verger” in Purchas his Pilgrimes, p. 224, p. 222.
  • 404 Ibid, p. 224.
  • 405 Edward Waterhouse, A Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in Virginia, p. 23.
  • 406 Samuel Purchas, “Virginias Verger” in Purchas his Pilgrimes, p. 224.
  • 407 Ibid, p. 109.
  • 408 John Comaroff, “Colonialism, Culture and the Law: A Foreword” (Law and Social Inquiry 26 (2): 30 20 (...)
  • 409 Gavin Hollis, “The Wrong Side of the Map”, in Brückner, Early American Cartographies, p. 145.

123If cartography foreshadowed imperial power and if imperialism can be defined as an “act of geographical violence”, then it appears that maps, far from absolutely breaking with the infamous “black legend”, paved the way for an updated version of it.401 The cartographic image was at the core of legitimising and legalising processes of cartographic dispossession. In Nicholas Blomley’s article “Law, Property, and the Geography of Violence: the Frontier, the Survey, and the Grid”, it is argued that geography and its cartographic forms exert an alternative kind of violence, one that relies primarily on law.402 Maps imposed a new economic and spatial organisation onto foreign land and erased all trace of local geography. To Blomley, the survey was a powerful instrument to do so, in particular to allocate land, a prime resource in the economic conquest of Virginia. While Blomley’s article cites coloured squares and other abstract symbols as means to dehumanise in the context of warfare and colonisation, the maps under study found new ways of depriving indigenous people of their legal right to own and possess the land they inhabit: animalisation and marginalisation of people for example. Samuel Purchas, for example, drew on legal rhetoric to justify the appropriation of Virginia whose “wilde and Savage” people were “not worthy of the name of a Nation”, and therefore “holdeth no settled possession in any parts”.403 Concluding that he “can scarsly call Inhabitants” those who were settled in the Chesapeake before the Virginia Company sent people there, Purchas insisted that “they having not the Law”, they “have lost heir owne Naturall, and given us another Nationall right”.404 Promotional author Edward Waterhouse concurred, writing that “the treacherous violence of the Sauvages” was grounds for the British “by right of Warre, and law of Nations, [to] inuade the Country”.405 As possession was dependent on dispossession, companies could rely on promotional literature and maps which formalised a deliberate amnesia regarding indigenous people’s legitimate ownership of their land and produce. As “out-lawes”, indigenous people could fairly be wiped off the map, by Purchas’ logic.406 Robert Tindall, who authored one of the maps under study, would presumably have agreed with Purchas. Not only did he draw a map of the Chesapeake Bay, but he also wrote to Prince Henry that the British had “taken a Realle and publike possession in the name and to the use of your Royall father and our gratious King and soveraigne” – namely, James I.407 This “effort to conquer and control indigenous peoples by the coercive use of legal means” and legal rhetoric was called “lawfare” by John Comaroff.408 The map enabled companies to re-draw property lines on a land they considered empty, or at least un-improved, leading company members to “imagine foreign lands as unclaimed, uninhabited and submissive”.409 By extension, those who possessed the map itself and were able to put it to use – such as the royal recipient of Tindall’s map and letter – became the possessors and legitimate users of the land itself.

  • 410 Sir Thomas Smith, A Discourse on the Commonweal of this realm of England (ed. Mary Dewar. Charlotte (...)
  • 411 Andrew Fitzmaurice, “The Commercial Ideology of Colonization in Jacobean England: Robert Johnson, G (...)
  • 412 Kenneth Andrews, chapter 11 of Trade, Plunder, and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis (...)
  • 413 Kenneth Andrews, Trade, Plunder, and Settlement, p. 271.
  • 414 Court Minutes of the EIC, in The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 524.

124In the 16th century, Sir Thomas Smith (1513-1577) had already warned that it was “dangerous to meddle in the King’s matters”.410 Company members therefore had to find alternative ways of pursuing their goals without impinging on royal policy. However, “Jacobean colonization was pursued to a large degree independently of the state (at least prior to the last two years of James’s rule)” and “the justification of colonization was developed independently of government policy”, which meant that expansion activities also eluded the control of the “rex pacificus”.411 Significantly, most of those who came to play leading roles in the Virginia Company and the EIC (Sir Thomas Roe, Edwin Sandys and John Watts for instance) had once been involved in expeditions against Spain. It is also worth noting that most of the capital used by the EIC to pay for the first separate voyages was accumulated by the merchant and company adventurer John Watts who, before becoming the first governor of the EIC, had participated in lucrative but infamous privateering expeditions. Besides, ¾ of the ships sent out for the EIC’s first expedition were former privateering ships, Kenneth Andrews highlights in Trade, Plunder and Settlement.412 Thus, the “commercial progress owed much also to the gun-power of the East-Indiamen” and not just to trade and cartography.413 In the East Indies, the East India Company was warned by Sir Thomas Roe that they should “furnish” ships for “ther defence against the Portugalls (who, as was delyuered, were preparing an Armado against the English)”.414 In Virginia too, open conflict became inevitable as permanent pressure on Indian land and resources from the Company led a number of tribes to use force to reclaim their land in March 1622. The successful toppling of colonists’ imagined position of power was evidence that cartographic dominance was not quite enough. Economics and cartography, then, did not always prevent armed conflicts and skirmishes with indigenous and exogenous forces contending for control in the East and in the West.

125As documents constitutive of semi-official British knowledge of the East Indies and of North America, company maps attested to Britons’ effort to know and to control lands or markets. However harmless and static in appearance, cartography equipped companies with the means to carry out their plans for dispossession and control without undermining the policies of the Jacobean “rex pacificus”. Pushing the logic yet a little further, company-sponsored cartography also recast commercial business as a national patriotic project.

Beyond personal and corporate stakes: maps as expressions of nationalistic sentiments

  • 415 Sarah Tyacke (ed.), English Mapmaking, p. 35.

126In the face of fierce European competition for control over land and markets, employees of the Virginia Company and the East India Company strove to convince investors and backers that their business was about more than satisfying a personal appetite for wealth: it was a patriotic endeavour as well. Appealing to individuals’ sense of national pride, company maps helped carve an image of economic pursuits gilded with patriotic grandeur and religious sentiments, drawing on an array of symbols used to “represent invisible attributes of places such as administrative status or boundaries”, or authority.415

127Maps’ apologetic rhetoric of authority and legitimacy

  • 416 Anthony Pagden, “The struggle for legitimacy and the image of Empire in the Atlantic to c. 1700” in (...)
  • 417 Thomas Kerridge and colleagues writing back to the ambassador in April 1616, in Sir Thomas Roe, The (...)
  • 418 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum), C3v.
  • 419 Anthony Grafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts: the Power of Tradition and the Shock of Discovery, (Cam (...)

128In a chapter in The Origins of Empire, Anthony Pagden claims that because of their history as a people conquered by the Norman in 1066 but who maintained their rights and institutions nonetheless, “the English believed [that conquest] could therefore never confer legitimacy”.416 In the context of commercial and colonial expansion a few centuries later, then, the British had to legitimise and justify their own expansive endeavours, particularly as company members and promoters were having doubts as to their legitimacy. Expressing concerns as to the unfortunate consequences of the activities of the EIC, Thomas Roe’s addressees deplored that the local traders “of Feared euills […] chose in appearance the leaste”, with “the merchants of this place [being] alsoe vndone by our trade to the Southwards which hath taken (as wee may terme itt) the meate out of their mouthes and overthrowne their trade that way”.417 As for Virginia, Robert Gray asked his audience “by what right or warrant can we enter into the land of these savages, take away their rightful inheritance from them, and plant ourselves in their place, being unwronged or unprovoked by them”.418 In this subsection, I would suggest that Company members resorted to “apologetic narratives to justify” their desired ascendency over distant lands and markets, narratives whose traces can be found on company maps. 419

  • 420 1st charter of the Virginia Company in Samuel M. Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters of the Virginia C (...)
  • 421 Ibid, p. 1.
  • 422 John Donne, A Sermon Preached to the Honourable Company of the Virginian Plantation (London: Bernar (...)
  • 423 East India Company, Charters Granted to the East-India Company, from 1601 (London: printed for the (...)
  • 424 Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, Surat, p. 147.

129Geopolitics were key to define and defend the bounds of company activities. From the onset, the charters of the companies presented the Chesapeake and part of the East Indies as yet to be occupied by legitimate powers, detailing which parts were considered to be “lawfully possessed” and which were not. The charter of the Virginia Company authorised colonisation between the latitudes 34° and 45° where land was “not actuallie possessed by anie Christian Prince or people”.420 The charter specifically empowered colonists to take “all the Lands, Woods, Soil, Grounds, Havens, Ports, Rivers, Mines, Minerals, Marshes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities, and Hereditaments” within the charter’s bounds.421 In a sermon to the VC, John Donne further reassured the British audience by telling them that they may possess Virginian land as it was “never inhabited by any, or utterly derelicted and immemorially abandoned by the former inhabitants”.422 The first charter of the East India Company too settled for areas which were not “already in the lawful and actual Possession of any such Christian Prince or State” but which “had long since been discovered by others of our Subjects, albeit not frequented in Trade of Merchandize”, directing company business east of the Cape of Good Hope and far from the Spanish who had a strong hold over the New World.423 The very name of the East India Company advertised those ambitions. However, by the mid-17th century, the Dutch had already claimed Malacca, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Indonesia and the Moluccas for themselves, driving out both the Portuguese and the British from those lucrative markets in the easternmost parts of the Indies. Turning to areas where the British did not have to contend with the mighty VOC, the EIC was forced to set up its factories and develop its trade in the westerly parts of the Indies such as the “Near East” connecting the Indies to Europe on William Hole’s map, and more interestingly for the future, the Indian subcontinent mapped by Baffin and Roe. On that particular map, the Portuguese and the Dutch are absent despite their omnipresence in Roe’s journals. The Portuguese-held Goa lying a little further south for instance, does not appear. Trusting their ambassador’s expertise, the EIC followed Roe’s advice about avoiding land wars and seeking riches at sea, preferring the use of ships as bases in the first decades of the company, rather than settlements on land, thereby eschewing the need for formal justification for those activities. In keeping with their ambassador and cartographer’s recommendations, the EIC began focusing on a single location which was not held by either the Portuguese or the Dutch, and carefully mapped by Roe. Labelled in large letters, “Suratt” is symbolised by an impressive set of towers and houses huddled together. The cartographic prominence of the port-city anticipated what “proved to be the gateway to European domination in India”, or so Balkrishna Govind Gokhale observes in his study of the role and growing ascendency of the British EIC in Surat.424 This strategy was partly motivated by the EIC’s lack of interest in claiming sovereignty over foreign territory, and also by its lack of funds to maintain costly land bases. Yet, the sea itself was also an object of heated debates among Europeans. In the foundational Mare Liberum (Freedom of the seas) published in 1608 and translated by Richard Hakluyt himself, Hugo Grotius argued that the Portuguese could not claim sovereignty over water because of people’s natural right to communicate and travel. To him, owning water was as absurd as owning air, which is why he laid his emphasis on the right to use rather than the right to own maritime spaces. Grotius’ theories were also convenient for the Virginia Company which sought to extend its authority to the fishing grounds off the coast of New England. Grotius’ denial of proprietary rights over the sea and its resources is reflected by almost of all of the maps under study, be they of North America or of the East Indies where a variety of ships are shown cruising across seas where fish seems to be accessible to all.

  • 425 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, C2.
  • 426 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in (...)
  • 427 Jonathan Eacott “Those Curious Manufactures That Empire Affords”: India Goods and Early English Exp (...)
  • 428 John Donne, A Sermon, p. 11.
  • 429 Patrick Copland, Virginia's God be thanked (London: John Dawson, 1622), p. 29.
  • 430 The Virginia Company, A True Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia, With a confutati (...)
  • 431 Noel Malcolm, “Hobbes, Sandys, and the Virginia Company” (in The Historical Journal, Vol. 24, No. 2 (...)
  • 432 Sir Thomas Dale to Lord Salisbury, 17 Aug. 1610, reprinted in Brown (ed.), The Genesis of the Unite (...)
  • 433 If compared to examples of English cartography during the Middle Ages (Hereford map, Sawley map, et (...)
  • 434 While the inset visually suggests a connection between Asian geography and Christian history, the n (...)
  • 435 Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion: the Far East and the English imagination, 1600– (...)

130Debates concerning international land law, property rights and trading regulations undermined the claim to absolute authority formulated by the companies. Those uncertainties begged for a better justification for the Company’s “planting” of Virginia for example. The argument of religious conversion was considered an effective palliative, and an incontestable one too. Not only would expansion bring James I a “multitude of subjects”, it would also enlarge the kingdom of his God if the company helped bring Christianity to the Algonquian.425 While “few Elizabethan proposals stressed missionary motivations”, that was “something that would change under James and his son”.426 Indeed, the propagation of Christianity was expected by James I to be a part of the company’s activities, according to Jonathan Eacott.427 The religious motivations of the king and company are made apparent by the ubiquity of religious figures among promotional writers and by the quantity of sermons in the corpus of promotional writing. Preaching to members of the Virginia Company in 1622, John Donne informed his flock with a sermon imbued with geographical language that “you shall receive power […] when the Holy Ghost is come upon you”, adding that the “principall ende is not gaine, nor glory, but to gaine soules to the glory of GOD”.428 In Virginia, people seemed religious and open to the prospect, or so Patrick Copland told company members as he described the way a chief revealed he had a “notion of religion in him” and was “desiring to be instructed in ours”.429 Smith and Vaughan’s “Oulde Virginia” correlated this claim, describing a “Priest”, a “Coniurer” and their “Idoll” towering over the map itself. Trade was thus to be mutually beneficial as the Company would “buy of them pearls of the earth, and sell to them pearls of heaven”.430 The Company’s religious discourse, then, was a “mixture of apologia and advertisement” supported by evidence which could be found in maps’ marginalia.431 In reality, among settlers, “not many [gave] testimonie besides their names that they [were] Christians”, not only showing little interest in proselytising but proving hardly pious themselves.432 This reality is reflected by the maps of North America and the Chesapeake where there is no room for Christian churches in the landscape or Christian symbolism in the maps’ decorative margins.433 In the East, however, “trading forts and factories that did not depend on seizing large tracts of land from other people” did not rely as much on religious language, which is probably why it was absent from the charter granted by Elizabeth I in 1600 and renewed by James I in 1609. The lack of proselytising ambitions and interest in local religion is reflected by Baffin and Roe’s map of the Mughal Empire, but also by the anonymous Insulae Indicae. Paradoxically, maps of Asia contained more hints at Christianity than those of Virginia did. Retrieving a British-Christian heritage in Asia, William Hole’s map of the “Near East”, for example, maps a region as it appears in the Bible, possibly feeding hopes that trade could be had in these parts based on a shared heritage. As for Speed’s maps, they do not refer to religious roles and life, even in the margins where there are merchants, soldiers and regular “counttrie” people, but no “priests” such as those described by John Smith. On his map of Persia, however, he locates “Derbent”, west of the “Sea of Bachu”, and adds that “here dwell Christians”. On his map of China, he also pinpoints the location of “Campion, the chief City of Tanguth, whose inhabitants are Partly Christians and partly Mahumetists”. In the top-right corner of the frame of the same map, Speed describes the “manner of their Execution” showing a man tied to a cross and being seemingly about to be cut open in a manner reminiscent of Jesus Christ’s passion.434 These hints at the presence of Christianity, however marginal or precarious, did not imply that Britons ambitioned mass conversion in Asia, but they did suggest that Christians could trade in Asian cities where some of them were even able to settle permanently. This theory is supported by a letter from Elizabeth I to the king of Aceh in Sumatra as she asked for her merchants to be treated well in his country, invoking their shared monotheisms (Protestantism and Islam) and a common Catholic adversary in an effort “to exclude the ‘third man’” – namely, the Spanish and the Portuguese.435

  • 436 Richard Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, vol.1, p. xxiv.
  • 437 Ibid, p. xxiv.
  • 438 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: mapping the art of travel and exploration” (in the Journal of Histori (...)
  • 439 Christopher Newport, “Relation of the Discovery of our River, from James Fortes into the Maine; mad (...)
  • 440 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia”, in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envision (...)

131Actual possession and use of overseas resources, land and markets were generally proven by individuals’ direct engagement in the Chesapeake and the Indies. Emphasising the personal and direct experience of Company members in those regions, company discourse relied on individuals’ accounts and mobilised those to justify the pursuit of business overseas. Promotional writing put forward British individuals’ experience, a strategy exemplified by the publication of two key works compiling explorers’ individual success by two of the most visible promotional writers of the early modern period: Richard Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations and Samuel Purchas’ Pilgrims. In the Principall Navigations, Hakluyt admonished fellow Britons to seek first-hand experience of the world rather than its discovery through “those wearie volumes bearing the titles of universall Cosmographie”.436 Action and embodied geography, rather than pure representation, were to bring the “certayne and full discoverie of the world”.437 While those works were mediations of experience themselves, including maps which illustrated and located Britons’ journeys, those were examples of personal geography, rather than “universall Cosmographie”. Cartography proved an appropriate means to present those individual experiences of the world. Indeed, at that time, “improvements in mapping have been seen as an integral part of a broader cultural shift linking geography with empiricism”, as Geoff Quilley remarks.438 Interestingly, the title of Smith’s map of 1612 emphatically refers to its author, alleged discoverer and possessor, presenting the geographical entity as the grammatical object of the Company’s envoy: “Virginia Discovered and Discribed by Captayn John Smith Graven by William Hole”. Similarly, one of John Speed’s maps of Asia represents “the kingdome of Persia with the cheef citties and habites described by Iohn Speede”. Again, the cartographer is the mediator between the map viewer and the land itself, providing an immediately British image of the area. Robert Tindall’s map of the mouth of the James River proceeds slightly differently, with the map, not the region itself, being the grammatical object of its author: “The Draught by Robert Tindall of Virginia”. Tindall, who took part in the original expeditions to the James and York rivers, kept a journal of his travels and drew a map on the spot himself. The sketch condensed a number of individual first-hand experiences of the Chesapeake, with the map being directly connected to Captain Gabriel Archer’s personal Relation, both documents being “corresponding counterparts” fusing individuals’ experiences of the Chesapeake.439 That being said, Robert Tindall is also directly connected to the region as he was now – at least on paper – “of Virginia” rather than “of Britain” or “of the Virginia Company”. The map which most emphatically insists on the personal and direct nature of the British experience is Smith and Vaughan’s “Oulde Virginia: A Description of Part of the Adventures of Cap. Smith in Virginia” where the geographical entity is no longer the central focus on the map, but the locus for the explorer’s adventures on behalf of the company. According to Lisa Blansett, Smith’s maps developed a proto-Lockean paradigm of property moving “from the the tentative and conditional (to try) to unrestrictive (I am) valences of “experience”” with specific emphasis on the “embodied experience”.440 While the title of the volume announced a Generall Historie of Virginia, it turns out to be a “generall historie” of the Company’s employee in Virginia. Indeed, “Oulde Virginia” has the actual map of the area surrounded with vignettes showcasing the protagonist labelled “C. S” or “C. Smith” fighting off Algonquian chiefs. The final vignette in the bottom right corner informs the viewer that Smith eventually “subiected 39 of their kings”, with his metonymically defeating resisting populations in the names of the king, company and country.

132Heraldic symbols: from personal venture to national endeavour

  • 441 Richard Kagan and Benjamin Schmidt, “Maps and the Early Modern State: Official Cartography” in John (...)
  • 442 William Hole, who did not just author the map of the Near East but also engraved Smith’s 1612 map o (...)
  • 443 Samuel Purchas, “The Kings Towre and Triumphant Arch of London” (London: W. Stansby, 1622), p. 57.
  • 444 Francis Bacon, “Impositions on Merchandises”, The Works of Francis Bacon (London: A. Miller, 1740), (...)
  • 445 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, D4v.

133For British companies to trade or colonise efficiently, they had to stake their claim and establish a legitimacy with its roots firmly planted in the past. As a specific and significant component of the visual rhetoric of the map, heraldry will be examined as a separate part of the companies’ system of justification. In their contribution to Harley and Woodward’s History of Cartography, Richard Kagan and Benjamin Schmidt observe a decrease in the use of dynastic insignia on British maps at the end of the 16th century and the early years of the 17th century, quoting the works of Christopher Saxton, John Norden, William Camden and John Speed as examples.441 When it came to charting the New World, however, where land was generally considered unpossessed and free for the taking, cartographers continued to stamp royal arms onto maps so as to assert the legitimate ownership of those who explored and charted the land, echoing the symbolic gesture of planting flags and setting up crosses in the actual landscape. Though examples of heraldic imagery are fairly rare on maps, their significance should not be overlooked. National colours are put on display on Tatton and Wright’s map of North America where, despite the centrality of the arms of Castile and León, the English are made a part of the conquest of the New World with a ship on the bottom part of the map flying Saint George’s Cross. Aside from this fairly discrete example, there are two conspicuous representations of the royal coat of arms on the maps under study. On John White’s Virginea Pars, England is firmly planted on the landmass, with two escutcheons displaying the colours of Elizabeth I and surmounted with the sovereign’s crown. The English colours also feature on the ensigns flown by one of the English ships sailing along the coast. On Smith’s map of Virginia, right below the flying scroll, the British crest surmounted by the king’s crown features prominently on the map.442 Thus, the maps visualised what Samuel Purchas later described in a sermon at St Paul’s Cross as the “wide and wilde America”, “now-new-encompassed with this, with His crowne”.443 Under the aegis of the British crest combining the powers of Ireland, England and Scotland united under a single motto (“Honi soit qvi mal y pense”), Virginia was no longer the fruit of Londoners’ ambitions but a British project too. More specifically, the use of the royal coat of arms expressed explicit royal approval. In his works, Francis Bacon (1561-1626) insisted that “the king’s power of imposing was only the legal virtue and strength of those grants; and that the consent of the merchant is but a concurrence, the king is the principale agens”.444 Robert Johnson concurred, commenting that through the charter, “lands [were] granted unto us by his Majestie”.445 Because the patent became “a binding act out of the King’s power”, it was essential that maps put the royal coat of arms on display so as to legitimise the Virginia Company’s symbolic appropriation of space by connecting it directly to the authority of the crown. In a sense, the symbol of royal power on the map was the visual equivalent of the patents granted successively by Elizabeth I and James I.

  • 446 Jan Broadway, “Symbolic and Self-Consciously Antiquarian: the Elizabeth and Early Stuart Gentry’s U (...)
  • 447 Peter Barber in David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps, p. 66.
  • 448 Walter Ralegh was the leader and patron of the Roanoke voyages in 1584-1590.
  • 449 Walter W. Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the new Campaign for New England: a Study in Early Mode (...)
  • 450 John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography” in Sarah Tyacke (ed.), English Mapm (...)
  • 451 Lesley B. Cormack, ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours”: Geography as Self-Definition in Early Moder (...)
  • 452 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, B2r and B2v.
  • 453 John Smith, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 61.
  • 454 Richard Hakluyt, “The most ancient voyage and discovery of the West Indies performed by Madoc the s (...)
  • 455 Jess Edwards, “A Compass to Steer by: John Locke, Carolina and the Politics of Restoration Geograph (...)
  • 456 Jess Edwards, “Between “Plain Wilderness” and “Goodly Corn Fields”: Representing Land Use in Early (...)

134Aside from royal arms, there were also more personal heraldic symbols which tied Virginia to British individuals and history. By putting those arms on display, cartographers made a claim to “the honourable status of an individual acknowledged by his monarch and to a symbolic inheritance of the virtues of medieval knights, rather than to an actual lineage”.446 On Smith’s map of Virginia, for instance, one can notice the presence of Smith’s own coat of arms underpinned by his personal motto. In that particular instance, the coat of arms pays homage to the British explorer and cartographer who stakes a personal claim – albeit for the Company – over the space he created, “associating exploration with national pride and patriotism”.447 On the later map of the Chesapeake entitled “Ould Virginia”, there is more room for the individual who poses as the sole conqueror of the region, with the royal arms having disappeared in favour of Smith’s enlarged crest. A less immediate authority of the discoverer-possessor is also symbolised by Sir Walter Ralegh’s arms imprinted west of the lake labelled “Paquippe” on John White’s Virginea Pars.448 Ralegh is also conjured up in Smith’s “Oulde Virginia” in a cartouche evoking Roanoke, “Sir Walter Raleigh’s plantation”. Reference to Ralegh simultaneously expressed national pride in English feats and equipped the Virginia Company with arguments to defend their claim against the Spanish settled in Florida by connecting contemporary company activities to past discoveries and exploits. To Walter Woodward, those flags and crests, being connected to celebrated male individuals, were a “symbolic display of masculine confidence and authority” and also a means to recast foreign land as territory stamped with symbols.449 In sum, coats of arms were not purely decorative as the “right to these heraldic emblems also incorporated an individual’s right, rooted in the past, to the possession of land”, a right which extended to the Virginia Company by which the individual was employed.450 In a way, these arms were the secular alternative to the pictures of saints and Christ formerly used to assert control on earlier maps, as heraldry helped the Company legitimise its claim to Virginian soil. To further strengthen this assertion of ownership, the Company looked further back in time in search for ancestors from whom Virginia could be inherited. Commenting on references to ancient Britain in the geographical discourse of power, Lesley Cormack explains that “beginning with Arthur’s voyage to Britain” and other mentions of the genesis of modern Britain was a way to stress the “primacy of English exploits and contacts”.451 In Nova Britannia, Robert Johnson deemed that “the first discovery and actuall possession taken thereof, was in the raigne, and by the subiects of Henry the seuenth of England” and that this appropriation having been “truly set downe in the booke of English voyages” (referring to Ralegh and White), were grounds for James I to exert control there.452 Taking up a theory devised by John Dee (1527-1609), Hakluyt goes even further by tracing English exploration back to the legendary Prince Madoc who allegedly travelled to the west coast of North America. In the section entitled “How Ancient Authors report the New-World, Now called America, was discovered: and part thereof first Planted by the English”, John Smith also refers to “Madock, sonne to Owen Guineth, Prince of Wales”.453 This meant “that countrey was by Britaines discovered long before Columbus led any Spanyards thither”, thereby making the British the first discoverers and rightful possessors.454 As a result, maps representing land coveted by the Company but under the protection of powerful countries or individuals, articulated an “accommodation between a liberal ethos of individual endeavour and a conservative one of stable, hierarchical community and aristocratic social stewardship”.455 The map therefore embodied a “representational compromise” between capitalistic values and feudal conceptions of property.456

  • 457 Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion: the Far East and the English imagination, 1600– (...)
  • 458 Ibid, p. 505.
  • 459 Considering Speed also imprinted blank crests on other maps (the map of Tartary for example) and th (...)
  • 460 Kirti N. Chaudhuri, “The World-System East of Longitude 20: The European Role in Asia, 1500-1750” ( (...)

135On early 17th-century maps of the East Indies, on the other hand, there are hardly any blazons. On the Insulae Indicae, there is no emblazoned escutcheon and ship ensigns are blank. According to Robert Markley, “rather than employing hierarchical models of imperial conquest, seventeenth-century English accounts of the Spice Islands emphasize the uncertain and multi-dimensional nature of conflicts (and alliances) among Europeans and indigenous peoples”. 457The anonymous map of the area, by refraining from imprinting any European colours, seems to reflect those uncertainties and frequent shifts in control. Neither the Dutch nor the British were “(yet) an imperial power” there, with the ambition of obtaining a trading monopoly over spices, not translating representations of heraldic insignia on the map.458 On Speed’s maps of Asia, China is the only region to be presented with a coat of arms in the top part of the frame, but it is left blank and therefore emptied of its legitimising power, reduced to an ornamental role.459 As for Baffin and Roe’s map of the Mughal Empire, as discussed earlier in this thesis, it aims to portray a powerful Indian Empire rather than foreshadow an illusory takeover by the East India Company whose ambition was to establish trading posts and obtain monopolies. Hence, it seems fitting that the map-makers should depict the ruling emperor’s arms, rather than those of the Company for which the authors worked. Strong local powers who could guarantee peace were an asset for the East India Company. As John White had used Ralegh as an antecedent, and promotional writers mentioned Madoc to strengthen company claims in the Chesapeake, Baffin and Roe took care to include the emperor’s Timurid ancestors in the seal to help the viewer understand how firm and legitimate the Mughal hold on India was. How was this to benefit the East India Company which was “endowed with wide-ranging political powers in Asia” and establishing “semisovereign political relations with Asian rulers”?460

  • 461 Richard Helgerson, “The Land Speaks: Cartography, Chorography, and Subversion in Renaissance” (in R (...)
  • 462 Ibid, p. 55.
  • 463 Thomas Munck, “Society” in Joseph Bergin (ed.), The Seventeenth Century, p. 54.
  • 464 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in (...)

136While heraldic symbolism may be a significant sign that companies sought to imprint their authority and legitimacy on the maps, they stand out on the page as external decorations, “made to look marginal, merely decorative, and thus ultimately dispensible”, contrary to intrinsic features of the land such as trees, rivers and towns.461 Their disproportionate size could be read as a sign of their author’s desperate need to make the appropriation legitimate. Commenting on large heraldic symbols, Richard Helgerson wrote that “the larger and more elaborate he [the cartographer] makes the signs of sovereignty, the more out of place they seem”.462 However, their size and externality can be interpreted as a means for the Company to lay claim to more than the scattered settlements where a handful of colonists were, stretching out to the hinterland which still eluded company influence. By virtue of their static visual quality, the blazons eternalised the Company’s hold over the land to compensate for the unsuccessful efforts of the enfeebled colonists. Additionally, by putting successful individuals’ coats of arms and names on maps of Virginia for example, maps provided an alluring image of social mobility, with prospects of riches which could lead to ownership and influence at the national level. According to Munck in Bergin’s work on 17th-century Britain, conflicts between old and new elites began to emerge in that period as “money could provide access to all the trappings of elite status, including noble titles, landed estates, fiscal privileges, coats of arms”.463 Those national symbols also promoted a British vision of exploration, both in the West and in the East, giving shape to a “nascent English patriotism”.464 With emblazoned escutcheons featuring on the map, but not quite blending in the cartographic as decorative marginalia, those markers of authority helped companies demonstrate that their business was not as morally dubious as some of their detractors might suggest.

  • 465 Rodney Shirley, The Mapping of the World, p. xiii; Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartograph (...)
  • 466 Ken MacMillan, “Centres and Peripheries in English Maps of America, 1590-1685” in Brückner (ed.) Ea (...)
  • 467 Ibid, p. 91.
  • 468 Jack P. Greene, “From John Smith to Adam Smith”, in Horn, Mancall and Musselwhite (eds.), Virginia (...)
  • 469 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, D4v.
  • 470 Theodore T. Rabb, Jacobean Gentleman: Sir Edwin Sandys, 1561-1629 (Princeton University Press, 1998 (...)
  • 471 East India Company, Charters Granted to the East-India Company, from 1601 (London: printed for the (...)
  • 472 P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 28 (...)
  • 473 Francis Bacon, “A Report of the Spanish Grievances”, in The Works of Sir Francis Bacon (ed. Basil M (...)
  • 474 Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nati (...)
  • 475 Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage, p. 550.
  • 476 Ibid, p. 550.
  • 477 Kenneth Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, p. 313.

137In The Mapping of the World, Rodney Shirley perceives that early modern maps were “decked with the trappings of statecraft” while Martin Brückner defines those early maps of America as artefacts “encoded with European symbols of political authority” in his introduction to Early American Cartographies.465 Considering private companies funded by individuals were in charge of discovering, exploring and controlling distant lands, it may seem surprising that maps should be stamped with symbols of statecraft and political authority. Discussing the regal symbolism displayed on early maps of the New World, Ken MacMillan points out the omission of “representation of local magnate, legislative and trading-company authority”.466 He accounts for this silence by explaining that the British crown was “still the locus of authority for the American colonies” in the early 17th century.467 Indeed, though explored and charted by (or for) companies, Virginian land was seized in the name of the king, not the company. Neither the Virginia Company nor the East India Company were effectively the owners of the lands or markets they claimed control over. The political dimension of company business, maps and promotional discourse emerges from efforts to transform private matters into a nationalistic endeavour. Conveniently for company promoters, maps’ authors stamped traditional insignia of regal authority on their representations of Virginia, thereby transforming a “non-state settlement into a national undertaking”.468 Defending the plan in Nova Britannia, Johnson emphasised that there should “be no adventure, nor goods returned in priuate from thence” as Company and public interests were of prime importance.469 In an article devoted to Edwin Sandys, co-founder and later leader of the VC, Theodore Rabb defends the idea that the “’profiteering’ hypothesis” is insufficient to account for Sandys’ almost obsessive engagement in the company business.470 As for the EIC, the patent granted in 1600 by Elizabeth I had invested the company with the mission of promoting “the Honour of our Nation, the Wealth of our People, and the Encouragement of them, and others of our loving Subjects in their good Enterprizes, for the Increase of our Navigation, and the Advancement of lawful Traffick, to the Benefit of our Common Wealth”, presenting the endeavour as a patriotic mission.471 As time passed, however, it appeared that the East India Company yielded huge profits for a small group of shareholders, profits which caused allegations that the EIC was “run by an oligarchy for its own benefit”.472 Reporting criticism of merchants’ conflation of private interests and national policy, Francis Bacon writes of one reporting it was “a thing too familiar with the merchant, to make the case of his particular profit, the public case of the kingdom” after merchants petitioned James I to pursue war against Spain.473 The less obvious national dimension of the endeavour correlates earlier observations of an absence of British crests and flags on maps of the East Indies. If maps lacked explicit appeals to national sentiments, the promotional literature which surrounded them compensated for the lack of emblazoned escutcheons, with volumes entitled the Principal Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation.474 Writing some twenty years after the creation of the EIC which was becoming more difficult to defend as a national endeavour, Samuel Purchas insisted on the notion that trading activities would still be “a profit to our Nation” and “enrich the King’s Coffers and publike Treasurie, in Customes, Imposts, and other Duties”.475 Not only would the company generate wealth and employment, but it would encourage the building of “so many, so able, so capable Ships” such as those represented all over the maps, as well as increase “the honor of our Nation” as “the English Name hath pierced the remotest Countries”, a phenomenon which also had a cartographic equivalent.476 Thus, the “overriding thrust [of the EIC] was nationalistic” as the company indirectly contributed to the public good of the British nation.477

138Shaping a “mentality of separateness”

  • 478 Lesley B. Cormack, ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours”, p. 661
  • 479 Ibid, p. 652.
  • 480 Prefatory verses, “A Gentleman desirous to be unknowne, yet a great benefactor to Virginia, His Lov (...)
  • 481 Michael Wintle, The Image of Europe: Visualizing Europe in Cartography and Iconography (Cambridge: (...)
  • 482 James Horn, Peter Mancall and Paul Musselwhite (eds.), Virginia 1619, p. 59.
  • 483 “A Report of Sir George Yeardlyes, Going Governor to Virginia”, 1618, in the Ferrar Papers (Old Lib (...)
  • 484 Michael Drayton, “To Master George Sandys” reprinted in The Works of Michael Drayton (ed. John Will (...)
  • 485 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia, C2r.
  • 486 Ken MacMillan, “Sovereignty “More Plainly Described””, p. 440.
  • 487 Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion”, p. 512.
  • 488 Ibid, p. 512.

139In Lesley Cormack’s article ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours”: Geography as Self-Definition in Early Modern England”, the map is viewed as a “mirror” reflecting and shaping national identities.478 Maps such as John Speed’s Theatre were the visual equivalents of Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations which “supplied the English with reflections of themselves”, whether faithful or fantasised.479 At a time when the British identity was new and yet to be defined after James I became king of “Great Britain”, maps endowed those identities with a visual reality. That being said, it may seem paradoxical to apply this reading of British early modern maps to maps of Virginia and the East Indies. Yet, as advertised by the prefatory verses to Smith’s Generall Historie of Virginia, the map’s viewer was indeed to “See here behold as in a Glasse,/All that is, or is and was”.480 While this remark may be read as an invitation to consider the map an exact reflection of Virginia as it is, it could also be suggested that John Smith was already hinting at the possibility for North America to be the locus amoenus for a “New England”. As pointed out by Michael Wintle in The Image of Europe, the early modern period was a time when emerged a renewed sense of European identities in the context of the American “discoveries” and eastward explorations.481 Interestingly, John Smith and Robert Tindall’s maps envision the Chesapeake as a “mirror realm on the banks of the James River” where the James River represented the Virginian version of the Thames.482 James I himself was keen to ensure that representatives of the Company should in “no sorte (albeit soe farre from home) become authors of Novelty or singularity”, but rather, his subjects should seek to reproduce abroad what was already in place at home, both in terms of politics and religion.483 As for people, they were not perceived as physically or culturally much different from part of the British population. Michael Drayton, for instance, thought that Indians were similar to lower-class Britons, a belief refracted by “To Master George Sandys”, poet and treasurer of the Virginia Company from 1621 onwards: “To write me ought of your Savages./ As savage slaves be in great Britaine here,/ As any one that you can shew me there”.484 As some of the promotional writers insisted on the idea that it was “not the nature of men, but the education of men” which made people barbarous or civil, there were hopes that Virginians could consequently be made to resemble Britons.485 Thus, “references to natives on the map suggests that a symbiosis has occurred, that the English and native peoples have intermingled”.486 This seems to be the case on Smith and Hole’s first map of Virginia. In the East, the inclusion of two examples of “a souldier of Iapan” in the margins of Speed’s map of China reflected John Saris’ dreams of finding the equivalent of the British nation in Asia, as the Japanese would “embody the characteristics that the English see in themselves and identify with civilized behaviour” such as the ownership and use of firearms which are used to distinguish the British from the Algonquian on Smith’s “Oulde Virginia”.487 Indeed, for Saris and his employer (the EIC), the “lure of a well-governed nation, lying far enough north to offer a prospective market for English woollens, and apparently willing to entertain a potential trading partner at odds with Catholic Iberia, proved irresistible”.488 Unfortunately for the EIC, Japan was just not willing to look at Britain as in a mirror. Perceptions of others as mirror-images were thus not reciprocated.

  • 489 Jonathan Eacott, “Those Curious Manufactures Empire Affords” in Selling Empire, p. 29.
  • 490 Sir Thomas Roe, in William Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 106.
  • 491 Ibid, p. 106.
  • 492 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Frank Submissions: The Company and the Mughals between Sir Thomas Roe and Sir (...)
  • 493 Samuel Daniel, “Epistle: To Prince Henry,” in Henry R. Woudhuysen (ed.), The Penguin Book of Renais (...)
  • 494 King James I, “A Counter-Blaste to Tobacco”, The Workes of the most high and mightie prince, James, (...)
  • 495 Robert Johnson, “Of Histories” in Essaies: or, Rather Imperfect Offers (London: Adam Islip, 1607), (...)
  • 496 Sir Thomas Smith, “Orders of Smith”, 20 dec. 1573 (ERO MS D/DSH/O1/7).
  • 497 H. R. McIlwaine (ed.), Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1659, p. 9.
  • 498 Letter of John Pory (1618) in Susan Myra Kingsbury (ed.), Records of Virginia Company, vol. 3, p. 2 (...)
  • 499 See arguments in part I of this thesis.
  • 500 The illustrations’ captions were initially in Latin but translated by Hakluyt into English. Quote i (...)
  • 501 “George Sandys to Sir Miles Sandys”, 30 March 1623, in Susan Myra Kingsbury (ed.), Records of Virgi (...)

140However, the wish to incorporate “Indians” from Virginia or the Indies and see them as distorted reflections of Britons, entailed dangers of literal or moral degeneration, according to a number of company writers. “Indianisation” was infelicitous because “Indians” themselves were portrayed as undesirable. In the east, trade and exchange with non-Christians generated fears of emasculation and tyranny. Indeed, “for many English thinkers, leaders, and merchant adventurers, whether Indian consumer goods fostered or sapped England’s strength was an essential question”.489 In the East Indies, Thomas Roe reported to the Company that the Mughal court was a group of effeminate men led by a king who “hath no man but eunuchs” with him.490 Underlining the superficial nature of the Mughal court which “hath soe much affinitye with a theatre”, Roe painted a picture of Oriental vanity and corruption to his reader.491 Additionally, it was considered that the Mughal court was characterised by an “absence of laws, arbitrary royal power, and a penchant for blood-lust, absence of private property” which justified taking advantage of and control over markets in the area.492 Similar questions were asked with regards to Virginia. In the “Epistle to Prince Henry”, the poet and playwright Samuel Daniel enquired whether America “may not unto Christendome/As Fatall be, as Asia was to Rome”.493 More specifically, King James I believed that a popular commodity in Virginia (tobacco) would prove to be one of the “mollicies and delicacies” which had caused “the wracke and ouerthrow, first of the Persian, and next of the Romane Empire”.494 To Samuel Daniel and James I, then, trade would corrupt people on both ends of the bargain, indulging the appetite for luxury nurtured by members of the Company and corrupting the Algonquians who were believed to be free from those appetites in the first place. Writing for the Virginia Company, Robert Johnson made observations on the moral entropy connected to increasing wealth and wondered whether “the spoyles of the whole world”, which he deemed to be a cause of the decline of Rome, would have similar effects on the nascent British commercial empire.495 Because Virginia was an updated version and distorted reflection of Britain, members of the Company were anxious that colonial wealth might corrupt metropolitan values. As early as 1573, Sir Thomas Smith had advised colonists to avoid the “superfluity of fare or or delicatnes and excesse of apparel”.496 Echoing Thomas Smith’s warnings, the laws issued in august 1619 by the House of Burgesses of Virginia firmly condemned “excess in apparel”.497 Thomas Smith’s advice was seemingly ignored and the new rules issued in response to what John Smith reported when he wrote that “our Cowe-keeper here of Iames citty on Sundayes goes acowtered all in freshe flaming silkes” while the wives wore expensive beaver hats and pearls.498 Admonishments for colonists and traders to limit their appetite for luxury conflicted with maps’ effort to exhibit the wealth of commodities which could be obtained in Virginia and the Indies.499 Similarly, Harriot’s Latin caption translated into English by Hakluyt was critical of the “diseases which wee fall into by sumptwous and unreasonable banketts, continuallye deuising new sawces and provocation of gluttony to satisfie our unsatiable appetite”.500 This morally dubious appetite caused Virginia to be “planted dispersedlie in small familyes, far from neighbour” because colonists were “covetous of large possessions (larger than 100 tymes their number were able to cultivate)”, George Sandys deplored in 1623.501 Though this might not appear on Speed or Tatton and Wright’s maps of North America, White, Tindall and Smith’s chorographic pictures of the Chesapeake show that indeed, British presence was fairly dispersed.

  • 502 Edward Wingfield in Edward Arber (ed.), Travels and Works of Smith, p. lxxvii.
  • 503 Edward Arber (ed.), Travels and Works of Smith, vol. 2, p. 519.
  • 504 H. R. McIlwaine (ed.), Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1659, p. 15.
  • 505 “Lawes Divine, Morall and Martiall”, also known as “Dale’s Code” after Sir Thomas Dale who was appo (...)
  • 506 Nicholas Canny, “The Permissive Frontier: the Problem of Social Control in English Settlements in I (...)
  • 507 Ibid, p. 30.
  • 508 See analysis on symbolic and literal absorption in Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: the W (...)
  • 509 The issue of desertion features prominently in the official records of the colony where the reader (...)

141In promotional literature, there were suggestions that in the west, colonists might adopt local appearances and customs. Famously, a number of the original colonists left at Roanoke the first time were believed to have defected to the other side to survive. Instead of evangelising or converting people to trade, activities in the Chesapeake could lead to the opposite process. Reporting to the Company in 1607, Edward Maria Wingfield (1550-1631), who co-founded the business, deplored the fact that “a boy that was run from us” and “our men runnagates” needed recalling from the Algonquians to whom those colonists had defected.502 Contemporary observers described deserters who had “growne so like, both in complexion and habit like a salvage” that all they had left of their former identity was the English language.503 Henry Spelman and Robert Poole are two examples of Britons who left the company and colony to live with the Algonquian as Algonquians. In 1619, the House of Burgesses of Virginia reported this particular kind of incident, judging that Spelman “had in him more of the Savage then of the Christian”.504 To catalyse “Indianisation” and jugulate the corruptive effects of enrichment, the Virginia Company implemented draconian measures of social control known as the Lawes Divine, Morall and Martiall from 1611 to 1618.505 Otherwise, this “extreme indictment of the colony” could be ignored when it came to represent the natural and social realities of the Chesapeake.506 In a chapter entitled “The Permissive Frontier: the Problem of Social Control in English Settlements in Ireland and Virginia, 1550-1650”, Nicholas Canny contends that such mentions of desertions were rarely included by John Smith as he deliberately played them down because people would have likely “seen desertion to the Indians as an adverse reflection on his period of rule”.507 Besides, assimilation of Britons by Algonquians echoed age-old fears of cannibalistic Americans literally absorbing the European individual.508 Despite its prominence and significance, this problem is in fact entirely absent from his maps where individual colonists are not represented. 509Their presence can only be inferred from the fortified settlements in which the viewer may assume British colonists are safely located. When British colonists are represented individually on the later “Ould Virginia”, they are systematically shown as unambiguous adversaries of the Algonquian. Aside from people and culture, Britons could be absorbed by nature itself. Smith’s map of Virginia reflects the notion that Britons perceived themselves as separate from the natural world, with Virginians occasionally merging with the natural landscape. Similarly, Speed’s map of China locates unidentified men “in ye deserte Lop” in the north-eastern parts where they are shown ranging the wilderness. On those maps, however, company members are never shown outside the bounds of the fortified Jamestown and the adjoining settlements, if at all.

  • 510 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, p. 135.
  • 511 Lesley B. Cormack, ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours””, p. 640.
  • 512 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, p. 126.
  • 513 Lesley B. Cormack, ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours””, p. 652.
  • 514 John Bonoeil, His Majesties Gracious Letter to the Earle of South-Hampton (London: Felix Kyngston, (...)
  • 515 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia, C2r, C2v.
  • 516 John Smith Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 359.
  • 517 Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility”, p. 194.
  • 518 Quoted in Joseph Bergin (ed.), The Seventeenth Century, p. 212.
  • 519 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia, C4.
  • 520 For more on representation and differentiation in British early modern cartography, see Richard Hel (...)

142Ultimately, companies had an “interest in preserving difference” as the goal was to ensure a balance of trade in favour of the British. Out of “momentary identification of self and other would come both absolute difference and absolute possession”, to quote Stephen Greenblatt.510 Indeed, the “expanding globe” came along with “an enclosing nation” from the British perspective.511 The better circumscribed the British nation, the easier it was to identify the others so as to keep them separate. The map was the “witness of the other” and the means for Britons to demarcate the boundary between “us” and “them”.512 Britons were “encouraged to see themselves as leaders in the exploration of and trade with the wider world” rather than as partners on an equal footing with their local counterparts.513 Writing after news of the attack against Jamestown had reached London, John Bonoeil refused the possibility for an incorporation of “these hateful savages, enemies herein to God, their King, and Country”.514 Transforming frugality into bestiality, Robert Gray wrote that Algonquian Indians were “savage and incredibly rude” and that “they worship the divell, offer their young children in sacrifice unto him, wander up and down like beasts, and in manners and conditions differ very little from beasts”.515 Boundaries separating Powhatans from Britons were not as clearly defined as colonists probably hoped them to be, and Powhatan’s “familiaritie with us” was the reason why the 1622 attack was so effective, as John Smith argued.516 This is partly why categorisations of people and distinctions “required visible and emphatic demarcation”. 517Gradually, and even more so after the attack, promotional discourse opposed “the salvages” to “us”, a process culminating with Francis Wyatt’s call for the “expulsion of the salvages” for it was “infinitely better to have no heathen among us who were at best but thorns in our sides, than to be at peace and league with them”.518 Once that was achieved, Britons “might lawfully make warre uppon the Savages of Virginia our project”, as Robert Gray proclaimed.519 With purportedly representative specimens of Virginian and Asian peoples in the corner of Smith’s map and in the frames of Speed’s maps, there is no room for go-betweens and “Indianised” Britons. By 1623, there was no room for “Anglicised” Algonquians either, as Smith and Vaughan’s “Oulde Virginia” attests. Representation was not only designed as representative, but also as differentiating, with proper names doing much to distinguish the British from the rest.520

  • 521 Lesley Cormack, “Good Fences Make Good Neighbours”, p. 22.
  • 522 Philip Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 1, pp. 246-47.

143Symbols of legitimate sovereignty and of national pride contributed to the creation of a “mentality of separateness and exploitation that would facilitate the growth of the English Empire”.521 However the companies presented their business and established their legitimacy, not everyone was fooled. Powhatan himself, leader of the people who lived closest to Jamestown, perceived that the British had come to “invade [his] people, and possesse [his] country”, as Britons reported.522 For the British people who crafted promotional literature and maps, as well as for those on the receiving ends of their rhetoric, reality became increasingly difficult to disentangle from the elements of fiction.

III – Ambiguous advertisements: cartographic texts, intertexts and contexts

“Marvelous possessions”: wonder and delusion

  • 523 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: Mapping the Art of Travel and Exploration” (in The Journal of Histori (...)
  • 524 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: the Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chic (...)

144Falling in the “fertile interstices” between advertised facts (part I) and anticipatory fiction (part II), there were parts of the map which displayed marvels and wonders bound to tease the viewer’s imagination.523 In this section, company maps’ “marvelous possessions”, to quote Stephen Greenblatt, their theatrical display and the ensuing disappointments will be examined in more detail.524

145Enthralling the viewer by mapping wonders

146Though the marvellous may seem out of place on early modern company maps, especially considering the efforts deployed by propagandists to assert the veracity and exactitude of their claims, overblown rhetoric and visual exaggeration coincided with the needs of promotional writing.

  • 525 Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, p. 212; Worthington Chauncey Ford, “Captain John (...)
  • 526 John Brereton A Briefe and true Relation of the Discoverie of the North part of Virginia (1602), in (...)
  • 527 “Self-Made Spectacles: the Look of Maps and Cartographic Visualcy” in Martin Brückner, The Social l (...)
  • 528 Daniel Carey, “Hakluyt, Purchas and the Romance of Virginia” in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt (eds (...)
  • 529 “16th and 17th Century Atlases Relevant to History” in Walter Goffart, Historical Atlases: the Firs (...)
  • 530 Ibid, p. 80.

147 In their promise of abundance and extraordinary rewards, promotional discourse tended to produce hyperbolic statements about lands, peoples and resources, magnifying or fabricating components of the cartographic image. At first, this observation may seem to be an exaggeration in itself. Indeed, scholars show that most of those maps were products of meticulous reporting and rigorous mapping, with John White’s work, for example, being shaped by a “higher standard of objectivity than other contemporary descriptions of strange cultures”, and Smith and Hole’s map being celebrated as the “most authoritative survey of the country yet furnished”.525 Titles of company tracts were keen to persuade their audiences that their renderings of foreign resources were accurate. Such is the case of John Brereton’s Briefe and true Relation, Ralph Hamor’s True Discourse, John Rolfe’s True Relation, and Robert Copland’s True Relation of that which passed in the Ilands of Banda, in the East Indies.526 Maps’ titles also claimed veracity as a defining feature of their displays, with for example Speed’s map of Asia being “newly augmented by I. S” and his America shown “with those known parts”. The insistence on the exactness of narratives and maps of the New World and the East Indies “carried a double narrative: one about the accuracy of geodetic data and another about the veracity of the map as a scaled-down model of visual materials”.527 Thus, the map was meant not only to be a proportionate and well-structured document, but also an accurate rendering of physical objects (including resources) of the real world. More specifically, Daniel Carey contrasts reports of marketable commodities in early modern promotional discourse with a more medieval focus on wonders, writing that the elder Hakluyt’s “Inducements to the Liking of the Voyage intended towards Virginia” (published in 1602) was in tune with Harriot and White’s works, “focusing especially on commodities, instead of providing a protracted dilation on the wonders of the New World landscape”.528 Because “European exploration and mapping of the world broke spectacularly out of the limits of the Ptolemaic coordinates”, the geometrical structure of early modern maps left room for uncertainty.529 As a result, those gaps were filled with a number of elements which were both decorative and significant. In this subsection, I would suggest that the report of commodities and the inclusion of wonders were not mutually exclusive on company maps. John Speed, in particular, is known to scholars to have been “superimposing pictorial and anecdotal detail on a geographical map”, some of those details being seemingly inherited from earlier cartographic traditions which included references to the monstrous and the bizarre.530 Indeed, John Speed’s map of the “known parts” of North America was still a mapping of an “unknowne worlde”. Hence, despite their avowed veracity and accurate depiction of space, people and resources, company maps were still occasionally strewn with remnants of medieval marvels such as sea monsters and architectural marvels (like the Great Wall on the map of China). The monstrous creatures surviving on those maps, however, seemed to perform a specific discursive function which echoed the companies’ efforts to reassure British audiences about the hazards of overseas endeavours.

  • 531 For more on sea creatures on early modern maps, see Chet Van Duzer, Sea Monsters on Medieval and Re (...)
  • 532 John Smith, The Generall Historie of New England, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. (...)
  • 533 More on the mythical quality and geographical significance of that Strait later in this section.
  • 534 On the etymological origins of the “monster” and its hermeneutical functions in early discourse, se (...)

148The most conspicuous marvellous elements of those maps are the disproportionately large sea creatures roaming the seas on a number of the maps under scrutiny here. In the East, such creatures appear on the anonymous Insulae Indicae, but also on Speed’s maps of Asia and China. As for the New World, these monsters roam the seas on the maps by Tatton and Wright, Smith and Hole, and Speed. At first, the representation of such creatures may be considered to have undermined promotional discourse, rather than bolstering economic activities and investment. Yet, those creatures, whose numbers and shapes vary from one map to another, may have conveyed messages likely to fit promotional needs. Indeed, the Insulae Indicae map representing the coveted “Spice Islands” only features what looks like one oversized fish south of the line marking the “Circulus Aequinoctialis”. Though more numerous and more menacing in appearance than the fish on the Insulae Indicae map, Speed’s map of Asia showcases three colourful sea-monsters as well as a smaller sketched specimen wading far from the shores of India, Persia and the Spice Islands, being confined to in the southernmost parts of the “East Ocean” and the northernmost areas of the “West Ocean”, thereby giving more space for European ships to sail and trade in areas of interest. Besides, the further north and away from places of interest to the EIC, the more threatening the expression on the “face” of the creatures (teeth showing and glaring eyes). The only sea-creature close to the EIC’s markets is what looks like a whale with its double spout, an image not unfamiliar to early modern audiences.531 A similar variety of sea monsters appears on Tatton and Wright’s map of North America where giant fish are visually on the same level as elaborately designed monsters. The potential resources in fish suggested by the specimen represented in the “Sinus Mexicanus” connected to the Atlantic as well as the moderately menacing sea creature south of Cuba, however, do not suggest the same level of monstrosity as the two creatures located in what is now known as the Pacific. A similar concentration of sea monsters can be observed on Speed’s later map of America where the oceanic space between Europe and Virginia is clear of all monstrous creatures. From a British perspective, then, the closer to home and colonial interests, the less bizarre were the creatures likely to be encountered when sailing to America were. The presence of sea-monsters is also played down on Smith and Hole’s 1612 map of Virginia where the potential dangers company envoys might face upon entering the Chesapeake Bay are limited to a morose creature looking away from “Smyths Isles” and the entrance of the bay itself. From what Smith writes about his whaling ventures off the coasts of Virginia and New England, we may infer that the creature is an example of the whales he and his crew tried hunting. As they “found this Whale-fishing a costly conclusion” with the whales spotted in the area not being the type “that yeelds Fins and Oile as [they] expected”, whales were discarded both as a marvel and as a source of profit for the companies.532 In light of those observations, it is hardly surprising that the whale is altogether absent from the later version of the map by Smith and Vaughan. In one particular instance, however, the sea-monster is shown dangerously close to a European ship. Indeed, on Speed’s map of China, there is a large red creature with its sharp-toothed mouth open facing a European ship sailing in the “Chinian Ocean” near the “Straite of Anian”. 533Showing forth (monstrare in Latin) the perils of sailing in that particular area, the monster thus combines an antiquarian pleasure in filling the cartographic gaps and practical suggestions about the technical difficulties of sailing in the East.534

  • 535 Walter Ralegh quoted in Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, p. 142.
  • 536 Ibid, p. 142.
  • 537 See Peter Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt and the visual world of early modern travel narratives” in Dani (...)
  • 538 “Arabia the Happie” is an incomplete translation of the Latin “Arabia Felix”, itself a translation (...)

149Though aware of the marvellous quality of earlier accounts of the New World and the East, promotional writers like Walter Ralegh perpetuated reports of medieval wonders “whose reports were holden for fables”.535 To him, “since the East Indies were discovered, we find his relations true of such things as heretofore were held incredible”.536 In fact, medieval “blemmyes” feature on illustrations of Ralegh’s narrative of Guiana. However, as Peter Mancall points out, the Flemish engraver responsible for those illustrations had no vested stakes in English colonisation and could therefore afford to represent frightful creatures in places of interest to promotional writers.537 One may thus wonder why the English cartographer and engraver William Hole chose to include “fables” on the “Map of the Near East” produced to illustrate Ralegh’s Historie of the World (1614). While the map does not discard myths and marvels, it displaces medieval marvels from the easternmost parts of Asia to what the map calls the “near east”. Indeed, the map ascribes adjectives evoking an alluring but loosely-defined locus amoenus in “Arabia”, labelling an entire region “Arabia the Happie”, using a name inherited from a classical tradition of referring to “Arabia Felix” for what is now Yemen.538 Aside from such marvellous-sounding toponyms, the map includes place-names and characters borrowed from biblical narratives such as the Tower of Babel “wher NIMROD seated himselfe and thence built ACHAD EREC CHALNE and then NINIVE EREC”. Ralegh and Hole’s map of the Near East thus seemingly took up the medieval tradition of promoting the attractiveness of Asia by tying the region to biblical sources. However, and though the purpose of the map – aside from serving as an illustration – is not quite clear, the document displaces the medieval epicentre of Asian marvels further from the East Indies, a space recast as a source of secular and economic wonders, rather than biblical and monstrous marvels now located in the “Near East”. Hence, Ralegh and Hole’s picture does not particularly undermine colonial projects in the East. Rather, promotional writers and company business may have benefitted from this convenient displacing of the wondrous east away from the East Indies.

  • 539 For more on the marvels and monstrous races located in Asia on British medieval maps, see Evelyn Ed (...)
  • 540 The legendary Sir John Mandeville is discussed in Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. 2, p. 285. For Brahma (...)
  • 541 Anthony Grafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts, p. 247, p. 148, p. 153.
  • 542 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance, p. 4.

150Similarly, spaces like China – with which the EIC traded off ships or in Southeast Asian markets – concentrated a number of marvels, though for different reasons. Being less accessible and not as well documented as places such as India where the EIC sent Thomas Roe, China was more likely to concentrate marvellous peoples and locations than other places in Asia.539 In that respect, the visual oddities on Speed’s map of China do not come as a great surprise. On that map, for example, there is a curious man riding a fish in a small body of water between “Xiam Xii” and “Sancii”. Though there are no descriptions or explanations for that particular creature, there is a detailed verbal account of the people who are “thought to be seduced by wonderfull illusions and diuilish spitting” to accompany visual representations of humanoid and monstrous beings seemingly dancing on the map somewhere in the “Desert Lop”. Legendary places evoking medieval lore and marvels also include the “Kingdome of Bramas” in west, “Cathaya” in the north and the “Parte of Tartaria” filling the large gap west of the westernmost mountain range. While the “Kingdome of Bramas” may evoke the legendary Brahmins in Mandevillian lore, “Cathaya” echoes Marco Polo’s marvellous tales of China though Speed seemingly did not understand that by “Cathaya”, Polo had meant “China”.540 “Cathaya”, however, seems particularly off limits, lying beyond a heavily mountainous zone south of the “Great Cam”, thereby discouraging viewers from planning journeys to Marco Polo’s “Cathaya” despite its famed port cities and abundant wealth. Commenting on the persistent presence of “strange peoples and monsters, ships and cartouches were merely window-dressing” on Blaeu’s maps, Anthony Grafton concludes that “ancient texts and theories proved surprisingly resilient” as “tradition clung to the New World like ivy to brick”, even on early modern maps.541 Not entirely decorative, however, and in keeping with Frank Lestringant’s interpretation of monstrous phenomena on Renaissance maps, these elements may have functioned as “milestones” on company maps, marking the limits of the company’s knowledge and geographical zones of interest.542

  • 543 John Smith, Generall Historie, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 80 and p. 81.
  • 544 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, p. 122.
  • 545 P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire: Brit (...)
  • 546 “Appendix A”, in William Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 537.
  • 547 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, p. 122.
  • 548 Ibid, p. 122.

151Marvellous locations and objects on the cartographic document were not only conveniently located away from places of interest to the companies, but they were occasionally included in Asian and North American spaces, thereby presenting the latter as places where anything could happen. If the viewer could be convinced that natural marvels could occur in those places, then advertisements of tremendous amounts of gold and other valuable commodities would become more believable and likely to be confirmed by first-hand testimonies as well as handsome returns. Similarly, John Smith’s Generall Historie of Virginia begins with remarks on a “wonderfull Accident”, a “marveilous Accident” and Virginians’ “strange opinions” (my emphases), thereby preparing the reader for the extraordinary wealth of resources listed a little later in the book.543 Considering that sight was a means “to secure the truth of what might otherwise be deemed incredible”, visual maps were probably the most effective tool of persuasion available to companies.544 Thus, not only were those marvels objects of detached curiosity and aesthetic pleasure, but they were also the focus of the companies’ economic hopes and speculations. Writing about Thomas Roe’s records of his experience in India, for example, P. J. Marshall argues that his writing facilitated the “slow replacement of English beliefs in an India of marvels, still dominant in Elizabethan literature”.545 While the wondrous locales and creatures recorded above are indeed almost entirely absent from Baffin and Roe’s map of India, it could be argued that discourses surrounding that map ascribed a different set of marvels to the Indian space. In an appendix entitled “Roe’s Geographical Account of the Mogul’s Territories” presenting a list of Indian locales copied by Thomas Roe, the reader is told that in Agra, a high-way can be said to have been “one of the great woorkes and woonders of the world”.546 Highlighting the wondrous qualities of India, the verbal appendix compiled by the EIC’s ambassador may have encouraged company members and investors to view India as a place where the “wonders of the world” also included a magical transformation of cheap English cloth into valuable silks and calicoes. On the map, those economic wonders are made believable by the geographical marvels with which the viewer is presented: large cities and palaces on top of hills (“Chitor” and “Mandow”), magnificent bridges over rivers (east of “Chitor”) or “The Longe Walke” bordered by a neat row of massive trees connecting Agra and “Lahor”. These subtle geographical wonders became “by metonymy a representation of the whole”.547 Indeed, if localities were wondrous, then what limit was there to Indian and East Indian wonder in general? Hence, the experience of wonder was a “decisive emotional and intellectual experience in the presence of radical difference”, but also one which accommodated leading company promoters’ economic advertisements.548

  • 549 Joan-Pau Rubiés, “Futility in the New World: Narratives of Travel in Sixteenth-Century America”, in (...)
  • 550 Ironically, “utopia” could both signify the “good place” and “nowhere”. Sir Thomas Smith, A Letter (...)
  • 551 William Symonds, Virginia: A Sermon Preached at White-Chappel (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, (...)
  • 552 “Sir Walter Cope to Lord Salisbury” (August 1607) in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, p (...)
  • 553 “Newport’s Letter to Lord Salisbury” (July 1607) in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, p. (...)
  • 554 John Smith, “An Abstract of Divers Relations sent from the Colony in New England, July 16, 1622” in (...)
  • 555 John Smith, “A Description of New England” in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 409-410 (...)

152While Asian riches coveted by the EIC mainly consisted in spices and cloth, those which the Virginia Company initially sought to lay hands on in the New World were valuable metals. In promotional discourse, the country itself got effectively transformed into a wondrous land of gold, milk and honey. Conveniently for the Virginia Company, the “vastness and novelty” of North America “multiplied the possibilities for mythical construction”.549 A pioneer of English overseas activities in Virginia with vested interests in the EIC, Sir Thomas Smith attempted to launch a venture focused on ore extraction in the late 16th century. In a letter discussing his efforts to persuade others to join him in his copper and quicksilver venture, he asked: “have I not set forth to you another Utopia?”.550 Following in Smith’s footsteps, Virginia Company promoters also “set forth” an optimistic picture of the New World as a bottomless fountain of gold and honey. Drawing on a rhetoric complete with optimistic metaphors, company writers shaped an image of Virginia imbued with wonders. In a sermon delivered in 1609, for example, William Symonds told investors of the VC that Virginia was in the image of the biblical land “that floweth with milke and honie”.551 Adapting the metaphor to his own enthusiastic expectations, Sir Walter Cope wrote to Salisbury that “In steed of mylke we fynde pearle & golde Inn steede of honye”.552 Indeed, colonists did not actually expect to literally find milk and honey, but they did initially hope to find sources of gold and copper. In a letter to Lord Salisbury, Newport wrote that “the Contrie is excellent and verie Riche in gold and Copper”.553 While White and Tindall’s charts of coastal Virginia and maps of the Chesapeake made in 1612 and 1624 do not refer to gold and other valuable metals, Tatton and Wright’s map made in 1600 does allude to the “mons Apallaci in quo aurum et argentum est” (the Appalachian mountains, where gold and silver are). However, such wondrous tales of an earthly paradise led a number of Britons to “thinke it strange” that such a place existed (my emphasis), or so John Smith writes in 1622.554 For his audience to believe him, John Smith was to correct the view that the gold and honey put forth in promotional discourse were to be understood literally. Thus, transforming gold into an attractive figure of speech, Captain John Smith insists that fish “is the chiefest Mine, and the Sea the source of those silvered streames” and that the profit Britons could made from this “miracle of industry” would “amaze a man with wonder”.555 Through some sort of discursive transubstantiation, then, company promoters such as Smith persisted in appealing to the audience’s golden hopes to attract colonists and investors. Although it is hard to tell if company writers still believed that Virginia would be a source of gold after the company’s first expeditions showed that these speculations were not particularly justified, their persistence in using metallic metaphors do suggest that rhetorical figures of speech insisting on a wondrous land of gold and honey were deemed more effective to attract investors, while also compensating for the maps’ gradual exclusion of fantasised gold mines in Virginia.

  • 556 Alessandro Scafi, “Mapping Eden: Cartographies of the Earthly Paradise” in Denis Cosgrove, Mappings(...)

153In sum, contrary to what Alessandro Scafi wrote about early modern maps in general, “the decline of the mappaemundi” did not “[bring] about the decline and fall of the Garden of Eden from maps of the world” on early 17th-century company maps, but merely re-cast paradise as a mercantilist locus amoenus.556 The mythical and marvellous, then, persisted on early modern company maps, but endowed those concepts with meanings of their own. Whether golden or monstrous, those wonders served to attract the audience’s gaze and shape a partly fictional view of North America and the East Indies. This spectacular function could also be performed by the theatrical quality of company maps.

154Theatrical displays

  • 557 William Gustav Gartner, “An Image to Carry the World Within It: Performance Cartography and the Ski (...)
  • 558 “Introduction: Critical Histories of Geography”, in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography (...)
  • 559 Eric Hirsch, in Eric Hirsch and Michael O’Hanlon (eds.), The Anthropology of Landscape, p. 3.

155In the second part of this thesis, I tried to show that maps are not necessarily non-performative and static representations of co-synchronous space. Indeed, “although we tend to think of performance as ephemeral”, cartography could materialise a spatial performance which would re-enact itself every time someone new would gaze upon the map.557 Rather than an “inert backdrop to historical events”, maps will be considered in this section a dynamic dramatization of economic and colonial prospects.558 Here, I would add that the temporal depth discussed earlier was not just about economic prospects, but also about dramatizing space so as to “bring into view” and rehearse company plans.559

  • 560 Ladan Niayesh, “Seeing and Overseeing the Stage as Map in Early Modern Drama” in Claire Jowitt and (...)
  • 561 See for example the role of maps in Shakespeare’s Henry IV and King Lear in Richard Helgerson’s ana (...)
  • 562 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, pp. 28-29.

156The affinities between early modern drama and cartography have been extensively commented upon by a number of specialists of the early modern period. In a chapter entitled “Seeing and Overseeing the Stage as Map in Early Modern Drama”, for example, Ladan Niayesh examines the fruitful interconnectedness at play between theatre and cartography in early modern Britain, a dialogue which “[broke] down the barriers between the categories of text, map, painting, and even of the theatrical dialogue”.560 While geographical fantasies were being played out on the early modern stage, theatricality was being infused in a number of geographical representations.561 Promotional discourse too revealed writers’ propensity to discuss company business and its geographical applications in theatrical terms. In his Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, for example, William Strachey finishes his introductory section with a running metaphor portraying promotional discourse as “Scaenes of truth, brought to this Act”, the display of which “deserves iust showt and Applause”.562 As the product of the converging trajectories of theatrical cartography and theatrical promotional discourse, company maps were particularly prone to exploit the power of drama.

  • 563 Strachey was a careful reader of Smith and Hole’s map to which he frequently refers in Historie of (...)
  • 564 Jess Edwards, “Between “Plain Wilderness” and “Goodly Corn Fields”: Representing Land Use in Early (...)

157Visually, a number of aesthetic features and choices made by company map-makers strongly suggest a theatrical understanding of space and peoples. Indeed, maps usually feature a number of stock characters clearly identified and taken to the geographical stage. On Speed’s maps, for example, labels are associated to each one of the character types one may find on the Asian stage: “A Moluccan”, “A Chinian Men”, “Contt. Woman”, etc. Similarly, Smith and Hole’s map of Virginia (1612) features a foreign character placed on a cartographic stage. Indeed, a member of the “Sasquesahanough” tribe is planted on the top right corner of the map with his shadow stretching behind him as if he were standing on a physical stage. In the opposite corner of the same map, a small vignette locates Virginian characters taking part in a smoking scene. The depth and volume of the room evoke the physical and limited space of a stage, complete with a central balcony reminiscent of the elevated part of the stage in early modern theatres. This is precisely the parallel William Strachey established in his description of Virginian houses in which “they haue sometimes A Scaene of high Stage raised like a scaffold”.563 A small stage (place) on Smith and Hole’s larger cartographic stage (space), the “kings howse” materialises a mise en abyme whose theatrical quality could hardly be ignored. Similarly, on Smith and Vaughan’s map of Virginia, the central vignette above Virginia shows a “Coniurer” and “a Priest” wearing distinctive costumes and carrying stage-props with them while they dance on what looks like a stage framed by columns. Thus, the maps by Speed, Smith and Hole, but also Smith and Vaughan, portray indigenous peoples “on the map rather than in it”, a representational strategy which might have encouraged the map viewer to consider indigenous people as ultimately dispensable.564

  • 565 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: Mapping the Art of Travel and Exploration”, p. 8.
  • 566 In the top left corner, Smith is “bound to a tree to be shott to death” while in the bottom right c (...)
  • 567 Captain John Smith, The Generall Historie of New England in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, (...)
  • 568 Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage, quoted in Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire, p. 30.

158Their dramatic role in the context of British commercial schemes is unclear. Maps’ theatrical displays seem ambiguous and contradictory, with both indigenous and exogenous characters being simultaneously cast as active participants and as passive spectators. This paradox is transposed to the cartographic space of Smith and Vaughan’s map of Virginia where Algonquian people and British colonists are given active roles in the map’s display, with the “conjurer”, the “priest” and their flocks dancing across the vignettes and being occasionally the grammatical subjects of captions reading “how they tooke him prisoner” or “king Powhatan commands C. Smith to be slayne”. However, the smoking scene — borrowed from the earlier version by Smith and Hole — shows Algonquian spectators witnessing Smith’s attempted execution in what resembles a theatre. In that particular instance, Smith is the central protagonist and Algonquian Indians passive onlookers. Yet, John Smith himself is also alternatively cast as an actor and a spectator. In the central vignette above the Chesapeake, for instance, he appears as a seated spectator in a position similar to the map viewer’s in the conjuration scene. Nonetheless, he remains part of the cartographic and theatrical focus as he is located on the stage. In fact, the company’s envoy is clearly the key protagonist on the map. Indeed, “through reference to the seminal figure” of the company, John Smith, the map creates a visual dramatic narrative in which Virginia and its people merely serves as a décor.565 That much is suggested by the recurring presence of “C. S” or “C. Smith” whose fate is the focus in the scenes where he faces various perils and imminent death.566 In most of the explanatory captions for the vignettes, Smith is the grammatical and visual subject, even when in a position of weakness (“C. Smith bound to a tree to be shot”). In that respect, Smith is both the protagonist of the cartographic play, and its playwright, a position decidedly in favour of the Virginia Company and its acting ambassador. Ultimately, then, the dramatic demiurge was on the side of the British Company, rather than on the side of the Virginians. This theory is supported by John Smith’s own words in The Generall Historie where he describes his expeditions for the Virginia Company in places “where [his] commanders were actors and spectators” (my emphasis).567 John Smith’s Company “actors” were employees who, like Smith himself, actively explored a space which they engaged with directly. They were also “spectators” in the sense that they were the witnesses of Smith’s own activities and successes in Virginia, and could therefore confirm that his “relations” were truthful. Using similar language but taking care to cast foreigners as passive spectators, Samuel Purchas claimed that “the Sea [was] becomming an Amphitheatre where the Easterne World might be Spectators of the Westerne Worth”, thereby reducing Asia to a decorative stage and Asian peoples to spectators, all the while casting Britons as active performers in charge of the plot and action.568 Thus, company maps and discourse clearly drew a line between Algonquian or Asian spectators and British spectators, the latter ultimately being the authors of the maps, or their recipients — that is, the ultimate actors and spectators of the cartographic stage, dictating geographical discourse and economic dynamics.

  • 569 The theatrical procession was a propagandistic display promoting investment in the Virginia venture (...)
  • 570 Patricia Crouch, "Patronage and Competing Visions of Virginia in George Chapman's "The Memorable Ma (...)
  • 571 Ibid, p. 417.
  • 572 Captain John Smith, The Generall Historie of New England, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol (...)
  • 573 Prefatory verse by Thomas Macarnesse to Smith’s Generall Historie of Virginia, in Barbour (ed.), Co (...)

159Both cartography and drama being visual devices, they were likely to facilitate such a process, particularly if combined in a single document. We know that the Virginia Company had a penchant for theatrical displays transposing foreign décor and agents in a familiar English setting. In “Patronage and Competing Visions of Virginia in George Chapman’s “The Memorable Masque” (1613)”, in particular, Patricia Crouch comments on displays of Virginian people, paraphernalia and geography in a masque designed by the Virginia Company in a venue involving different sources of patronage (company members, courtiers, the king, etc.).569 Commenting on the Algonquian characters in the masque, Crouch remarks that “once transported to England, English civility alchemized them into purely ceremonial implements symbolic of New World wealth”.570 The “geography of the masque was closed and insular”, and so was that of British-made company maps of the Chesapeake.571 This particularity made it possible for British playwrights and cartographers to displace that fictional space from Virginia to London where inhabitants and riches became tangible and believable, being presented directly to potential investors and colonists. As Crouch demonstrates, the show was an extravagant visual advertisement of New World riches reminiscent of the VC’s practice of transporting Algonquian individuals to London where they were exhibited as wonders from the New World. Volumes and maps, just like foreign people, could offer an enticing picture of American wonders. Occasionally, printed displays and exhibitions of real people coalesced on the map. Indeed, Pocahontas was paraded across London in 1616 but was also made a part of the company’s cartographic scenarios. In a vignette in the bottom right corner of Smith and Vaughan’s map of Virginia, Pocahontas is shown playing her role of mythical saviour. Suggesting that such exhibitions were not only pleasurable but also marketable wonders in The Generall Historie, John Smith writes about “a salvage called Epenew” who was “a man of so great a stature, he was shewed up and downe London for money as a wonder”.572 A similar individual man of “so great a stature” is presented to the map viewer of Smith and Hole’s map where an Algonquian “gyant” is paraded on the Virginian stage, a cartographic stage likely to have been set in a London décor. Those spectacular displays were indeed intended for “who loves to live at home yet looke abroad” (my emphasis), or so readers are told in the prefatory verses to Smith’s Generall Historie of Virginia.573

  • 574 “Newport’s Letter to Lord Salisbury” (July 1607) in Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, vol. 1, p (...)
  • 575 Eric Hirsch in Hirsch and O’Hanlon (ed.), “Introduction. Landscape: between Place and Space”, in Th (...)
  • 576 Jordana Dym, “Travel Writing and Cartography” in Nandini Das and Tim Youngs (ed.), Cambridge Histor (...)
  • 577 Peter Hulme, “Deep Maps: Travelling on the Spot”, in Julia Kuehn and Paul Smethurst (ed.), Travel W (...)
  • 578 Lauren Working, ““The Savages of Virginia Our Project”: The Powhatans in Jacobean Political Thought (...)

160Direct engagement with Virginia from home is also presented as a crucial experience for company members in promotional literature. Writing back to Lord Salisbury, for example, Captain Newport tells his addressee that his verbal descriptions of “gold and Copper” will prove nothing. The “gould wee haue brought” and sent to Salisbury, however, was designed to persuade about Virginian riches and meant for him “to shewe it his Majesty and rest of the Lords”, adding that he “will not deliver the expectaunce and assurance we haue of greate wealth, but will leaue it to your Lordships Censure when you see the probabilities”.574 Thus, I would argue that the theatricality of company maps made space and place coalesce. The abstract space (where the viewer is in a “non-subject position”) could simultaneously become a more apprehensible place defined by its immediacy and “unreflexive form of experience”.575 As it “sets the stage and brings a real or fictional traveller’s world into focus”, the theatrical company map enables potential investors and colonists to simulate a first involvement or contact experience with Virginia, possibly teasing them into fully committing to the company.576 In that sense, cartographic theatrical displays were a way for Britons “to travel on the spot”.577 They also reveal the “personal, even emotive nature of English colonial support”.578

  • 579 Michael Neill, Issues of death: Mortality and Identity in English Renaissance Tragedy (Oxford: Clar (...)
  • 580 The Ottoman and the Persian empires were at war in 1603-1618 and 1623-1639.

161While the power of the visual and direct contact experience was likely to seduce and attract investors or colonists, theatrical cartography was more specifically a means for Britons to rehearse business or colonial scenarios. In this paragraph, I will be drawing on Michael Neill’s theory that the early modern theatre gave Britons a chance to substantiate, envisage (literally, giving a phenomenal face) and rehearse concepts or events such as death.579 Adapting this notion to a context of commercial promotional literature and to the cartographic medium, I would suggest that the map-stage could also facilitated the rehearsal of projected scenarios, albeit by different means and with a different purpose. As far as the East was concerned, maps offered scenarios of flourishing and harmonious trade. On Speed’s maps of Asia, for instance, Asian people presented in the margins adopt gestures suggesting a certain openness to trade. The map is in that sense the locus of an imagined scenario where various people come together on the same cartographic stage in a common search for commercial exchange. Hence, “a Chinian men” and “a souldier of Iapan” imaginatively occupy the same British-made space on Speed’s map of China. Significantly, the Speed’s map of Persia brings together a “Turkes man” and a Persian “contry man” though Turks and Persians were then at war.580 In the top part of the map’s frame, the vignettes, providing lush and optimistic stage décors, resemble the changing scenery system called “periaktoi” and recently introduced in the early modern theatre. Though the map was produced near the end of the Jacobean era, it was also only the beginnings of the long-lived East India Company. Fantasising or anticipating later successes in Asian trade, the map can therefore be said to have projected a cartographic rehearsal or anticipatory scenario for the years, decades and even centuries to come. As for the New World, a number of maps had to adjust initial projections of peaceful trade relations and economic success by re-writing the company’s history with the indigenous actors of the Chesapeake initially showcased on Smith and Hole’s map of 1612. Indeed, over a decade later, Smith and Vaughan’s map of Virginia provides a dramatic scenario divided into different scenes, following the usual pattern of a quest beginning with an initial lack (land or resources) leading to an adventure (appropriation of Virginia) involving obstacles (harsh climate and Algonquian presence) ultimately overcome by the protagonist. In that particular case, the map adopts a dramatic model but adapts it to fit a distinctively commercial and proto-imperial context (dominance over land and people). This map being made in the late years of the moribund Virginia Company, it would strike the viewer less as a rehearsal than an attempt to retrospectively provide an epic dramatization of what was already blending dramatic legend and colonial history.

  • 581 Patricia Crouch, “Patronage and Competing Visions of Virginia”, p. 417.
  • 582 Eric Hirsch, “Landscape: between Place and Space”, in Eric Hirsch and Michael O’Hanlon (eds.), The (...)
  • 583 The image of space as a stage was modelled after an earlier well-known atlas and map produced by Ab (...)
  • 584 At the time Speed made this Theatre of the Empire of Great Britain, “Great Britain” was a recent ge (...)
  • 585 Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay: an Exploration of Landscape and History (Minneapolis: Universi (...)
  • 586 “The Proceedings of the English Colony in Virginia”, 1612, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vo (...)
  • 587 Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility”, p. 223.
  • 588 Nandini Das, “Sir Thomas Roe: Eyewitness to a Changing World” (London: Hakluyt Society, 2018), p. 9 (...)
  • 589 Ibid, p. 15.

162Beyond the mere pleasure British viewers may have experienced when presented with such performances, theatricality was also taken seriously in the context of companies struggling for economic or territorial dominance overseas. Indeed, bringing Jamestown to London, maps made the “two sites imaginatively occupy the same geographical, and hence national and imperial, space”.581 In keeping with Patricia Crouch’s suggestion that drama was somehow connected to proto-imperial stakes, Eric Hirsch ties this theatrical quality of cartographic displays to early modern proto-imperial developments, arguing that mappings of “discoveries” and exploration in the context of European expansion were about symbolically casting a particular area of interest as a stage.582 This is seemingly what John Speed did with his maps of Asian regions appended to the volume bearing the eloquent title of Theatre of the Empire of Great Britain (1611). The title combined in a single entity theatricality (“theatre”), proto-imperialism (“empire”) and cartography (atlas).583 In the context of 17th-century plans for economic and colonial expansion, this “theatre” was tied to the nascent empire which was being partly created through maps.584 Reinforcing the already obvious theatrical image, the title-page of the atlas says that the volume was “performed” by John Speed. Using Carter’s words in The Road to Botany Bay, Eric Hirsch defines imperial history as a form of history which “reduces space to a stage” where European actors take part in scenarios of “discovery” and appropriation.585 Though in a different context than the one on which Carter focuses, it appears that theatricality was taken fairly seriously by both the VC and the EIC. In an attempt to subdue the mighty Powhatan tribe in the Chesapeake, Virginia Company leaders sought to stage a mock crowning of Powhatan to make him a subject of king James I. Powhatan himself, being keenly aware of the symbolic significance of such a farce, apparently refused to kneel but accepted the crown as a prop signifying Algonquian dominance. Upset about this undesirable interpretation of the scene, Smith wrote that “this stately kind of soliciting made him so much overvalue himselfe that he respected us as much as nothing at all”.586 Nevertheless, Powhatan was reluctant to adopt British costume and props as “one moved closer to being a Christian by dressing as one”.587 Likewise, the power of theatricality was acknowledged by East India Company actors on the Asian stage. Thomas Roe was in a similar position to Powhatan’s, being equally invited to play the part of a vassal in a theatrical display orchestrated by foreigners. While Powhatan had the advantage of being at home, Roe was a guest at a foreign emperor’s court. The company’s ambassador perceived the significance of theatricality. This is what Nandini Das explains in “Sir Thomas Roe: Eyewitness to a Changing World” where she demonstrates that representation “was at once the ambassador’s rationale for being, as well as the primary threat to his being”.588 This is why Roe expressed “resistance to the theatrical, seductive, all-encompassing nature of sovereign performance” at court, rejecting – as Powhatan did in Virginia – to give up British clothing for local fashion.589 Roe’s defiance towards theatrical performance, then, is likely to account for the lack of theatricality on Roe and Baffin’s map of the Mughal Empire.

163Promotional maps, then, reveal a fruitful affinity between cartographic and theatrical discourse. However, the wonders exhibited in London by means of maps, drama or both, usually led to disappointment when confronted with the dire realities of company experience, be it in Virginia or the East Indies.

164Reality checks: a tale of shortcomings and disappointments

  • 590 Tim Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought and the Royal African Company” in John Brewer and Susan Stav (...)
  • 591 Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder, and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the Brit (...)
  • 592 J. C. Appleby, “War, Politics and Colonisation, 1558-1625)”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins o (...)
  • 593 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance, p. 112.
  • 594 Ibid, p. 118.
  • 595 John Pickles, “Texts, Hermeneutics and Propaganda Maps” in Trevor J. Barnes and James T. Duncan (ed (...)
  • 596 “Since all maps are constructed images, and since all images are interpretations of a particular co (...)

165Deceptive pictures of wonders and enthusiastic theatrical displays were bound to lead to disappointment when the gap between those optimistic fictions and the dire reality was noticed. In a chapter on another British joint-stock company, the Royal African Company, Tim Keirn points out that “writers of pamphlets were not ‘economists’ in any way close to the modern sense of the word”.590 Rather, they used normative and apologetic language to explain and legitimate economic phenomena. Similarly, Virginia Company advocates’ claims were “informed hardly by any geographical knowledge of that part of the North American coast.” 591In the Chesapeake, company plans were a “continuous process of trial and error, sustained by the ambitions of small groups of adventurers”, and so were they initially in the East Indies.592 Not only was the use of geographical knowledge inappropriate, but that knowledge and its cartographic forms were also not entirely adequate either. Discussing Renaissance atlases and maps, Frank Lestringant defines those artefacts as a bricolage-like blend of “practical cartography based on the lore of sea-going mariners” and “more theoretical cartography that subordinated the givens of experience to a rigorous method of geometrical construction”.593 Authors of company maps too inherited geometrical frameworks, which they filled with first-hand or second-hand observations. Because company maps integrated fresh knowledge in adopted formal frameworks, they were both “closed” and “open”: “closed because cohesion was maintained at the price of the most glaring fictions; and open, because these fictions were denounced as such”.594 Such fictions included a number of marvels discussed in the first subsection as well as theatrical fantasises evoked in the second subsection. Company maps more specifically amplified the effects of those epistemological setbacks since they qualified as what John Pickles called persuasive “propaganda maps”.595 While all maps do effect some form of distortion, as Pickles contends, not all of them can be said to have been as blatantly misleading as some of the company maps under scrutiny here.596

  • 597 Kenneth Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, p. 338.
  • 598 In the list of Britons sent to Virginia, there are more goldsmiths and jewellers than there are sur (...)
  • 599 John Smith, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 157
  • 600 Ibid, p. 159 and p. 414.
  • 601 Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, pp. 273-277.

166In Virginia, the company’s record amounted to “two decades of sustained muddle”.597 People’s experience in the Chesapeake and their personal testimonies shed light on the gap which widened between cartographic promises and reality. From an economic perspective, the most costly and disappointing reality check concerned gold. In pursuit of the metallic riches hinted by Tatton and Wright’s map of North America, colonists were still looking for gold, or so the number of goldsmiths and jewellers sent by the VC seems to suggest.598 John Smith, whose maps of Virginia made with Hole and Vaughan in 1612 and 1624 are clear from any reference to gold, was dismayed by this common misconception, upset that “there was no talke, no hope, nor worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, load gold” in the early years of the colony.599 Insisting that pursuing “phantasticall gold” was not an adequate quest, Smith wrote: “I am no Alcumist, nor will promise more then I know”.600 Yet, in 1620, the “Company of Goldsmiths” was still listed among the “Adventurers for Virginia”.601

  • 602 Hakluyt had promised that Virginia would “yielde unto us all the commodities of Europe, Africa, and (...)
  • 603 For more on the natural challenges of the Chesapeake, see J. H. Parry, “The English in the New Worl (...)
  • 604 James Horn, “Tobacco Colonies: the Shaping of English Society in the 17th Century Chesapeake” in Ni (...)
  • 605 Theodore T. Rabb, Jacobean Gentleman: Sir Edwin Sandys, 1561-1629 (Princeton University Press, 1998 (...)
  • 606 Wesley Frank Craven, Dissolution of the Virginia Company. The Failure of a Colonial Experiment (New (...)
  • 607 George Percy, “Observations Gathered out of a Discourse” in Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virgin (...)
  • 608 George Percy, in particular, made damning reports, writing that “there were never Englishmen left i (...)
  • 609 See the report of “The massacre upon the two and twentieth of March” in Barbour (ed.), Complete Wor (...)
  • 610 “The Answere of the General Assembly in Virginia to a Declaration of the State of the Colonie in th (...)
  • 611 King James I, “A Counter-Blaste to Tobacco”, in The Workes of the most high and mightie prince, Jam (...)

167Another disappointment connected to the geography of the Chesapeake came from the inclement weather and topography of the area, a harshness of conditions which entailed a failure to cultivate Asian commodities as was originally hoped.602 Inadequate knowledge of local geography and of the role some of its features would play in company plans led to disillusions. The sassafras root, enthusiastically advertised by Walter Ralegh and later mentioned by John Smith and other promotional writers, proved worthless. As for logwood, a resource lavishly put forward on Smith and Hole’s map of Virginia, it revealed to be too complicated to transport overland to Jamestown and expensive to ship back to Britain.603 In fact, most of the commodities showcased by the “Smith maps” (game, wood, pelts, fish, etc.) could help colonists survive but were “wholly inadequate to meet the costs of the colony”.604 What would eventually enrich company investors, tobacco monoculture, was absent from company maps and initially a source of great disappointment for members of the Virginia Company, particularly because people’s growing interest in that lucrative staple spelt the end of earlier hopes to make Virginia a British Mediterranean where oil, fruit, wine and silk could be produced. As Theodore Rabb shows, the conflict between “glowing descriptions in propaganda tracts of a fertile land, saturated with exotic products” and colonists’ experience of extreme poverty and starvation was soon clear to colonists and company leaders at home.605 Indeed, not only was the venture financially costly, but it also took its toll in terms of human lives as the colony’s death rate was estimated at around 45% by Wesley Craven.606 Suffering from diseases, hunger and a shortage of fresh water, colonists who had settled in the bay reported that though the river was full of fish, it was “at floud verie salt, at a low tide full slime and filth, which was the destruction of many of our men”.607 Hence, the very features of the map presented as an advantage – namely, the waterways and accessible bay – proved a formidable obstacle to company plans.608 Though promotional writers blamed the 1622 “massacre” for the significant drop in the numbers of surviving colonists in Virginia, the death rate was high from the very beginning because of the marshy geography of the Chesapeake Bay and harsh climate.609 Admitting to the harshness of Virginian life in a report to the Privy Council in London, the House of Burgesses of Virginia acknowledged that the colonists had been reduced to have food which was “mouldy, rotten, full of Cobwebs and Maggots”.610 Considering the colony’s death rate and unsavoury diet, it appears that the earthly paradise suggested through marvels and theatrical displays revealed itself to be an earthly hell, one which was clouded with a “horrible Stigian smoke”.611

  • 612 Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, vol. 1, p. 209.
  • 613 Patricia Crouch, “Patronage and Competing Visions of Virginia”, p. 404.
  • 614 Fitzmaurice, Andrew, “The Commercial Ideology of Colonization in Jacobean England: Robert Johnson, (...)
  • 615 N. W. Stephenson “Some Inner History of the Virginia Company” (in The William and Mary Quarterly, V (...)
  • 616 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britannia, (ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Fr (...)
  • 617 Ibid, p. 78.
  • 618 H. R. McIlwaine (ed.), Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1659, p. 7.
  • 619 John Smith, “Generall Historie of Virginia” in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 293.

168In the Jamestown Voyages, Philip Barbour writes that “the disillusionment in London must have been extreme”.612 Indeed, contrary to what Smith and Hole, and also Smith and Vaughan’s maps advertised, Virginia was “no colony of dashing heroes to whom the natives bowed, gold nuggets in hand, in willing submission”.613 Interestingly, even while they examined the gap between the “illusion of imperial glory and the reality of poverty and military impotence”, promotional tracts such as Johnson’s Nova Britannia pursued advertising efforts in favour of the company’s activities.614 In fact, after the Company had “sunk money lavishly in Virginia without return”, there were only a handful of vocal promoters, “dreamers like Sandys and his friends” who would continue defending the VC’s activities.615 These people, however, did their best to turn failures into glowing reports and optimistic mappings. While the disappointment in the absence of gold and Virginia’s geographical challenges might be pinned on more or less deliberately deceptive maps and discourse, promotional writers blamed colonists for their inadequate preparation, rather than their own misleading rhetoric and advertisements. William Strachey, for instance, inveighed against the “meere ignorant (not only in scientia scientiae, as the scholeman saies, but including grossness and simplicity in any knowledge)” who compromised company activities in the Chesapeake.616 In his assessment of the colonists’ expectations and preparation, Nicholas Canny agrees that the majority was “either ignorant or misinformed concerning conditions in the New World”. Geographically, this translated into a “patchwork of small settlements and trading posts”.617 The records of the House of Burgesses of Virginia advised against “so lardge distances between Plantation & Plantation”, recommending “for our more strength & security to drawe nearer together”.618 John Smith himself castigated the scattered pattern of company settlements in the Chesapeake, deploring that “the most plantations were placed straglingly and scatteringly”.619 To him, this inadequate use of company knowledge of Virginian geography facilitated the 1622 attack. Such a patchwork of settlements is evident on Tindall’s “Draughte of Virginia” (1608), Smith and Hole’s map of Virginia (1612), but also Smith and Vaughan’s version (1624). Additionally, John White’s Virginea Pars symbolically extended English control over vast expanses (see the coats of arms discussed earlier) while Tatton and Wright’s map suggested large tracts of land were free for the taking in North America. These cartographic portrayals anticipating and exaggerating British control in the area backfired as it appeared that being widespread across the region was more a disadvantage at this stage than it was an asset.

  • 620 Kirti Chaudhuri, The English East India Company, p. 18.
  • 621 Quoted in Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion: the Far East and the English Imaginat (...)
  • 622 For more on the shift from silk to calicoes, see P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700” in N (...)
  • 623 Nandini Das, Sir Thomas Roe: Eyewitness to a Changing World.
  • 624 Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder, and Settlement, p. 270.
  • 625 ibid, p. 275.

169In the East Indies, disenchantment came from the withering hopes of obtaining silk and spices. In Asia too, the British company was misled by a “constant misconception about the financial needs of Asian factories and the size of their actual contribution”.620 Dispatching annual fleets to Asia with large amounts of bullion in the hope of bringing back valuable goods purchased cheaply in the East Indies was one such misconception according to Kirti Chaudhuri. Besides, the balance of trade was not automatically in favour of the EIC merchants. In “Bantam” (now Banten) in the western part of the isle of Java which is represented on the anonymous map of the Spice Islands but also on Speed’s map of Asia, John Saris paid “thrice the value [for seven hundred sacks of pepper] of what they were bought for”.621 The spices of Southeast Asia proved inaccessible as local kingdoms or the Dutch EIC already had a firm grip on those lucrative islands. Besides, English cloth, which the EIC had thought could replace gold and silver currencies, proved worthless as no one was interested in that marketable commodity in the East Indies. As for the silks the EIC had hoped to acquire in Asia, these were soon replaced by Indian calicoes from which the company could make more profit at home where more people could afford the fabric.622 The company’s efforts to secure a monopoly on trade in India, a mission which was entrusted to Thomas Roe, were also met with disappointment. According to Nandini Das, despite an apparently successful reception, Roe had not managed to achieve much for the EIC, apart from establishing diplomatic contact with the Mughal Empire and gathering geographical information used to make a map.623 In the end, it was India, and more specifically Surat, locations originally occupying a “secondary place in the company’s eastern system” and whose future significance had been anticipated on Baffin and Roe’s map, which would make the EIC a successful business.624 By the end of the Jacobean era, however, the EIC had “achieved no more than a modest trade through a somewhat remote port”.625

  • 626 See Richard Hakluyt the Elder’s dedication to Peter Martyr, in Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings (...)
  • 627 Wesley Frank Craven, Dissolution of the Virginia Company, p. 24.

170Fooled by misleading metaphors and optimistic mappings, company members did not seem to heed the advice of Richard Hakluyt the Elder after the failure of the Roanoke Colony, becoming “mindful only of their bellies and gullets”.626 All in all, the Virginia Company’s “story is essentially one of commercial disappointment”, and so was the EIC’s in the beginnings, even though its subsequent successes compensated for its initial setbacks and disenchantments. 627

Connecting the East and the West: company rivalry and collaboration

171Addressing the “Brenner theory”

  • 628 Robert Brenner, Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London's Overs (...)
  • 629 Ibid, p. xi.
  • 630 Ibid, p. xi.

172In his book Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London’s Overseas Traders, 1550–1653, Robert Brenner reviews the developments of British overseas trade in the 17th century. He divides 17th-century British commercial activities into two broad categories. The first trend he identifies is “the long-term expansion of long-distance, primarily import and re-export, trades with the Near and Far East – with Russia, the Levant, and the East Indies – over the century from 1550 to 1650”.628 This first trend roughly corresponds to the activities of the EIC under scrutiny in this thesis. The second phenomenon is the “rise, from the early part of the seventeenth century, of the Virginian and West Indian plantation trades, based originally on tobacco”, which covers the rise and fall of the Virginia Company in the Jacobean era.629 Though Brenner acknowledges that there were mutual inspirations and influences between the two ventures, he goes on to argue that “each ultimately gave rise to and was controlled by a separate social group of merchants, had its own distinct modes of organization and operation, and experienced its own, quite autonomous, evolution”.630 Insisting on the divide between the VC and the EIC, Brenner claims that members and leaders of the East India Company, for example, were disinterested in North American prospects. In this section, I will not challenge the “Brenner theory” in its entirety, but will argue that he overplayed the discrepancies and divergent interests of the companies – at least as far as the first quarter of the 17th century is concerned. Hence, I shall try to shed light on the connected fates and complexities of early modern networks of commercial leadership, patronage and discursive production, with a specific focus on promotional maps.

  • 631 P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 26 (...)
  • 632 Nuala Zahedieh, “Overseas expansion and trade in the seventeenth century” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), (...)

173First, I should like to acknowledge the difference in dynamics between the two companies, and the competition which may have played out between them. Indeed, as may have gradually emerged throughout this thesis, the Virginia Company had a more colonial outlook despite its original commercial purpose and hopes to trade with Virginians. Furthermore, its patent located its future in a world which was still largely “new” to Britons. On the other hand, the East India Company was to operate in parts of the “Old World” where colonial settlement was not then part of the plan. Trade was the priority. Because of the relatively familiar geography of Asia and its resources, the EIC was less of a risky investment. Hence, there were more investors partaking in the business of the East India Company, “with fewer courtiers or gentry who joined the Virginia Company in large numbers”, as P. J. Marshall highlights.631 As a result, more money was injected into the EIC. Yet, Nuala Zahedieh explains that, in the early 17th century, the American trade was “praised by contemporaries for providing valuable raw materials and bullion” while the Asian trade “was less universally popular”.632 As Brenner suggested, then, companies were driven by different goals, developed as different projects but were also pitted against each other in public discourse. However, if one looks more closely at the context of discursive and cartographic production by or for those companies, one will find that there were many overlaps which partly contradict Brenner’s theory of absolute company rivalry.

  • 633 Noel Malcolm, “Hobbes, Sandys, and the Virginia Company” (in The Historical Journal, Vol. 24, No. 2 (...)
  • 634 P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 26 (...)
  • 635 For more, see Anthony Payne, “Hakluyt’s London: Discovery and Overseas Trade” in Daniel Carey and C (...)

174“The social and intellectual world of Jacobean England was so closely-knit, however, that once one begins to follow lines of possible ‘contacts’ or acquaintances the speculation becomes endless”, or so Noel Malcolm observes in his article “Hobbes, Sandys, and the Virginia Company”.633 With this in mind, I shall nonetheless try to reconnect the dots of this complex network of overlapping leadership, patronage and mapmaking. The interconnected nature of those networks can partially be accounted for in socio-geographical terms as both the VC and the EIC were “managed exclusively from London”.634 Hence, there were bound to be overlaps in company leadership. Indeed, members of already existing companies, such as the Levant Company and the Merchant Adventurers, were directly involved in the creation and early leadership of the East India Company. Such was the case of John Watts, who was not only a member of overseas trading companies when partaking in the launching of the EIC, but also London’s mayor (1606), a member of the Clothworkers’ Company, the EIC’s governor in 1601 and an adventurer of the newest New World venture: the Virginia Company.635

  • 636 N. W. Stephenson, “Some Inner History of the Virginia Company”, p. 90.

175One of the most prominent nodal characters of the London trade tying eastern and western interests together was Sir Thomas Smythe (1558-1625). A member of two London companies early on (the “Worshipful Company of Haberdashers” and the “Worshipful Company of Skinners”), Smythe was more significantly involved in the formation of both the East India Company and the Virginia Company. It is as the first governor of the EIC (1600) that he helped form the VC which he then served as treasurer for over a decade (1609-1620). In that sense, Smythe had “a finger in nearly every bold venture of his time” as he “ranged the world in search of dividends”.636 While the EIC yielded great returns, the VC made Smythe lose a large amount of money. Yet, it is as a leader of the latter that he served the longest.

  • 637 On Sandys’ role as a politician involved in the two companies, see Theodore T. Rabb, Jacobean Gentl (...)

176Taking up Smythe’s mantle as a London politician participating in both eastern and western ventures, Sir Edwin Sandys (1561-1629) was also known for his active involvement in the Virginia Company which he led from at least 1609, and in the East India Company of which he was a member from 1611 onwards. Interestingly, Smythe also temporarily led the Northwest Passage Company whose purpose was expressly to find a way to Asia through America. More clearly so than with Thomas Smythe, however, Sandys helped bring together both ventures on the political stage. Indeed, Sandys was a member of parliament intimately connected to the commercial world in London and concerned with trade issues which were not necessarily approached as automatically separate in the House of Commons.637 Hence, one should be careful not to overemphasise the divisive effects of antagonistic commercial interests as company leaders were often involved in business for political reasons transcending commercial rivalries.

  • 638 It is not until 1613 that the EIC took the form of a long-term joint stock company, which made it e (...)
  • 639 Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire.
  • 640 For a more detailed discussion of Roe’s involvement in North American prospects, see Jonathan Eacot (...)
  • 641 Nandini Das, “Sir Thomas Roe: Eyewitness to a Changing World”.
  • 642 In his Generall Historie, Smith mentions “three Iles wee called the three Turkes heads” and “Rocks (...)
  • 643 John Pory to Dudley Carlton, Sept. 1619, in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia(...)
  • 644 William Strachey, The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, p. 23-25.
  • 645 For more on comparisons between Turks and Powhatans by British promotional writers of the VC, see N (...)

177Additionally, members of either of the companies were usually experienced in both Asia and America in one way or the other. Sir Thomas Roe, for example, whose name is now clearly associated with Asia and the East India Company because of his service as its ambassador at the Mughal court and extensive writing about it, was added to the list of new members a few months after the Virginia Company was chartered. It was not unimaginable or difficult to take part in businesses both in the New World and the Old one when one had the means to do so, particularly during the early years of the EIC, whose initial subscription policy made it possible for investors to subscribe to separate voyages to Asia and opt out of others.638 Hence, according to Jonathan Eacott, 46 of the 200 investors in the EIC also participated in some way in the Virginia Company in 1608.639 Thomas Roe was one of them, and he was experienced in the Americas before his Asian ventures, being actively involved in the Virginian business between 1607 and 1611.640 As Nandini Das observes, Roe’s involvement with the VC has received little scholarly attention, perhaps because his role was more central to the activities of the EIC and because he was associated to the mapping of the Mughal Empire rather than Virginia, as John Smith was.641 Conversely, though a key actor of the Virginia Company and one of its map-makers, John Smith was also experienced in Asia before he was recruited by the Virginia Company, to which the 1612 and 1624 maps were destined. Indeed, John Smith was known for his dealings with the Turks who had made him a captive in 1602. In his accounts of the New World, Smith’s experience in Asia and with the Turks influences his toponymic choices and the symbolism with which he endows them.642 Furthermore, Smith’s experience in the East found its way into the map he made with William Hole a decade later, as his family crest imprinted in the bottom part of the map displays the three heads of the Turks he had allegedly slain during his Asian adventures. Another adventurer of the Virginia Company, John Pory, used his experience in Turkey to better apprehend Virginia, lamenting about the “solitary uncouthness of this place, compared with those partes of Christendome, or Turky, where I had bene”.643 There is reason to believe that Smith and Pory’s experience with Turkish people was taken into account by members and writers of the Virginia Company. Indeed, in his Historie of Travell into Virginia Brittania published in 1612, William Strachey wrote that Algonquian people had “less faith” and “less power, either of reason or arms to defend it”, the comparison being with the Turks.644 One could therefore consider that the almost inconspicuous Turkish heads on Smith’s crest foreshadowed the scenes of Algonquian defeat on Smith and Vaughan’s later map of Virginia (1624) where Smith’s coat of arms appears proportionally larger than on the earlier map.645

  • 646 Nandini Das, “Sir Thomas Roe: Eyewitness to a Changing World”, p. 15.
  • 647 Peter Barber, “Mapmaking in England, ca. 1470-1650” in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of C (...)
  • 648 Peter Barber, “England II – Monarchs, Ministers and Maps, 1550-1625” in David Buisseret (ed.), Mona (...)
  • 649 Edward Wright, a Cambridge-educated mathematician and cartographer, was Prince Henry’s tutor and li (...)
  • 650 Robert Tindall to Prince Henry (june 1607), in Alexander Brown (ed.), The Genesis of the United Sta (...)

178Systems of patronage also brought together businesses behind the scenes despite an apparent disconnection between eastern and western projects. Following to some degree in John Watts’ footsteps, John Gore, the mayor of London in 1624, also invested in both the EIC and the VC though without actively engaging in their management as Watts had done with the EIC. Sir Thomas Roe, as far as he is concerned, was not only experienced in America before actively managing East Indian trade, but was also knighted by James I in 1604 and a friend to Henry, the Prince of Wales. Those personal connections at court were, according to Nandini Das, one of the main reasons why Roe was chosen as the EIC and the king’s envoy at the Mughal Court where he had to struggle under the “dual pressures of the Company and the Crown”.646 Indeed, the crown showed an interest in the activities of merchants, albeit a distanced and cautious one. A number of patrons more specifically showed a keen interest in cartography. Such was the case of William Cecil, Lord Burghley, who collected and annotated maps heavily. Thus, it is with people who, like Lord Burghley, were involved with the great trading companies and were “shareholders in both contexts”, that a specific “cartographic mode of operation” developed, along with a corpus of maps shaped by leading figures of patronage.647 In a chapter devoted to systems of commercial and cartographic patronage in Jacobean Britain, Peter Barber also identifies a “continuum extending from, in a few cases, complete and direct royal patronage to a few cases of patronage by merchants or country gentlemen alone”.648 In Peter Barber’s chapter, the Prince of Wales emerges as a central figure of commercial and colonial patronage with a particular interest in mapping.649 Not only was Prince Henry friends with Roe, but he was also a known patron and supporter of the Virginia Company, being personally involved in the nomination of Thomas Dale as leader of the colony in 1611 and 1614-1616. The Prince of Wales was more specifically engaged in the cartographic fate of the Company, being presented with Robert Tindall’s map of Virginia in 1607 so that he may be “acquainted with those accidentes which hathe happenned to us in this Our Voyage”.650

  • 651 Mary Dewar, Sir Thomas Smith, p. 157.
  • 652 Thomas Smith, quoted in Mary Dewar, Sir Thomas Smith, p. 165. For example, Francis Wyatt, the son o (...)
  • 653 Mary Dewar, Sir Thomas Smith, p. 170.
  • 654 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia, C4v.
  • 655 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, C3r.
  • 656 Carole Shammas, “English commercial development and American colonisation, 1560-1620” in Kenneth An (...)
  • 657 Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Ha (...)
  • 658 Anthony Payne, “Hakluyt’s London: Discovery and Overseas Trade” in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt ( (...)

179Before either the Virginia Company or the East India Company were chartered, people such as Sir Thomas Smith showed that experience in one region of the world could inspire and help define company plans on the other side of the Atlantic. In fact, Thomas Smith’s broadsheet appealing for subscriptions to his venture (A Letter written by J. B. Gentleman unto his very friend and master R. C. Esquire) is deemed to be the “first piece of sustained argument for overseas colonisation to be published in England”, anticipating future arguments in favour of North American trade and colonisation in the early 17th century, according to Mary Dewar.651 Thomas Smith’s geographical focus and perception of the value of maps (see the “draught divisions which I send”) could also be said to have created a blueprint for future overseas plans.652 In fact, Thomas Smith had ties with the Strachey family, with the grandson of Smith’s old friend giving the impulse to much of the promotional literature in Virginia and serving as the first secretary of the company. These strong bonds led Mary Dewar to speculate that Strachey’s enthusiasm for the Virginia Company venture was likely to have been “nourished by the dreams of Irish conquest and colonisation” formulated by Smith.653 Different ventures, however spatially apart, could therefore be brought together by promotional writing in Britain. Later, advocates of the Virginia Company would continue Smith’s early works and produce a large corpus of promotional literature defending “Virginia our proiect”, to quote Robert Gray.654 The vague possessive “our” openly included British people in general and did not necessarily exclude those who were already engaged in other overseas ventures such as the East India Company. Robert Johnson himself, whose Nova Britannia defended British Virginia, was also a founding member and investor of the EIC. In this tract, he frowned on the notion that “for a hundred years and more the…riches of the East and West should run…but into one coffer”, discursively binding the parallel fates of the companies together.655 These overlapping interests and (relatively) inclusive use of the possessive fit well with Carole Shammas’ contention that promotional writers of the VC took care not to belittle the East Indian projects in the process.656 In fact, from the onset, it appeared that the most prized source of information and promotion for both the Virginia Company and the East India Company was one and the same person: Richard Hakluyt. Indeed, there is written evidence that Hakluyt had been officially paid £10 by the EIC to provide geographical and economic intelligence on the East Indies in 1601, as well as furnish company members with a set of maps: “Mr Hacklett the historiographer of the viages of the East Indies, beinge here before the Comitties and having read vnto them out of his notes and bookes divers instruccions for provisions of Jewelles. was required to sett downe in wryting a note of the principall places in the East Indies wher Trade is to be had to thend the same may be vsed for the better instruccion of our factors in the said voyage”.657 Anthony Payne also hypothesises that Hakluyt translated Hugo Grotius’ Mare Liberum (Freedom of the Seas) at the behest of the East India Company in 1609. Yet, Hakluyt was also involved in the Virginia Company, being a patentee under both the 1606 and the 1609 charters, in addition to being known for his extensive work on Virginia. To Anthony Payne, it is Hakluyt’s ideal central position in London and its circles of knowledge which made him an advisor of choice for both the VC and the EIC at their early stages.658 Aside from the EIC and the VC’s use of the same source of information for their respective projects, their activities were connected in the writing of that same individual. Indeed, Hakluyt encouraged the cultivation of Asian commodities in America in the absence of a viable northwest passage through America to Asia.

  • 659 Laurence Worms, “The London Map Trade to 1640” in John Brian Harley and David Woodward (eds.), The (...)
  • 660 See Peter Barber, “Mapmaking in England, ca. 1470-1650” in John Brian Harley and David Woodward (ed (...)
  • 661 Sarah Tyacke, Chartmaking in England and its Context, 1500-1660, in John Brian Harley and David Woo (...)
  • 662 Peter Barber, The Map Book, p. 152.
  • 663 Sarah Tyacke, “Chartmaking in England and its Context, 1500-1660” in John Brian Harley and David Wo (...)

180The final layer of interpersonal connections I wish to examine concerns the individuals and institutions behind the making of the company maps under study. Cartographers themselves were a part of this dense network of social and commercial relations, with John Speed being a member of London’s Merchant Taylors’ Company before becoming a renowned map-maker. On a practical level, as demonstrated by Laurence Worms in “The London Map Trade to 1640”, there were simply few active native engravers to make maps in 17th-century Britain.659 Benjamin Wright, who engraved the “Tatton and Wright” map of North America in 1600 was one of them. William Hole, who engraved maps as different as the 1614 map of Near East for Ralegh’s Historie of the World and the 1612 map of Virginia, was another. The scarcity of British engravers during the Jacobean era also accounts for a number of collaborations with the EIC’s greatest rival: the Dutch. Most of the maps made by John Speed himself were engraved by Dutch craftspeople in the first decade of the 17th century.660 Another British cartographer who transcended the East-West divide is Gabriel Tatton who co-authored the 1600 map of North America advertising the presence of gold and silver in the Appalachian Mountains. Indeed, Tatton is known for the charts of the East Indies he made throughout the first two decades of the 17th century, and more specifically for having contributed to the making of a map of the Celebes and Java (Southeast Asia) when on board an East India Company ship in 1619-1621. Aside from that, Tatton was alternatively employed by shipmasters working for Thomas Roe and Walter Ralegh regardless of their commercial affiliations.661 Not only was he involved in the making of maps both of the East and of the West, but he was also part of a cartographic collaboration between the British and the Dutch East India Companies. Indeed, Peter Barber tells us that, transcending economic rivalries, the British and the Dutch “more evenly matched and often worked together” in the field of company maps, collaborating in 1621 in the East Indies “at a critical juncture for both English and Dutch East India Companies and for their respective cartographical organisations”.662 Additionally, explorers and surveyors were recruited to sail to different areas and map them, regardless of company boundaries. William Baffin, for example, who was the surveyor behind the actual drawing of the “Baffin and Roe” map, was not only part of the same voyage as Thomas Roe to India, but he was also known for his work in the Artic region and for having been paid by the EIC for his maps of Persia and the Red Sea.663 While the extent to which his experience there influenced his contribution to the map of the Mughal Empire is difficult to assess, it is not unlikely that it did. Besides, it helps understand the nascent global mindset of the time, with explorers and surveyors deemed fit to sail east and west, north and south.

  • 664 J. C. Appleby, “War, Politics and Colonisation, 1558-1625” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of (...)
  • 665 N. W. Stephenson, “Some Inner History of the Virginia Company”, p. 90.

181Incidentally, the activities of each company affected the other’s economic fate. Indeed, as demonstrated by J. C. Appleby, late Elizabethan and early Jacobean privateering stimulated a shipbuilding boom which was the basis for the merchant marine used by both the VC and the EIC. Profits made during the war with Spain prior to 1604, for example, were “redeployed after 1604 to promote colonial and maritime enterprise in North America and the East Indies”.664 In that respect, one should “consider the Virginia Company not in isolation but as part of the general tangle of the business interests of its day”, and so should the EIC whose members and leaders were often involved in the VC.665 Concretely, these socio-political connections found a geographical and graphic equivalent in company maps.

182Cartographic mirrors: integrated patterns of commerce and cartography

  • 666 John Donne, No Man is an Island: a Selection from the Prose of John Donne (ed. Scott Rivers. London (...)
  • 667 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 35 and p. 107.
  • 668 Ibid, p. 32.

183To quote a famous subscriber of the Virginia Company, “no man is an island”.666 Yet, no island is an island either. Though the maps under scrutiny in this thesis represent specific areas, ranging from a view of the mouth of a river (Tindall’s “Draughte of Virginia”) to a broad outlook on a whole continent (Speed’s map of Asia), they did not necessarily operate in isolation. The islands, rivers, kingdoms and continents featured on company maps were not “islands” in the sense that they were somehow connected to other geographical entities in an emerging world-system. Examining the scattering and fragmenting effects of atlases such as John Speed’s, Frank Lestringant considers the “atomistic units” of the atlas and the ensuing “insularisation” of space scattered “over dispersed chapters” in the process.667 In this subsection, however, I shall focus on the cartographic and discursive devices on which the British companies could rely to “weave into a single fabric the threads of heterogeneous discourse” and of “insularised” cartographic space.668

  • 669 Thomas Harriot, quoted in Susan Schmidt Horning, “The Power of Image”, p. 9.
  • 670 Richard Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting”, in Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Origi (...)
  • 671 Captain John Smith, “Description of New England” in Barbour (ed.), vol. 2, p. 411.
  • 672 Patrick Copland, Virginias God Be Thanked, p. 12.
  • 673 A report from the Berkeley plantation in 1622, quoted in Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire, p. 36.

184There is visual and contextual evidence which suggests that those maps were somehow establishing connections between different parts of the world. Initially, New World and Old World spaces were merely paralleled, with each being envisioned as a mirror image of the other. Parts of the early promotional literature focusing on New World geography hinted at the notion that Virginia would and should be Britain’s source of Mediterranean and Asian commodities. In his Brief and True Report, for instance, Thomas Harriot discusses “merchantable” commodities such as “grasse silke” which “the like growth in Persia, which is in the selfe same climate as Virginia”.669 Richard Hakluyt too believed that Virginia would provide “all the commodities of all our olde decayed and daungerous trades in all Europe, Africa, and Asia”.670 A couple of decades later, John Smith would embrace a similar global perspective, comparing North America with Asia: “In Asia in the same latitude, are the temperatest parts of Natolia, Armenia, Persia and China; besides divers other large Countries and Kingdomes in those most milde and temperate Regions of Asia”.671 Promotional writer Patrick Copland repeated the argument in his sermon Virginia’s God Be Thanked where he told his audience that “Iapan, lying in the same latitude that Virginia doth, aboundeth with all things for profit and pleasure, being one of the mightiest and opulentest Empires in the world, hauing in it many rich Mines of Gold and Siluer”.672 Latitudinal position and weather forecasts, among other geographical characteristics, were therefore a basis for promising commercial profits. With this in mind, a viewer of Speed’s later maps of Asia and America could project ideals of Asian riches and fertility — as displayed in the vignettes — on Virginia. It appears that the advice to replace India in the British economy was heeded by the Company’s settlers, as a report from a plantation in 1622 explains that “Cotton-wooll-seeds from the Mogols Countrey” had been successfully planted in the New World where these seeds were probably imported to and re-exported from London.673 Aside from cotton, Britons mainly hoped to establish their own silk production so that they would relieve the EIC with the daunting task of obtaining Asian silks without much bullion to count on. While the Virginian silk business quickly proved to be a failure, company discourse and maps encouraged people to view the geographies of Asia and America as interconnected and mutually helpful to optimise economic production and trade.

  • 674 Richard Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, vol. 7, p. 186.
  • 675 Bruce P. Lenman, “The EIC and the trade in non-metallic precious materials from Sir Thomas Roe to D (...)

185Conversely — and perhaps more surprisingly so — Asia was occasionally envisioned as another America, at least from an economic perspective. While promotional discourse and maps such as Tatton and Wright’s map of North America directed potential investors looking for precious metals and minerals towards the New World, it appears that the EIC also attempted to acquire similar resources in the East Indies. This was probably at Hakluyt’s book’s invitation to look upon the East Indies as an alternative source for precious metals which could be used to trade. In the Principall Navigations, the Moluccas, China and Japan are recast as sources not only of “all maner of spices” and “grocery wares” but also of “golde, silver, precious stones, cloth of gold, silks”.674 On the Malabar coast, the EIC exchanged English lead and weapons for pearls, sapphires and diamonds. Borneo, in the Southeast Asian archipelago, was known for its diamond trade, which could help the EIC buy its way into the spice markets of the Moluccas where precious stones could be exchanged for nutmeg, cloves and cinnamon. Commenting on the importance of gems and other precious materials in the East India trade, Bruce P. Lenman hypothesises that the EIC was interested in those East Indian mineral resources because “dealing in precious materials in demand in imperial courts circles would enhance the humble status of English traders”.675 I would add that these efforts at finding alternative and more local ways of financing their spice craze also reveal the extent to which the EIC thought in more global terms, seeking to reduce its dependence on American bullion.

  • 676 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680, p. 54.
  • 677 Ibid, p. 61.

186A number of company maps visually suggest the interconnected nature of geography and cartography, casting some regions in the role of link to the East Indies for example. Such is the case of the so called “Near East” drawn by William Baffin for Walter Ralegh’s Historie of the World. The map of this part of the world appears to the reader as a space of transition caught between “Africa” in the southwest, the “Bodie of Europe” in the northwest and “the regions of Persia” in the east. The title of the map itself, the “Near East” seems to suggest that Asia and the “East Indies” can be accessed through this transitional region lying between home and the westernmost parts of the Indies. Though the intention of William Baffin was not necessarily to map a transitional space, the amalgamation of fragments of Europe, Asia and Africa, combined with the dynamic grey lines radiating across the central part of the map, do suggest some form of liminality on a cartographic level. The primacy of interconnectedness over regional integrity also seems to have been Baffin and Roe’s choice for their map of the Mughal Empire. Indeed, while the lower part of India is truncated, Persians appear on the left hand side of the map while “Tartaria” lies in the blank space beyond the northern mountain range. In a similar fashion, Speed’s map of Asia also makes room for areas given a separate treatment later in the atlas: “CHINA” and “PERSIA FARSIA”. There were, however, limits to those integrated cartographic patterns. Indeed, overland travel and transportation in the early 17th century did not make such connections an obvious choice, hindering a potential broadening of geographical perspectives of trade. In fact, the transport of forest and plantation produce to the harbours and emporia so conspicuously located on the coasts outlined on company maps was a perilous task, be that on the Asian or the North American continent. Besides, wars and other circumstantial impediments “could make the natural arteries of commerce unusable”.676 Although “Southeast Asia was highly favoured by nature of maritime trade, the opposite was true by land, where thick forests, abundant rainfall and turbulent rivers made roads extremely difficult to maintain”.677 The challenges of establishing overland routes are reflected by company maps which say little of the continental itineraries and connections of the regions of interest to companies.

  • 678 David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance: Continuity and Change” in John Brian Harley and D (...)
  • 679 For further details on junks in the context of European commerce in the East Indies, see Anthony Re (...)

187Effective connections, then, had to be sought in the oceanic spaces. In the chapter “Cartography and the Renaissance: Continuity and Change” in The History of Cartography, David Woodward explains that early modern “discoveries” had put forward the importance of the sea and its web-like interconnectedness, something which would be of interest to the EIC for example.678 Traces of this perception of the seas’ connecting potential can be retrieved on the maps themselves. The most obvious hint is the number of European ships located on most of the maps under study, with the exception of those made by Baffin and Roe, Hole and Ralegh, Smith and Vaughan, and Robert Tindall. Those three-dimensional ships sailing across distant seas signpost European presence and itineraries, with their flags displacing a symbolic part of their home-country from Europe into the Asian and North American cartographic spaces. Furthermore, not only are the seas and oceans the highways from Britain to foreign lands and markets, but they are also the meeting point between home ships and Asian “junks”. Such is the case on Speed’s maps of Asia and China where the “Chinian Ocean” features both large European ships and smaller Chinese and Southeast Asian “junks”.679 Overseas contact and economic exchange were thus facilitated by the use of oceanic spaces which let company ships travel from one sea to another, and also from one map to another. In a way, the formerly central and connecting role of the Mediterranean in earlier patterns of trade had been replaced by what is now known as the Indian Ocean.

  • 680 Kirti Chaudhuri, The English East India Company: The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Company, 1600–16 (...)
  • 681 Ibid, p. 14-51.
  • 682 P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire.
  • 683 Ibid, p. 269.

188More specifically, the EIC and its promoters built their plans of British commerce on a pan-Asian vision of economics, geography and cartography. This attempt to reconnect fragmentary Asian spaces mirrors the East India Company’s own efforts to take advantage and re-create an integrated pattern of trade in Asia. While, as Kirti Chaudhuri remarks, the EIC did not invent inter-Asian trade, merely “taking advantage of the existing trading pattern in Asia”, it did seek to play those interwoven networks of trade to its own advantage.680 In fact, company leaders were acutely aware of the “geographical interdependence of Asian commerce”, an interconnectedness which maps equally suggested.681 At the level of Speed’s maps of Asian regions such as “the kingdome of China” and “the kingdome of Persia”, the viewer may be struck by the amount of space given to neighbouring regions on those chorographic maps. On the map of Persia, “Part of the Turkish Empire” and “Part of Tartaria” are fragments of adjacent countries which help locate the kingdom under scrutiny in relation to the rest of Asia. This is also what Speed’s map of China seems to do by typographically putting the “kingdome of China” and “Parte of Tartaria”, but also “Parte of India” on the same visual level in terms of size. Hence, “kingdomes” such as China and Persia were not considered entirely separately, at least on a cartographic level. This interconnectedness of Asian countries reflected contemporary company interests and strategies. Indeed, with Chinese ports closed to European traders, the EIC found alternative ways of accessing Chinese gold, porcelain and silks by playing the game of geography. Thus, the Chinese junks discussed above would sail to Southeast Asia where EIC factors and tradesmen could acquire Chinese riches, or else ship them to India where they could be re-sold for a profit. According to P. J. Marshall in his contribution to Nicholas Canny’s Origins of Empire, factories were established by the British in Siam for that particular purpose.682 Hence, despite the EIC’s focus on Southeast Asia and India during the Jacobean era, China and Japan were not quite left out of the geo-economic equation. The EIC’s need to devise inter-Asian plans of trade was matched by cartography’s insistence on the spatial continuity binding different maps together. In addition to those trade routes between continental Asia and the “Spice Islands”, the EIC took part in the “lucrative carrying-trade” also known to scholars as the “country trade” whereby “trade from Asia to Europe was supplemented by trade from one Asian port to another”.683

  • 684 Kirti Chaudhuri, The English East India Company, p. 11.
  • 685 Ibid, p. 12.
  • 686 Ibid, p. 17.
  • 687 Thomas Aldworth at Surat to Sir Thomas Smythe (January 1613) in William Foster (ed.), The Voyages o (...)
  • 688 Sir Thomas Roe, in Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 348.
  • 689 Sir Thomas Roe, “Appendix A”, in Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 540.
  • 690 Court Minutes of the East India Company, in Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 524.

189Significantly, the East India Company started “its operations as an off-shoot of the Levant Company”, another British company working in East.684 While this process could make it seem as if British traders were seeking to break up and divide British business in the East, Kirti Chaudhuri argues that their commercial aims were less antithetic than complementary. Indeed, the EIC was not designed as an independent business, but as an “attempt to separate the spice trade from the main body of the Levant trade”, leading to economic specialisation rather than complete division of tasks or distribution across various geographical areas.685 For that reason, the Red Sea was considered a transitional space connecting two regions and two sectors of British commerce. With time, however, the EIC’s geographic and cartographic centre of gravity moved away from Persia and away from the Spice Islands to Surat, on the west coast of India. The port city eventually developed as a “pivot in the East India Company’s inter-port trade in Asia” from which the company’s activities could be organised.686 Not only could the EIC use Surat as a base for its activities in the Spice Islands to the east, but its relative proximity with Persian markets also made it an ideal location for Surat-Persian trade, or so Balkkrishna Govind Gokhale suggests in Surat in the Seventeenth Century. In his book, Gokhale explains how the EIC took advantage of the Mughal nobility’s taste for Persian wine but also of the large market in Persia for the gum-lac produced in East Indian forests. Aside from that particular commodity, the EIC also carried textiles from the Coromandel Coast to Persia where they could be sold. Thus, Surat fulfilled its promise as the “fountain-head from whence we may draw all the trade of our East Indies; for we find here merchandise which we can take and sell in nearly all parts of these Indies and also in England”, as Thomas Aldworth had informed the EIC in 1613.687 Thomas Roe also insisted on the need for the EIC to take advantage of Surat’s strategic position, both geographically and economically, writing that trade from the “Guzerattes” (Gujarat) region “exceedes all the trades of Indya andwill driue this alone”.688 Surat, in particular, “trades to the Red Sea, to Achyn, and many places”.689 Emphasising the interconnectedness of trade, Roe is reported to have ensured that the Red Sea “wilbe the life of the Surat and Persia Trade”.690 Reaching even further and beyond Persia, Thomas Roe opened company trade between Surat and the port of Mokha in Yemen where Egyptian traders would buy Indian products in cash. Thus, Persia, India and the rest of Asia formed integrated patterns which found a visual equivalent on maps. On Speed’s map of Persia, for example, Persia and India are connected in the lower part of the map where the sea is simultaneously “Arabian” and “Indian”. On the right hand side of the map, large capital letters pinpoint the location of “India within Ganges now Indostan”, with Baffin and Roe’s “Gujaratt” region (here, “Guzarat”) appearing in Persia’s cartographic space. Summarising this pan-Asian dimension of company activities, Speed’s map of Asia unites the various countries, islands and factories within the synthetic space of the Asian continent rimmed by a blue line delineating the contours of the “East Indies” and more.

190Cartographic bridges: from Virginia to the East Indies

  • 691 Nuala Zahedieh, “Overseas Expansion and Trade in the Seventeenth Century”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), (...)
  • 692 Balkkrishna Govind Gokhale, Surat.
  • 693 Om Parkash, “The English East India Company and India” in H. V. Bowen, Margarette Lincoln, and Nige (...)

191So far, the commercial and cartographic networks tying various parts of Asia together have been under scrutiny in this section. Yet, there is also evidence that in some ways, the economic and geographical worlds of the Virginia Company and the East India Company collided. During the first two decades of the 17th century, the commercial system and success of the EIC required a significant amount of bullion. As Nuala Zahedieh contends, due to the fact that bullion was mainly obtained in America and luxury goods in Asia, company activities were “linking traders with East and West in an interlocking, mutually dependent system”.691 In fact, the influx of silver from the New World (though not British) caused a price revolution in early modern India which directly affected company business.692 However, realising that the VC would not supply the British in the East Indies with the necessary amounts of specie, the East India Company had to adapt its commercial plans to the British North American shortage of ore.693 It is as a result of this disillusion in the west that the EIC shifted to a textile-based economy for its trade in the east. More particularly, and more significantly (as far as cartography was concerned), the quest for a passage bridging the gap between the East and the West epitomised early modern efforts at embracing a global perspective on the world and its economy.

  • 694 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in (...)
  • 695 Catherine Bécasse, “‘Not now believed’: the textual fate of the Baffin and Bylot expeditions (1615- (...)
  • 696 Ladan Niayesh, “From Myth to Appropriation”, in Frédéric Regard (ed.), The Quest for the Northwest (...)
  • 697 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britannia, p. 32.

192In a chapter entitled “The Fashioning of an Empire”, Lesley B. Cormack reviews late Elizabethan proposals for probing voyages in search of a passage from Europe to China through the American north.694 According to Cormack, Thomas Harriot and Edward Wright joined others to petition the crown to authorise and encourage voyages in search of such a passage. In a volume exclusively devoted to the centuries-long “quest for the northwest passage”, we learn that William Baffin, who co-authored the map of the Mughal Empire, was commissioned to find a northwest passage in 1615-1616, not to develop trade as his co-author was meant to do in India.695 While that mission did not leave any particular trace on any of the maps under study here, there are maps which bear witness to similar contemporary concerns with straits and passages bridging the gap between the east and the west. In her discussion of the mythical “Strait of Anian”, Ladan Niayesh shows that cartographic representations of that strait echoed an age-old dream of finding a shortcut to the East.696 The legendary passage was discussed in the promotional literature of the VC, with William Strachey presenting the “Streict of Anian, (where the Sea stryketh South into Mar del Zur beyond America)” as a potential bridge between America and Asia.697 Embracing this belief, Speed’s map of China features the “Straite of Anian” somewhere in the north-eastern part of the “Chinian Ocean” and close to a “Parte of America” which impinges on China’s cartographic space. The loosely defined strip of land separated from China only by the optimistically named “C. de Fortuna” is vague and visible enough for it to entertain hopes of making the crossing. Despite the inclusion of a threatening sea monster in the vicinity of the strait, the ship sailing those waters and connecting Asia to America does suggest that the mythical strait is not so inaccessible after all. It is unclear, however, whether the ship is sailing from Asia to America, or the other way around. Furthermore, it is worth noticing that both the map of China and the map of Asia, while being labelled as maps of those countries, leave a significant amount of cartographic space for the “Chinian Ocean” and the “West Ocean”, surreptitiously displacing the centre of Asia from its continental middle towards what is now known as the Pacific. Albeit misleadingly, the map anticipated a fabled northwest bridge between the respective fields of the VC and the EIC. That quest and its cartographic manifestations were not gratuitous and free of economic concerns as it was meant to provide a quicker and safer route to East Indian trade.

  • 698 First charter of the Virginia Company (1606), in Samuel Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters of the Vir (...)
  • 699 David Harris Sacks, “‘To deduce a colonie’: Richard Harkluyt’s Godly Mission in its Contexts, c. 15 (...)
  • 700 Second charter of the Virginia Company (1609), in Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters, p. 27. In the 1 (...)
  • 701 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britannia, p. 31. For details on the promotiona (...)
  • 702 William Baffin, for example, who participated in the making of the 1619 map of the Mughal Empire, w (...)
  • 703 Ibid.
  • 704 Worthington Chauncey Ford, “Captain John Smith’s Map of Virginia, 1612” (in the Geographical Review(...)
  • 705 Tatton and Wright’s map North America, made in 1600, is just as elusive and vague, with Virginia’s (...)

193Conversely, the Virginia Company and the maps connected to it revealed a keen interest in depicting North America as the British gateway to the East Indies. The patent of the company itself gave the adventurers of the Virginia Company permission to trade with and colonise an area believed to be a key to “and other parts and territories in America either appartaining unto us or which are not nowe actuallie possessed”.698 If explored and mapped properly, straits and passages through America to Asia would grant Britons “entry into the treasure both of the East and the West Indies”.699 The language of the second charter granted to the VC in 1609 reflects those global endeavours. According to Charles Bricker and Ronald Vere Tooley’s Landmarks of Mapmaking, it is probably the belief in the fabled “Sea of Verrazano” allegedly discovered in the 16th century which the renewed patent of the VC referred to when it granted the company the right to settle “from Sea to Sea, west and northwest” (my emphasis).700 Besides, promotional authors used the theory that there was potentially a “Nor-West Passadge, which leades into the East into China, Cathay, Giapan, the Moluccas, etc. now ymagyned to be discovered by our Country-man Hudson” to defend the Virginian business at a time of promotional crisis.701 Individuals, such as the explorer and cartographer William Baffin, were involved in the making of company maps but also actively searching for such a passage themselves.702 Baffin’s exploratory work along Virginia’s coasts and waterways in an attempt to determine whether there would be a quick passage to the East Indies resulted in the map of Virginia made by John Smith and William Hole.703 While Smith and Hole’s map of Virginia does not show the fabled “Sea of Verrazano” or Hondius’ “North American Sea”, it is worth noting that the map entertains some form of ambiguity. The narrowing arms of the rivers stretching into the hinterland make it seem unlikely that these could extend much further beyond the physical limits of the map. Yet, a large portion of those tributaries actually lies beyond the Maltese crosses marking the limits of the VC’s knowledge. Thus, at least a third of the southernmost river lies in the area dominated by the “Monacans” and beyond the limit of British experience. This open-endedness of Virginian rivers is reminiscent of a slightly earlier company map of the Chesapeake Bay made in 1608, Tindall’s map of the York and James rivers whose tributaries continue to flow beyond the map’s flowery frame and into a mysterious cartographic “beyond”. Unlike Tindall’s neatly delineated waterways, however, the segments of the river extending beyond Smith and Hole’s Maltese crosses are greyed, as if awaiting completion. In addition, there is a visual suggestion that there is an unidentified body of water somewhere in the hinterland, north of the “Massawomecks” above the flying scroll. The area, filled with a a grey shading similar to the one used for the “Virginian Sea” leaves the door open for further probing. The theory that its location in the north-western part of the map was probably motivated by Smith’s hope to find such a sea in that area is supported by textual evidence examined by Worthington Chauncey Ford in an article devoted to Smith and Hole’s map of 1612.704 According to Ford, Smith had sent letters and sketches to Henry Hudson in order to let him know that it was likely that the Atlantic and the Pacific were connected, or at least separated only by a strip of land in Virginia. The 1624 version of the map of Virginia less explicitly hints at the possibility for a passage to the East Indies, with the mysterious body of water now covered by a cartouche.705 This is probably because by 1621, the belief that Virginia was the place where a passage to India could be found was beginning to fade in the British imagination. The quest for the Northwest Passage on the east coast of North America was not exclusively the business of the Virginia Company. Indeed, the EIC, which was meant to benefit most from such a passage, bought the services of Henry Hudson, originally employed by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in the first decade of the 17th century, to find a northwest passage. The EIC also co-funded an expedition led by George Weymouth in 1602.

  • 706 Kirti Chaudhuri, “The World-System East of Longitude 20: The European Role in Asia, 1500-1750”, (in (...)
  • 707 Ibid, p. 226.
  • 708 Joseph Bergin (ed.), The Seventeenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 64.
  • 709 In terms of latitude, Spain was indeed closer to America most. Yet, in terms of longitude, Spain an (...)

194Beyond cartographers’, promotional writers’ and company employees’ best efforts at connecting the East and the West, it was ultimately the common geographical, institutional and economic core which brought the Virginia Company and the East India Company together: London. In the 17th-century worlds of the VC and the EIC, Kirti Chaudhuri demonstrates, Virginia and the East Indies served as distant places of production and outsourcing, while the companies in London – where operations were managed, policies devised and maps produced – “acted as central distribution agencies following very advanced financial guidelines”.706 In that emerging world-economy, a “geographical entity” was “defined by certain economic forces regulating the process of production and consumption”.707 This was also done cartographically. John Speed’s Prospect of the Most Famous parts of the World, in particular, which features the maps of Asia, China, Persia and America under study, shows them as not only connected amongst themselves, but also integrated in a universal image of the world mapped throughout the atlas. In that cartographic world-system, the “Most Famous parts of the World” are symbolically tethered to the “Theatre of the Empire of Great Brittaine” to which the maps of Asia and America were appended. Speed’s British-made atlas, then, was uniting the different parts of the world into a single global narrative where Britain enjoyed an advantageous central position. While the notion of “capital” is a fairly recent one, there are signs that in the early modern period, London was becoming a “centre with critical economic as well as political functions”, the making of which the VC and the EIC contributed to.708 Increasingly, geographical and economic patterns resembled later imperial structures in which a country (Britain) functioned as an institutional core to which peripheries were connected (the East Indies and Virginia), both economically or cartographically. Hence, it is significant that John Speed’s map of Asia should seem so keen to locate Asia in relation to “Part of Europa”. Similarly, Speed’s map of America features “Part of Europa” which stretches into the American cartographic space, appearing in the right-hand side of the map. Unfortunately for the map-maker’s fellow Britons, however, it is Spain and not Britain which stands for Europe.709

195All in all, company maps and promotional discourse provide some insight into the less obvious interconnectedness of the Virginia Company and the East India Company on institutional, discursive, economic and geographical levels — an interconnectedness which gave shape to an emerging world-system and global empire.

Cartographic lives and the aura of company maps

196Intertextual networks: company maps and promotional literature

197Company maps not only created bridges between eastern and western ventures, they were themselves part of a larger system of discursive production. While most of this thesis has examined company maps as separate and – for the most part – autonomous visual artefacts, this subsection shall attempt to replace those maps in their specific context of production and the intertextual network of company discourse which was given shape in the first quarter of the 17th century. In the first chapter of this thesis, I have tried to define company maps as thematic documents whose driving impulse was one of economic monstration and demonstration. The second chapter has attempted to retrieve the common appropriating and legitimising purposes of company maps. Presently, I shall reintegrate those maps in the broader corpus of “promotional literature” to which they belong.

  • 710 See Jacques Derrida Writing and Difference (transl. Alan Bass. London: Routledge, 2001).
  • 711 See in particular Harley’s article “Deconstructing the Map” (in Cartographica 26/2, 1989), pp. 1-20
  • 712 In the article quoted above, Harley builds his interpretation of textual maps on their use of artic (...)
  • 713 John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography” in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map-M (...)
  • 714 John Pickles, “Texts, Hermeneutics and Propaganda Maps” in Trevor J. Barnes and James T. Duncan (ed (...)
  • 715 Kathleen Biddick, “The ABC of Ptolemy: Mapping the World with the Alphabet” in Text and Territory ( (...)
  • 716 Lauren Working, ““The Savages of Virginia Our Project”: The Powhatans in Jacobean Political Thought (...)
  • 717 Armitage, “Literature and Empire”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 101.
  • 718 Andrew Hadfield, “Bruited abroad: John White and Thomas Harriot’s colonial representations of Great (...)

198In this section, I shall draw on Jacques Derrida’s literary concept of “intertextuality” to account for the company literature’s interconnectedness and examine the networks in which company maps circulated.710 First, for company maps to be understood as part of an intertextual network, they have to be considered texts. The textuality of maps in general has already been established by John Brian Harley who, over the years, gradually paved the way for a literary understanding of maps, thereby leading a “textual turn” in cartographic studies.711 Harley’s interpretation of maps as texts is particularly true of company maps which extensively drew on persuasive rhetoric.712 As evidenced his discursive analyses of early modern maps in “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography”, those maps did not merely function as an “antiquarian image” isolated from its context of production, especially when the map was designed and produced by people who were in some way connected to certain interest groups in Jacobean London.713 By virtue of their textual quality, John Pickles contends, maps are embedded in a broader context which should be taken into account to have a fuller and more accurate understanding of the document at hand.714 With a focus on propagandistic maps, Pickles’ article emphasises the notion that such maps encoded a message designed for a specific target audience but also to respond to certain ideas already circulating in the public space. Hence, those maps “cannot be thought about in isolation”, particularly “since the very notion of a map as an isolated, stand-alone object is an effect of modernist cartographic space”.715 With company maps, the continuity with the rest of public discourse and other promotional texts was guaranteed by common themes (economics or colonisation) and purposes (persuasion), and an overall “geographically specific language of colonisation [which] infused metropolitan discourse”.716 In Britain at the dawn of the 17th century, this dense network of proto-imperial literature more specifically developed as a British project. Though scholars have “taken for granted the indebtedness of English literature to the British Empire”, the company maps and other texts linked to overseas commercial and colonial activities ought to be examined as a common mapping of the early British empire.717 As Andrew Hadfield warns in a chapter devoted to John White and Thomas Harriot’s iconography, there is “no clear and straightforward link between the text and a context”.718 Yet, a look at company maps’ contextual and intertextual dimensions might better help understand their place and use in early modern promotional literature.

  • 719 Heidi Brayman Hackel and Peter C. Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt the Younger’s Notes for the East India (...)
  • 720 Quoted in Heidi Brayman Hackel and Peter C. Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt the Younger’s Notes for the E (...)
  • 721 Richard Hakluyt, Virginia Richly Valued (London: Felix Kyngston, 1609).

199The first layer of intertextuality I would like to examine briefly is the network of connections tying company discourse to broadly external discourse. In Heidi Hackel and Peter Mancall’s article devoted to Hakluyt’s notes for the EIC (1601), for example, we learn that Hakluyt’s experience mainly derived from books rather than travel.719 This would account for Hakluyt’s numerous references to domestic as well as foreign sources such as Linschoten’s Discours of voyages into ye Easte and West Indies, translated into English in 1598. His knowledge of the world, its geography and resources was thus a compilation of others’ works whose substance he re-assembled through his own compilations of British experience in the New World, but also in his notes addressed to the East India Company. A conscientious mediator between his sources and his audience, Hakluyt quotes Linschoten’s book as one of the bookish authorities he used to draft the manuscript list of commodities he prepared for the EIC, adding that he also used and provided a “greate Italian map […] which [he had] translated and caused to be drawne for the Company” along with two copies of a large Italian map of the Moluccas.720 Equally providing translated material to the Virginia Company, Hakluyt translated Fidalgo de Elvas’ narrative of Fernando de Soto’s travels and published it in 1609 under the title Virginia Richly Valued, dedicating it to the Council of the VC.721 It was reprinted in 1611 as The Worthy and Famous History of the Discovery of Terra Florida, also known as the “Historie of Florida” which features on the list of books purchased by the Company in 1622. Similarly relying on second-hand foreign sources, Baffin and Roe’s map of the Mughal Empire was made from copies of surveys Thomas Roe accessed at the Mughal Court. For that reason, the map is a product of exogenous intertextual bridges. Hence, there is reason to believe that maps used by companies to devise their overseas schemes found echoes in foreign literary and cartographic production, though “translated” and adapted to fit the EIC’s specific needs.

  • 722 Kenneth. R. Andrews, Nicholas P. Canny, and P. E. H. Hair (eds.), The Westward Enterprise, p. 185.

200However, company employees gradually mobilised domestic material to ensure the contents of maps and texts would not undermine the company’s plans. This is at least what Loren Pennington suggests in the chapter “The Amerindian in English promotional literature, 1575-1625” in The Westward Enterprise, noting that “colonial propaganda shifted increasingly to native English materials”.722 The British identity of the authors of the company maps under study seemingly supports Pennington’s claim, with Benjamin Wright, in particular, underlining his Englishness, signing the map of North America as “Benjamin Wright, Anglus Coelator” (“English engraver”). When Englishness was not directly tied to the map makers, it was duly signalled in alternative ways, with the scales of Baffin and Roe’s map showing a scale of “Inglish Leages” or Speed’s map of China giving an indication of the “English Myles” used to draw the map to scale.

  • 723 William Strachey, Historie of Travell, p. 7.
  • 724 Ibid, p. 7.

201Englishness, however, was not a sufficient criterion to establish the integrity and strength of promotional discourse and maps. Occasionally, the broader domestic context of production to which promotional maps belonged was to some degree hostile to company discourse. A centre-piece of the Virginia Company’s apologetic production, William Strachey’s Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania opens with a vituperation against “the many mouthes of Ignoraunce, and Sclaunder, which are ever too apt to let fall the Venome of their worst and most depraving Envyes, vpon the best and most sacred words”.723 Criticism against company activities and adverse discourse are what “wrings from me [Strachey] the necessity of this imperfect defence”.724 Promotional discourse, be it textual or cartographic, could therefore be reactive or defensive in nature, thereby shaping an image of foreign lands in reaction to already existing literature. Promotional writing and mapping then were inherently relational.

  • 725 Richard Helgerson, “The Land Speaks: Cartography, Chorography, and Subversion in Renaissance Englan (...)
  • 726 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, p. 21-22. For more on the publishing (...)
  • 727 More specifically, he begins with a subsection on “Marchandize and Victualls”, in John Smith, Gener (...)
  • 728 Ibid, p. 88.
  • 729 See Thomas Harriot and John Smith in the Ferrar Papers, FP_463.
  • 730 “Mr Simonds” is William Symonds. Quote in William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Brita (...)
  • 731 William Strachey, Historie of Travell, p. 45.
  • 732 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia” in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioni (...)
  • 733 Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, vol. 1, p. 81.

202In “The Land Speaks: Cartography, Chorography, and Subversion in Renaissance England”, Richard Helgerson highlights the fact that most of the books he examined for his article often refer to one another, so that their textual fabric is interwoven into a dense network of intertextual relations.725 Sharing a common interest in company business and its geography, authors of promotional texts and maps seem to all contribute to a larger invisible map of company activities and history in the East Indies and in the Chesapeake. In his synthetic Historie of Travell, Strachey acknowledges the work of “that true Lover of vertue, and learned professour of all arts and knowledges, Mr Harriots, who lived there in the tyme of the first Colonye”, Thomas Harriot being the author of a verbal rendering of the early colonial Chesapeake and whose Brief and True Report was later illustrated by John White’s drawings in Theodore de Bry’s edition of the book.726 While Harriot and White, who worked before the creation of the Virginia Company, were not exactly “promotional writers”, their accounts were translated into promotional material when recycled by the likes of William Strachey and Richard Hakluyt. In his Generall Historie, John Smith also refers to “The Observations of Master Thomas Heriot in this Voyage” as well as the experience and reports of “Master White”.727 Presenting the reader with the original words of John White, Smith quotes: “Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene,/That God doth offer and confer his blessings upon men”, adding those words were “Written by Master John White”.728 This verbal acknowledgement cartographically translated into a visual tribute to John White’s drawings, which included the “Virginea Pars” map: the Algonquian figure and the top-left inset on Smith and Hole’s map of 1612. A decade later, the Virginia Company itself would make Smith and Hole’s map dialogue with Harriot and White’s works by ordering a number of copies for distribution in 1622.729 In the same chapter, Strachey asks the reader to “Lett [him] remember what Mr. Simonds Preacher of St Sauiours saith” in his sermon to the Virginia company preached at St Paul in 1608.730 Not only did Strachey’s book reassemble the various parts constitutive of the Company’s textual arsenal, but it also brought together a number of maps of the Chesapeake. One of the three original manuscripts of Strachey’s Historie (“the Princeton MS”), included original plates taken from De Bry’s edition of Harriot’s Brief and True Report as well as Smith and Hole’s map of Virginia (1612). In a constant dialogue with the latter, Strachey’s descriptions of Virginia invite the reader to look at the rivers such as “they are aboue the place descrybed in Captain Smithes mappe”.731 Smith and Hole’s map was not only reproduced in Strachey’s volume, but it was also “stitched into a number of other books” including Smith’s Map of Virginia (1612), Smith’s Generall Historie of Virginia (1624) and in Purchas’ Pilgrimes (1625).732 In a similar fashion, Captain Newport’s account of his experience in Virginia mirrors the geography of earlier English mappings. In a “Relatyon of the Discovery of our River, from James Forte into the Maine: made by Captain Christofer Newport”, the company’s explorers speculate about the “head of this Ryver, the laake mentioned by others heretofore, the Sea againe, the Mountaynes Apalatsi, or some issue”.733 While the exact identity of those “others” and the nature of their reports cannot be established with certainty, there is no reason to exclude Gabriel Tatton and Benjamin Wright’s map (1600) as a possibility. Indeed, Virginia’s defining feature on their map of North America is precisely the mountain range labelled “Mons Appalaci” (“Appalachian Mountains”) which stretches beyond the cartographic space and into the unknown behind the central cartouche. Hence, verbal and cartographic discourses converged and met, echoing one another so frequently and so insistently that they shaped a dense intertextual network.

  • 734 Evelyn Edson, introduction to Mapping Time and Space: How Medieval Mapmakers Viewed Their World (Lo (...)
  • 735 More on the publishing history of the map, see Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia” in Robert (...)
  • 736 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia” in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioni (...)
  • 737 Catherine Delano Smith, “Cartographic Signs on European Maps and their Explanation before 1700” (in (...)

203Occasionally, map-makers indulged in self-referential echoes, thereby creating an additional layer of intertextuality to cartographic promotional discourse. In Mapping Time and Space, Evelyn Edson notes that medieval geographical texts were only rarely accompanied by maps as such a combination would have been deemed redundant.734 Maps were more likely to be used as illustrations in theological or historical books to visualise biblical narratives, for example. I would suggest that a parallel can be drawn with company maps which were used to echo and illustrate promotional works rather than geographical treatises. Indeed, it was not rare for a verbal description to be matched with a cartographic illustration in the context of early modern commercial production. For example, John Smith and William Hole’s map dialogued with Smith’s verbal descriptions in his Map of Virginia which directed the reader’s gaze more insistently towards Virginia’s riches than the map did on its own. After 1612, the map was printed as a separate document in a number of other books but originally, it was published with the verbal description featuring in a single book where map and text were designed to be read together.735 In that sense, the original Map of Virginia was a bi-cephalous artefact combining “two maps, […] one given in written document, one as cartographic image”.736 Similarly, one can consider Baffin and Roe’s map to be in dialogue with Roe’s verbal account of the Mughal Empire as the map was drawn after the information gathered by Roe himself. In “Cartographic Signs on European Maps and their Explanation before 1700”, Catherine Delano Smith comments on that parallel, underlining the mutually enlightening purposes of map and text.737 In keeping with her theory, Smith’s descriptions and Roe’s reports, with their insistence on the economic opportunities offered by Virginia and India, provided an alternative anamorphic perspective on the appended map engraved by their collaborators. Taking self-referentiality yet a step further, John Smith’s map of 1612 was re-made over a decade later with another collaborator, Robert Vaughan. A palimpsestic re-working of the original map by Smith and Hole, Smith and Vaughan’s “Oulde Virginia” does not deny its origins, plainly re-staging the original map and framing it by a new optimistic narrative of conquest.

  • 738 Jordana Dym, “Travel Writing and Cartography” in Nandini Das and Tim Youngs (eds.), The Cambridge H (...)
  • 739 Nandini Das, “Hakluyt’s Two Indias: Textual sparagmos and Editorial Practice” in Daniel Carey and C (...)
  • 740 Richard Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, vol. 1, p.xxxix.
  • 741 The ancient “sparagmos” was a Dionysian sacrificial ritual whereby the limbs of the sacrificed body (...)
  • 742 Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrims, vol. 13, p. 359.

204Bringing together verbal and cartographic mappings, promotional literature gave shape to an overarching narrative of British overseas activities and of the companies’ early years. In a chapter on “Travel Writing and Cartography”, Jordana Dym explains that cartographic and textual discourse were increasingly fused in the early modern period, with authors such as Hakluyt and Purchas compiling scattered “relations”, “descriptions” and maps to bring them together in unifying volumes.738 Remembering and re-membering the different parts of British experience in Virginia and the East Indies, works such as Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations or Strachey’s Historie of Travell possess a “narrative drive which ties the disparate and scattered records of English travels” in a “teleological account of progress and growth”.739 As Nandini Das more specifically shows, Hakluyt’s work was a quest to unite the scattered parts of British overseas history sewn together into a single corpus. Hakluyt himself, warned the reader in his prefatory epistle to the first volume of his Principall Navigations that his purpose was to “incorporate into one body the torne and scattered limes of our ancient and late Navigations by Sea, our voyages by land, and traffiques of merchandise by both”, thereby striving to retrieve those discursive and geographical “scattered limes” so as to weave them back together into a coherent and teleological overview of voyages, including commercial ventures.740 Using the image of the ancient “sparagmos”, Das continues her analysis by writing that, in fact, the Principall Navigations is “associated as much with acts of unification and composition as it is with dismemberment”.741 Indeed, despite the editorial act of unity, the reports and tales remain discrete and autonomous units. Similarly, most company maps were included in syncretic volumes, while retaining a certain degree of autonomy, with surrounding texts commenting on or interpreting them, as William Strachey did, without fundamentally altering the map. Comparing a narrative of Hudson’s voyage in 1609, a side note in Purchas’ Pilgrims points out that “this agreeth with Robert Tyndall” – that is, with his map of 1608.742 Yet, when the maps were replaced in their context of production and in their corpus of promotional literature, they coalesced with the works alongside which they were used. For instance, when Hakluyt addressed the leaders of the East India Company in 1601, he brought his own Principall Navigations and maps, thereby furnishing the EIC with a history of intertextual experiences and narratives before it even began sending ships to the East Indies and writing reports of its own. Twenty years later, his compendium was also purchased by the Virginia Company which sought to acquire a syncretic historical perspective on its genesis and activities. In sum, maps belonged to a discursive world which formed a coherent corpus shaped at the hands of the trading companies.

205The role of maps in the fates of the VC and the EIC

  • 743 Laurence Worms, “The London Map Trade to 1640”, in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Carto (...)
  • 744 Thomas Roe, in Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 346.

206Company maps were discursive and embedded in a network of echoes, but were they heard? In this final subsection, I shall try to assess the role maps played in the companies’ promotional arsenal, and ultimately, in their respective failure or success. It is difficult to measure the effectiveness of company maps in their time, especially as the written testimonies we rely on were produced for the most part by promotional writers and company map-makers themselves. In that respect, “in commerce too, it is difficult to find evidence of maps in routine use”.743 Not only are scholars confronted with a dearth of material to substantiate claims about everyday company map use, but also, the accessible sources are themselves likely to provide distorted images and exaggerations concerning the impact of those images on their audiences. Thomas Roe himself warned his employer, the EIC: “Let not your servants deceive you; Cloth, Lead, Teeth, Quick-silver, are dead Commodities here, and will never drive this Trade” (my emphasis).744 One should therefore take care not to give too much credit to promotional pronouncements and approach them circumspectly. Nonetheless, they cannot be completely ignored as they do contain evidence concerning map uses and public reception of promotional cartographic discourse. Hence, I shall partly rely on those accounts, but will also complete my survey with recent scholars’ assessments to try and determine the role company maps played in the failures and successes of the VC and the EIC.

  • 745 “I found lying once upon his boord certeine bookes of Cosmographie, with an universall Mappe [on wh (...)
  • 746 For more on the increasingly map-minded Jacobean society and company leaders, see the introduction (...)
  • 747 Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 1.
  • 748 J. C. Appleby, “War, Politics and Colonisation”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. (...)
  • 749 The EIC did appoint Edward Wright as its official hydrographer in 1614 but the man died soon after. (...)
  • 750 Ferrar Papers, FP_463.
  • 751 John Smith in Arber (ed.), Travels and Works, p. 622.

207Servicing both the VC and the EIC, Richard Hakluyt himself was keenly aware of the power cartography may have had as a tool of persuasion, sharing with his reader the coming-of-age tale of his encounter with a map presented by Hakluyt the Elder.745 Maps, then, were becoming a corporate tool playing a significant part in overseas commercial and colonial activities for example.746 Because of that geographical focus, discussions about the East Indies and Virginia became, in Martin Brückner’s words, “carto-coded” – that is, approached through the medium of cartographic forms.747 Seeking to promote their plans, the VC and the EIC used a “wide range of sophisticated methods to achieve [their] purpose, including the use of sermons and lotteries”, but also, it seems, what I have been calling “company maps”.748 Interestingly, neither the VC nor the EIC formally organised map production during the Jacobean era – contrary to the Dutch VOC for example –, thereby enjoying “looser control” over company cartography. 749Yet, their members seemingly perceived the power those documents could exert on their target audiences. The East India Company, for example, expressly requested Nicholas Dowton to find someone who could draw a map of the Mughal Empire. The result of this demand took the form of Baffin and Roe’s map of 1619. The Virginia Company too perceived the utility of maps in a more explicitly promotional context. The Ferrar Papers containing the 1622 list of books purchased by and for the company, in particular, show that three examples of John Smith’s Description of New England and two copies of his A map of Virginia (“Captaine Smiths Book at large”) – both containing an important map – were purchased by the VC.750 Besides, the preface of the Generall Historie tells the reader that it was “in the Companies name [that he] was requested to doe it”.751

  • 752 Thomas R. Smith, “Manuscript and Printed Sea Charts in 17th century London: the case of the Thames (...)
  • 753 Samuel Purchas, “A briefe Discourse of the probabilitie of a passage to the Westerne or South Sea, (...)
  • 754 A “Mappe following of that thrice learned (and in this argument three times thrice industrious) Mat (...)
  • 755 Catherine Bécasse, “‘Not now believed’: the textual fate of the Baffin and Bylot expeditions (1615- (...)
  • 756 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britannia, p. 49.
  • 757 Ibid, p. 50.
  • 758 Ferrar Papers, FP_463.
  • 759 Walter W. Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the Campaign for New England: A Study in Early Modern I (...)

208Responding to and illustrating this map-mindedness, London audiences seemingly proved the trading companies right. There is evidence that maps were indeed being used by a wide range of people in the society of London. Proof that company map-makers were known to the public can be found in written complaints in logs and journals: in 1614, Walter Payton, for example, deemed that “Daniels Plats” paled in comparison with the accuracy of the “Plano of Tottens”, who is also known to scholars as Gabriel Tatton.752 From that reference, we can conclude that Tatton’s maps enjoyed an appreciative readership up to at least 1614, at a time when the campaign for Virginia was well under-way. Promotional writers too were close readers of maps, with Samuel Purchas publishing an abridged version of Baffin’s logs in 1625. A critical judge of Baffin’s work and its pricing, however, Purchas acknowledged that “his Mappes and Tables would have much illustrated his Voyage” but “trouble, cost, and his owne despaire of passage that way” led him to omit Baffin’s maps.753 While Baffin’s map was left out of Purchas his Pilgrims, another cheaper map was included in its stead to illustrate Baffin’s travels.754 According to Catherine Bécasse, Purchas’ inclusion of this single map was not enough to dispel later critics bemoaning the lack of maps used by Purchas to illustrate his work.755 Other promotional writers seemed keener to use primary cartographic sources in their volumes: William Strachey advised his reader that his condensed verbal picture of Virginia was “more playnely descrybed by the annexed Mappe, set forth by Captayne Smithe”.756 Having directed the reader back to the map, he continues: “the Mappe will likewise present to the eye the waie of the Mountaine, and current of the Rivers”.757 While Baffin’s maps were deemed costly by Purchas, Smith’s books and maps were relatively cheap, each copy being bought for one or two shillings.758 As a result, they could be more easily purchased for reproduction or consumption by a broader public of potential investors. Despite this wide use of his map and acknowledgement of its accuracy by fellow promotional writers, “none of Smith’s presentations, none of the thousands of books and maps he distributed, bore fruit”.759

  • 760 Peter Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt and the Visual World of Early Modern Travel Narratives” in Carey an (...)
  • 761 In the Elizabethan era, this was also practiced by the English. Drake’s maps, for example, were not (...)
  • 762 Richard Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, vol. 7, p. 116.
  • 763 Anthony Payne, “Hakluyt’s London: Discovery and Overseas Trade”, in Carey and Jowitt (eds.), Richar (...)
  • 764 John Smith, “The Generall Historie”, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 401
  • 765 Nicholas Canny, “England’s New World and the Old, 1480s-1630s”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origin (...)
  • 766 John Smith, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 442
  • 767 See the section “promotional literature” in the bibliography.
  • 768 Anthony Payne, “Hakluyt’s London: Discovery and Overseas Trade”, in Carey and Jowitt (eds.), Richar (...)
  • 769 Nicholas Canny, “England’s New World and the Old, 1480s-1630s”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origin (...)

209Broadcasting company knowledge about Virginian and East Indian geography was not as obvious an option as one might expect. In the context of European (re)discoveries of the East and the West, cartographic data was often kept secret. In his contribution to Carey and Jowitt’s volume on Hakluyt, Peter Mancall observes that in early modern Britain, the “desire for secrecy permeated the court and likely discouraged the publication of the most detailed maps lest the English provide new insights to their Continental rivals”.760 Policies of secrecy, however, were usually enforced by the state during the early stages of European contact with the New World, for example, with the Iberian powers keeping their geographical knowledge and examples of cartographic prowess to themselves.761 Traces of such policies and evidence that Britons connected to the trading companies were aware of their enforcement by rivals appear in Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations which aims to shed light on the “secret trades and Indian riches, which hitherto lay strangely hidden, and cunningly concealed from us”, until the capture of the Portuguese ship Madre de Deus in 1592 and its subsequent looting.762 As part of the spoils, it is likely that books, but also maps, were retrieved by the British and handed to Hakluyt so as to provide him with information on the East India trade, as Anthony Payne hypothesises.763 It befell promotional writers and company employees, then, to publicise geographical knowledge taken from competitors (as with Hakluyt and the Portuguese) or from foreign powers (as with Roe and the Mughal archives). Fighting domestic resistance to the dissemination of geographical knowledge about Virginia, John Smith too blames the master of his own ship for trying to “keepe this abounding Countrey still in obscuritie, that onely he and some few Merchants more might enjoy wholly the benefit of the Trade”.764 Smith’s secretive master was not the first Briton to prefer keeping Virginia to himself, as fishermen sailing to the East coast (particularly to Newfoundland) had been “more concerned to conceal their source of cod and whales from competitors” than broadcasting it.765 In an effort to pull Virginia out of “obscuritie”, Smith “caused two or three thousand of them to be printed, one thousand with a great many Maps both of Virginia and New-England” and “presented thirty of the chiefe Companies in London at their Halls, desiring either generally or particularly (them that would) to imbrace it”.766 These efforts coincided with the Virginia Company’s official policy from 1609 onwards: publicity. Accordingly, an impressive amount of promotional literature including pamphlets, sermons, and also maps, was produced and published after the Company reorganised in 1609.767 This was, in Anthony Payne’s opinion, “the most extensive sequence of colonial propaganda yet to have been printed in England”.768 Yet, the quantity of material mobilised by the Virginia Company is proof “not of widespread interest, but of a desperate need for publicity” and investors.769 This is particularly true of the Virginia Company which suffered from emerging counter-narratives. Unbridled promotion was in that sense not exactly what the company needed.

  • 770 FP_463.
  • 771 For more on the power of print and the transmission of information in 17th-century Britain, see “Th (...)
  • 772 John Brian Harley, “Silences and Secrecy”.
  • 773 Philip Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, vol. 1, pp. 53-54.
  • 774 Loren Pennington, “The Amerindian in English Promotional Literature, 1575-1625” in Kenneth Andrews (...)
  • 775 Benjamin Schmidt, “Mapping an Empire: Cartographic and Colonial Rivalry in Seventeenth-Century Dutc (...)
  • 776 For more on the Virginea Pars MS, see Paul Hulton’s “Images of the New World: Jacques le Moyne de M (...)
  • 777 Coolie Verner, The First Maps of Virginia, 1590-1673 (in The Virginia Magazine of History and Biogr (...)
  • 778 According to a note given by Alexander Brown (ed.), in The Genesis of the United-States, vol. 1, p. (...)

210Interestingly, Smith’s copies were intended for the London groups which were likely to invest in the business. Likewise, the volumes ordered by the Virginia Company in 1622 were usually addressed to specific target groups or individuals: copies of The Declaration of the State of the Colonie and Affaires in Virginia, for example, were destined to King James I, John Donne and Edward Bennett, in acknowledgement for their support to the Company.770 Hence, not everyone in Britain – let alone in Europe – was targeted by company maps. In fact, all-out publicity would harm the company if it left room for returning colonists’ experience. In the context of a “growing market for information” and at a time when a “regular and plentiful dissemination of information about current events” was emerging, publicity about company activities could backfire.771 Hence, seeking to broadcast yet control cartographic knowledge, companies navigated between full publicity and the imperatives of secrecy by resorting to censorship. To John Brian Harley, British companies were not only monopolistic in their economic structure, but they also acted as a brake on map publication and circulation in an effort to supervise the broadcasting of cartographic images of their areas of interest.772 For that reason, the Virginia Company ordered adventurers to “advertise particularly and to Suffer no man return but by passport from the president of the colony and councel nor write any Letter of any thing that may Discourage others”.773 Additionally, it did not let John Smith publish for the Company in an official capacity as his approach to Algonquian people diverged from official company policy favouring amenable relations with the Virginians.774 Smith’s views and the Company’s outlook only converged after the 1622 attack. Despite this cautious censoring of dissenting voices and representations (particularly with regards to the disappointing Virginia), the companies also had to take into account the syllogistic argument put forward by rival companies such as the Dutch East India Company (VOC) according to which cartographic superiority denoted effective control.775 For claims based on cartographic appropriation to be effective, however, maps had to be printed. Notably, John White’s Virginea Pars was not engraved by De Bry and was left in manuscript form, and so was Robert Tindall’s 1608 chart of the Chesapeake Bay.776 Not being easily reproducible and their access limited to a handful of privileged readers, those maps were not likely to have much influence on company activities or rivals’ acknowledgement of their legitimacy.777 Besides, Tindall’s map was snubbed by contemporaries, as key promotional figures such as John Smith avoided referring to Tindall who was perceived as a competitor.778 In short, the companies’ policies in terms of map circulation straddled a thin line between publicity and secrecy, with either promotional or personal circumstances dictating evolutions in one direction or the other.

  • 779 Peter Barber, “Mapmaking in England, ca. 1470-1650”, in Harley and Woodward (eds.), History of Cart (...)
  • 780 Peter Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt and the Visual World of Early Modern Travel Narratives” in Carey an (...)
  • 781 John Brian Harley, “Maps, Knowledge and Power” in Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Ic (...)
  • 782 “Self-Made Spectacles: the Look of Maps and Cartographic Visualcy” in Martin Brückner, The Social l (...)
  • 783 Loren Pennington, “The Amerindian in English promotional literature, 1575-1625” in Kenneth Andrews (...)

211Not only were the cartographic arts entering commercial circles, but they were also becoming “part of the fabric of the everyday life of the wealthy and middling sorts”, with a broader audience for those maps than before.779 Company cartography is about recording, but also and above all about communicating data and ideas to an audience. According to Peter Mancall, people employed by the companies, such as Richard Hakluyt, used maps to “support points of argument”.780 Because of maps’ textuality as a system of diacritical signs requiring some form of basic understanding of cartographic grammar, it is essential to gauge the cartographic literacy of that audience to ascertain whether company maps were likely to have any effect. In his article “Maps, Knowledge and Power”, John Brian Harley refers to that particular kind of skill as “carto-literacy” and pleads for scholars to pay attention to that aspect of map reception.781 Discussing a similar aspect of critical cartography in scholarly discourse, Martin Brückner calls this “cartographic visualcy”, emphasising that maps were “dynamic images whose meaning was contingent on the audience’s visualcy – that is, the acquisition and proficiency in seeing, remembering ad decoding popular visual images”.782 While it is hard to tell what the “effect of the printed page upon a relatively unlettered public” was, one can formulate hypotheses by looking at what contemporaries made of maps and map use in the context of promotional campaigns.783

  • 784 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia” in Robert Appelbaum and John Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an (...)
  • 785 John Smith, A Map of Virginia, p. 10.
  • 786 John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography”, in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map- (...)
  • 787 Ken MacMillan, “Sovereignty “More Plainly Described”: Early English Maps of North America, 1580–162 (...)
  • 788 John Smith, A Map of Virginia, p. 36.
  • 789 This was an option for the recipients of these journals and letters, if provided with the map as we (...)
  • 790 Mary B. Campbell, “The Illustrated Travel Book and the Birth of Ethnography: Part I of De Bry’s Ame (...)

212In her analysis of John Smith’s maps of Virginia, Lisa Blansett argues for the notion that those maps were accessible to early modern British viewers, writing that Smith and Vaughan’s “Oulde Virginia” map “transforms the indecipherable practices and alien signs into a legible text for educated English audiences”.784 In his verbal version of the map, Smith himself seemed to have believed that Virginia was “more plainly described by this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eie, the way of the mountaines and current of the riuers” (my emphasis).785 This map, like other company maps, was structured by familiar signs representing familiar objects (trees, villages, fish, etc.) which conveyed a “recognised set of meanings which did not depend on the ‘reality’ of their geography and were comprehensible”, even for those who had no first-hand experience of Virginia and the East Indies.786 Smith’s intuition seems to have proven right by the numerous subsequent reprintings of his map without the text.787 Besides, as Algonquian Indians “all knowe their severall landes, and habitations, and limits” – as we are told by Smith in his Map of Virginia –, one can infer that the map was intended for a British audience.788 For that reason, it appears that cartographers assumed that their audience enjoyed some degree of “carto-literacy”. For those who would need more than an explanatory legend on the map, the verbal description following the visual map would provide the keys for a more thorough understanding of its contents. The same is true of Baffin and Roe’s map whose visual arguments could be buttressed by a complementary reading of Roe’s journals and letters.789 In terms of reception, some scholars argue that maps such as John White’s were likely to have enjoyed a wide audience, owing to De Bry’s illustrated version of the Briefe and True Reporte which was a “coffee-table book” circulating among people “thinking of investing in a venture like the Roanoke colony”, and later the Virginia Company.790

  • 791 Jas Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubiés, in Elsner and Rubiés (eds.), Voyages and Visions: Towards a Cultura (...)
  • 792 David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance. Continuity and Change” in Harley and Woodward (ed (...)
  • 793 Quoted in Koeman, Schilder, Van Egmond and Van Der Krogt, “Commercial Cartography and Map Productio (...)
  • 794 Richard L. Kagan and Benjamin Schmidt, “Maps and the Early Modern State: Official Cartography” in H (...)
  • 795 Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (transl. Thomas Bürger and Larr (...)
  • 796 See the introduction by R. W. Van Fossen (ed.) for George Chapman, Ben Jonson and John Marston’s Ea (...)
  • 797 “News, History and the Construction of the Present in Early Modern England”, in Brendon Dooley and (...)
  • 798 Frank Arthur Mumby, Publishing and Bookselling (London: Jonathan Cape, 1974), p. 45.

213To Jas Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubiés, the Renaissance inherited from the late Middle Ages the idea that there was “a kind of truth about men and nature which was accessible to all, rather than just to a specialised religious elite”, a truth which could be presented in cartographic form.791 That is especially true of the Jacobean era which saw the broadening of the British map readership as the map market extended to middle and lower classes, thereby making them accessible to circles outside the court.792 An anecdote concerning Richard Hakluyt and a map order supports this theory: Hakluyt and John Ashley, a London merchant, specifically requested that Ortelius provide them with a map destined to be used by merchants and students, and that it should be small enough to fit in smaller houses.793 Increasingly, maps became usable documents as much as antiquarian artefacts, thereby leading to a “commodification of cartography”.794 Coincidentally, this expansion of cartographic discourse in 17th-century society created a specialised “public sphere” (Öffentlichkeit), to borrow a concept formulated by the 20th-century philosopher Jürgen Habermas.795 Company maps, reaching a larger and more diverse audience than earlier (or other types of) maps contributed to the creation of such a map-minded and business-aware “public sphere” sharing a common contemporary narrative about East Indian and Virginian businesses, a common sense of the “present” rather than mere antiquarian history and a bookish past. The numerous “allusions to contemporary interests, customs and events” in contemporary plays, masques and poems evoking Virginia or the East Indies suggest as much.796 With London serving as a “kind of clearing-house for news from all points of the kingdom and beyond”, maps circulating separately or in volumes sold in London news hotspots were likely to have reached more people than other maps before.797 The company maps themselves usually provide an insight into the target audiences and markets envisioned by the producers. Speed’s map of Persia, for instance, states that it is “to be sold in pops-head alley by G. Humble 1626”, away from the formerly targeted courts and closer to the broader public of London. As for the map of China, an insert in the bottom right corner of the map gives instructions about its selling “by Tho. Bassett in Fleet street and Ric. Chiswell in St Pauls Churchyard”. Not only was the map to reach far and wide across London, it was to be sold at St Paul’s which was “the chief centre of the book trade, not only for London, but for the whole country” in the early 17th century.798

  • 799 Christian Jacob, “Toward a Cultural History of Cartography” (in Imago Mundi, 48, 1996).
  • 800 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 36.
  • 801 Walter Goffart, Historical Atlases, p. 81.

214Yet, there were limits to the map reader’s understanding of cartographic texts, as these could occasionally prove more difficult to read than verbal renderings. As Christian Jacob points out in the article “Toward a Cultural History of Cartography”, these maps may have taught early modern Britons to think spatially by distributing geographical knowledge across a cartographic document, but that did not necessarily imply that the reader would acquire appropriate knowledge of space.799 In fact, map reading could prove challenging for this broadened audience. In Divers Voyages, Hakluyt warns the reader that the map he appended to his account “shall put your Lordshippe to more labour to understande, then mee to make it”.800 As for Speed’s maps, these probably did not have much of an impact during the lifetime of the VC and during the early years of the EIC as, despite their having “originated under Elizabeth I (1603)”, their “wide dissemination stems from a late publication of Speed’s, namely, A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World (1627)” where the maps of Asia and America appeared.801 Additionally, Speed’s atlas was relatively expensive as his Prospect cost approximately forty shillings.

  • 802 Anthony Payne, “Hakluyt’s London: Discovery and Overseas Trade”, in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt (...)
  • 803 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Frank Submissions: The Company and the Mughals between Sir Thomas Roe and Sir (...)
  • 804 John Smith in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 442.
  • 805 John Smith, “To the Worshipful the Master Wardens and Societie of the Cord wayners of the Cittie of (...)
  • 806 Walter W. Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the Campaign for New England: A Study in Early Modern I (...)

215If one looks at the profit figures of the EIC and the VC, one can also make inferences as to the promotional success of the company, or lack thereof. Between 1609 and 1619, from the beginning of the promotional campaign to the final years of the VC, the Virginia Company attracted a total of £36 000 in direct investments by stock-holders.802 This may strike the reader as an impressive amount of money, which it was. Yet, these results paled in comparison with the profits made by the EIC over the same period of time: £2 million. During the first twenty five years of existence of the EIC, however, those profits were not as significant as promoters and investors had hoped them to be. In fact, key authors promoting East Indian trade, such as Thomas Roe, “turned diplomatic failure into rhetorical success”.803 Virginian commodities and the plantation model seemingly did not appeal to London investors as much, nor did the promotional efforts necessarily pay off. John Smith himself bemoaned the petty results of his map distribution efforts, concluding that it only caused “greater toile and torment” and a “losse of time and charge”.804 John Smith acknowledged both the limited success of his promotional attempt using a cartographic medium and the relative failure of the Jamestown settlement, but imputed those to “ill manadging” of the colony.805 To a degree, Smith was right as his textual and cartographic works’ “newfound popularity attracted new patronage”.806

  • 807 Theodore T. Rabb, Jacobean Gentleman: Sir Edwin Sandys, 1561-1629 (Princeton University Press, 1998 (...)
  • 808 Ibid, p. 323.
  • 809 J. C. Appleby, “War, Politics and Colonisation”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire.
  • 810 James I wrote a whole tract to criticise the “vile custome of Tobacco taking”, a “stinking and Unsa (...)
  • 811 John Chamberlain to Dudley Carlton, Aug. 1613, in James Horn, Peter Mancall and Paul Musselwhite (e (...)
  • 812 Jennifer Lynn Blahnik, “A Second Eden: The Promotion and Perception of Virginia, 1584-1624” (Disser (...)

216Indeed, promotional discourse including maps does help “explain the large number of M.P.s who invested in colonization companies”.807 Considering the little returns such an investment brought, financial gain “alone would hardly have drawn them to overseas enterprise in particular”.808 In that sense, at least as far as the less profitable Virginia venture was concerned, the vision of wide, empty but fertile expanses of land shown by company maps, as well as the message of religious conversion and military conquest conveyed by maps such as Smith and Vaughan’s “Oulde Virginia”, were probably successful in their undertaking. The plantation-based vision of Virginian prospects promoted through the cartographic medium proved to be successful in the long run: between 1617 (first tobacco shipment to England) and the year the Virginia Company was dissolved, tobacco exports rose from 20 000 pounds a year to 350 000 pounds.809 A victim of its success, promotional literature encouraging the plantation of tobacco, in particular, led to a “feverish, speculative boom which burst when prices collapsed” and was also met with the King’s own disapproval.810 Those visions, exposed in a language blending economic and geographical considerations, possibly explain why investors were successfully “drawn by perswasion and opportunity of frends to under-write theyre names for adventurers”.811 There was seemingly no correlation between the scale and intensity of promotional campaigns and financial results, at least in the short term. Ultimately, the growing gap between promotional pictures of an idyllic Chesapeake could not save a region which was “both defined and destroyed by propaganda”.812 The East India Company enjoyed a different fate, outliving the demise of the Virginia Company in 1624 and increasingly relying on maps to define and defend East Indian trade.

217In sum, despite diverging trajectories, company maps can be said to have introduced Virginia and the East Indies to British people’s economic imagination, but also to have taught them to embrace a distinctively economic worldview, one which broke with the more antiquarian outlook adopted heretofore.

Conclusion

218From this thesis, I hope, gradually emerged the notion that there was such a thing as “company maps” in the early years of the East India Company and the lifetime of the Virginia Company.

219In the first chapter, I have dwelt on the phenomenal side of company maps, studying the commodities and trading partners (or rivals) displayed across the maps, but also in their margins. This led me to consider company maps as partly thematic documents imbued with specifically economic and proto-colonial language. In the second chapter, the “silent” parts of the map have been under scrutiny, with surrounding textual productions and testimonies, but also trends and ideologies identified by specialists of the early modern period, being used to determine the meaning and significance of what the map concealed. Strategies of legitimation and nationalistic narratives underpinning company maps have also been objects of inquiry in that chapter. The final part of this thesis has revolved around the notion of globalisation and interconnectedness on spatial, human and textual levels, with a final focus on the lives of company maps.

Map-minded companies

  • 813 See in particular Peter Barber, Sarah Tyacke and John Brian Harley’s contributions to the Harley an (...)
  • 814 John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography”, in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map- (...)
  • 815 Ibid, p. 1608. There is evidence that maps were instrumental in the negotiation of territorial boun (...)
  • 816 Lauren Working, ““The Savages of Virginia Our Project”: The Powhatans in Jacobean Political Thought (...)

220While according to most scholars in the field of critical cartography, the instrumentalisation of maps was not a ground-breaking feature of early modern Britain, its use as a tool of persuasion in the context of 17th-century overseas activities probably was.813 With Renaissance Britain increasingly learning to “think spatially”, promoters and cartographers working for the Virginia Company or the East India Company in late Elizabethan England and Jacobean Britain, partook in the gradual expansion of map use to “corporate bodies and private individuals [who] took the place of the crown as the principal direct patrons of mapmakers”, and as consumers.814 This broadening of the spectrum of map-minded people and institutions coincided with the emergence of a “new consciousness of the utility of maps and familiarity with them [which] was spreading across the educated classes”, as Peter Barber remarks.815 As interest groups dealing with “geographically specific questions”, the VC and the EIC developed a need for maps, both practically (in the form of sea charts) and rhetorically (in the form of company maps).816 The latter, of course, have been the focus of this thesis. As visual artefacts mobilised in the context of promotional writing, these maps were not unproblematic.

Ontological instability

  • 817 Peter Barber, The Map Book, p. 149.

221When discussing cartography as perceived by the general modern public, Peter Barber writes that “often, there is nothing controversial about it”, in the sense that it is meant to mimetically reflect geographical and human realities.817 As Barber himself did in most of his work on early cartography, I have sought to demonstrate that not only did company maps distort East Indian and Virginian geographies to fit their needs, but they did so in a context of territorial and economic negotiation. Hence, there was nothing less controversial than company maps and the surrounding promotional discourse produced by or for the East India Company and the Virginia Company during the first twenty-five years of their existences. The perpetual need for promotional literature to defend their respective projects overseas, from the creation of the companies to their end, certainly does reveal that these commercial or colonial endeavours were not met with unanimous approval or general enthusiasm at this stage.

  • 818 Erwin Panofksy, Meaning in the Visual Arts, p. 23.

222Reinforcing the ontological instability of company maps was the topicality of their themes, actors and spaces. While there is “nothing less real than the present”, as Erwin Panofsky noted in his book Meaning in the Visual Arts, company maps helped recreate a cartographic hic et nunc (here and now) for their British audiences.818 Displacing distant lands as well as past or future events into the “here and now” of potential investors and backers, company maps made distant lands and doubtful future profits tangible. In that sense, they functioned as bridges across time, spaces and peoples. Yet, by virtue of their performativity and of their reliance on freshly acquired (or corrected) knowledge of Virginia and the East Indies, company maps were threatened by a variety of different factors ranging from their readership’s still limited carto-literacy, domestic counter-narratives criticising the ventures as well as exogenous resistance to British plans.

  • 819 As a matter of fact, scholars specialised in the early modern period, in early cartography or in Ja (...)

223From a methodological standpoint, company maps have proven an elusive and unstable object of enquiry, particularly because contemporary authors and promoters never called the maps they commissioned or used “company maps”.819 However, the evidence put forward throughout this thesis and its interpretation have, I hope, been convincing enough to establish the existence of such an object.

A proto-imperial chapter

  • 820 According to J. C Appleby, John Dee was the first to coin the phrase “British Impire” to justify Br (...)

224Equally challenging to establish was the “proto” quality of much of the material examined for this thesis. Looking at material produced for the Virginia Company as well as for the East India Company has facilitated the identification of the respective specificities of those projects, but also the common means, instigators and purposes behind the company maps under study. Those parallels have helped understand how individuals conducting overseas business in the early modern period have gradually – and unbeknownst to them at the time – laid the grounds on which the future British Empire would be built. With its first ideological seeds being sown in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, John Speed’s “Empire of Great Britaine” was yet at the early stages of the negotiation and delineation of boundaries in areas the British companies had settled for.820 In that sense, it seems appropriate to consider that 17th-century British trading companies were proto-imperial in spirit, and their maps of an equally proto-imperial essence.

  • 821 Nuala Zahedieh, “Overseas Expansion and Trade in the Seventeenth Century”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), (...)

225More specifically, the lack of sustained financial or crown support during the first quarter of the seventeenth century, meant that those proto-imperial developments were mainly in the hands of joint-stock companies such as the Virginia Company and the East India Company. As evidenced by the maps used by those companies in their promotional discourse, these efforts were not particularly well-planned or coordinated, hence the patchwork of proto-imperial spaces which the company writers desperately sought to reconnect on paper. The proto-imperial connection of spaces and peoples extended to the British landscape itself. Indeed, in the context of this progressively global economy and worldview, the British not only altered the geography of distant lands and peoples, but they also saw domestic topographies shaped by their overseas and company map-making activities. Indeed, as suggested by Nuala Zahedieh, the expansion of port-related activities such as commerce and colonisation led to an increase in the number of wharves built in London, particularly in the east part of the city.821

  • 822 David Armitage, “Literature and Empire”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), Origins of Empire, p. 102.

226Yet, as David Armitage cautions, that is not to say that 17th-century Britain and its writing were “inflected by the ‘imperial’ experiences of racial difference, irreducible otherness, assertions of hierarchy and national self-determination”, particularly as the British were in a position of relative weakness both in the East Indies and in the Chesapeake in the first quarter of the seventeenth century.822 That particular historiographical framework does, however, contribute to the connection of the early 17th century to the rest of the better-known imperial history of Britain.

Hermeneutical stances

  • 823 Martin Brückner, Early American Cartographies, p. 12.
  • 824 For more on the significance of tangible phenomena and rhetoric in the Renaissance, see Lucy Gent a (...)

227What this thesis mainly aimed to do, was correlate first-hand narratives of 17th-century promotional, economic and travel writing with the company maps at hand, adding to the analysis the observations already made by a number of scholars with regards to individual maps or Renaissance cartography in general. Adopting a “retrospective lens” to make those narratives and maps meet in my thesis, I have tried to show that what may seem like innocuous marginalia and coincidental systems of intertextuality, actually had implications in terms of the companies’ rhetoric and the interconnectedness of endeavours which were seemingly poles apart.823 In that respect, and in the particular case of company maps used for promotional purposes, cartography was akin to the Ciceronian oratory arts, whereby words and gesture were simultaneously mobilised to persuade audiences. In that rhetorical model, the map stood for the gesture (what is manifest) while the surrounding promotional written material represented the word.824

228Throughout this thesis, a number of key “orators” have stood out. In a westerly direction, the writings and mappings of Captain John Smith have provided a wealth of material to work with. As for the east, Sir Thomas Roe’s journals and contribution to the map of the Mughal Empire have been an equally helpful source of contemporary insights and motivations. While their abundant and well-known materials may have towered over less documented sources (the anonymous Insulae Indicae or Tatton and Wright’s map), John Smith and Thomas Roe’s verbal and cartographic productions have served as useful yardsticks by which to measure other documents’ degree of agreement or divergence with dominating pieces of discourse in their representation of profitable foreign lands. Indeed, not only did the works of John Smith and Thomas Roe exhaustively document the early years of the Virginia Company and the East India Company, they also seemingly provided contemporary and later observers with a blueprint which could be relied on to describe and advertise the Chesapeake and the East Indies effectively, or so the intertextuality examined in the latter part of this thesis strove to show. Favouring detailed and meticulous descriptions based on first-hand experience of distant lands and peoples, Smith and Roe set the example for a proto-ethnographic type of discourse containing valuable data for the companies.

  • 825 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Frank Submissions: The Company and the Mughals between Sir Thomas Roe and Sir (...)
  • 826 Loren Pennington, “The Amerindian in English Promotional Literature, 1575-1625” in Andrews Canny Ha (...)

229To conclude on the methodological challenges of this thesis, I shall reflect on the need to steer clear from the “Scylla of overblown literary analysis” and the “Charybdis of reading these materials at face value” when examining those company-made cartographic artefacts, as Sanjay Subrahmanyam warns in his contribution to Bowen, Lincoln and Rigby’s Worlds of the East India Company.825 Considering the advertising – if not outright propagandistic – nature of company maps and of the texts gravitating around them, it seems preferable to navigate closer to Scylla than Charybdis. Besides, though a propagandistic device “may not be factually true”, it “is always psychologically true in that it represents the thought of the time, if not the writer’s, at least what he believes to be the reader’s”.826 To enjoy a more complete view of the contemporary production and reception of those promotional company maps, it would be helpful to replace those maps not merely in their context of production, but to replace them more decisively in the broader corpus of promotional literature to which, as texts, they surely belong.

Appendix A : Maps

Appendix A.1: East

William Baffin and Thomas Roe, Map of the Mughal Empire, 28 x 35cm. London: Thomas Sterne, 1619

John Speed, “The Kingdome of Persia” in John Speed’s A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, 1626

Appendix A.2 : West

John White, La Virginea Pars. 23 x 47 cm. London: The British Museum, 1585-1593

Robert Tindall, “The Draught by Robert Tindall of Virginia Anno: 1608”. 42 x 24 cm. London: The British Museum, 1608

John Smith and William Hole, Virginia. Print, 32 x 41 cm. Washington: Library of Congress, 1624

Appendix B: The Ferrar Papers : FP_463 (transcription)

FP_463: list of books purchased by the Virginia Company (1622).

The following was transcribed with the permission of the Master and Fellows of Magdalene College, Cambridge.

— Deliuered and layd outt by mee Iohn Budge Stationer for the vse of the Virginia Company at seuerall times. These Books following vizd

Imprimis: For printinge of master Bennets Booke 02: 10: 00

1 Silke wormes large 00: 01: 00

1 Country farme 00: 09: 00

2 Silkewormes large 00: 02: 00

1 Bible of Boss large 00: 12: 00

1 Service Booke large 00: 04: 00

1 Hackluites Voyadges whole 00: 16: 00

3 Methood of Phisicke 00: 10: 06

1 Historie of Florida 00: 01: 06

6 Smithes New England 00: 06: 00

8 Silkewormes 00: 04: 00

2 Silkewormes large 00: 01: 00

1 Plantacion of Vlster 00: 00: 06

1 Sea Lawes 00: 01: 00

1 Captaine Gosnols booke 00: 00: 06

78 Silkewormes att Seuerall times 00: 19: 00

02 Captaine Smithes book att large 00: 02: 00

01 Heriotts booke of Virginia 00: 01: 00

01 Book of Virginia gilt for ye Deane of Poles 00: 03: 00

06 Doctor Donns sermons of Virginia 00: 03: 00

01 Book of Virginia: gilt for ye Kinge with strings 00: 02: 06

_________________

09: 08: 06 09: 08: 06

To ye Right Honorable Henry Earle of Southampton

Treasurer of ye Company for Virginia — 

09li: 08: 06

9li: 08: 06

Wee pray your Lordship to pay vnto John Budge

Stationer for Books deliuered and layde

outt at seuerall times the Some of 9: 08: 06

Nine pounde viijs.6d. accordinge to the note beffore

specified and this shalbe your Lordships warrant

March the xxxth

1623

Nicholas Farrar Deputy

Richard Caswell

John Blande

Tho. Whitley

Fra: Meverell

that the 8 of May 1623. of master

Nicholas Farrar according to this 9: 08: 06

warrent the summ of nyne poundes viijs. 6d.

per me Jo: Budge.

Appendix C: Timeline, key dates and events

East

1579: Sir Francis Drake’s circumnavigation leads him through the East Indies and the Spice Islands.

September 1599: a group of merchants wishing to trade in the East Indies petitions Queen Elizabeth I for a charter, but the attempt fails.

31 December 1600: royal charter granted to the East India Company by Queen Elizabeth I.

1601: Hakluyt provides the leaders of the East India Company with geographical, cartographic and commercial advice.

1601: first EIC voyage led by Sir James Lancaster who captures a Portuguese ship in the Malacca Straits.

20 March 1602: formation of the Dutch East India Company (“Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie”), or VOC.

1603: the ships of the first voyage return to England.

1604: second EIC voyage led by Sir Henry Middleton.

1604: Treaty of London spelling the end of the war with Spain.

1608: company ships dock at Surat.

1609: renewal of the EIC charter by King James I.

1611: first factory set up by the EIC at Masulipatam (Bay of Bengal).

1612: second factory set up by the EIC at Surat.

1612: Battle of Swally where the English defeat the Portuguese in Surat.

1613: the Company starts planning joint-stock voyages instead of separate voyages. A company ship led by Captain John Saris docks in Japan for the first time.

1614: first ships sent by the Company within the frame of the “joint-stock” structure.

1616: formation of a second joint-stock.

1616-1619: embassy of Sir Thomas Roe at the Mughal Court.

1623: “Amboyna Massacre” of British, Japanese and Portuguese traders by agents of the VOC.

West

1584: Richard Hakluyt’s Discourse of Western Planting encourages voyages to America to vitalise English trade.

1585: first failed colony in Roanoke, led by Ralph Lane.

1587: second failed colony in Roanoke, led by John White.

1589: first edition of Richard Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations which compiles narratives about what the English knew of North America.

10 April 1606: royal charter granted to the Virginia Company by King James I. Bi-cephalous entity comprised of the Virginia Company of London and the Virginia Company of Plymouth.

December 1606: the Susan Constant, the Godspeed and the Discovery set sail for Virginia.

1607: the ships anchor in the Chesapeake Bay. Creation of the Jamestown settlement.

1609: renewal of the charter following the dissolution of the Plymouth Company.

1606-1610: the “starving time” in the Jamestown colony.

1609: peak in production of promotional literature in London.

May 1610: the survivors of the shipwreck in Bermuda arrive at Jamestown under the leadership of Sir Thomas Gates.

1611: the Company sends out new ships and colonists to Virginia.

1611-1616: martial law (published in 1612 as the Lawes Devine, Morall, and Martiall) in the Jamestown colony under the rule of Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale.

1612: John Rolfe leads experiments with tobacco as a cash-crop.

1614: John Rolfe marries Powhatan’s daughter, known as Pocahontas, after her capture by the English colonists in 1613.

1618: Sir Edwin Sandys takes control of the Company and leads a number of reforms to encourage settlement and investment in Virginia.

1619: arrival of the first group of African captives on board a Dutch ship in Virginia.

March 1622: Powhatan attack on the Jamestown colony, also known as the “Jamestown massacre”. From then on, the official policy aims at the “expulsion of the salvages”.

1624: royal charter revoked by King James I. Virginia becomes a royal colony.

Haut de page

Bibliographie

PRIMARY SOURCES

Maps

East

Anon., Insulae Indicae cum terris circumvicinis. Map mounted on cloth backing, 22 x 34 cm. Washington: Library of Congress, 1600.

William Hole, “The Near East”, 30 x 35cm, in Walter Ralegh’s The Historie of the World. London: William Stansby, 1614.

William Baffin and Thomas Roe, Map of the Mughal Empire, 28 x 35 cm. London: Thomas Sterne, 1619.

John Speed, “Asia with the Islands Adioyning Described, the Atire of the People & Townes of Importance, all of them newly augmented by I. S: Ano Dom. 1626” in John Speed’s A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, 1626.

John Speed, “The Kingdome of China” in John Speed’s A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, 1626.

John Speed, “The Kingdome of Persia” in John Speed’s A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, 1626.

West

John White, La Virginea Pars, 23 x 47 cm. London: The British Museum, 1585-1593.

Benjamin Tatton and Gabriel Wright, Nova et rece terraum et regnorum Californae, nouae Hispaiae Mexicanae, et Peruviae. Print, 40 x 52 cm. Washington: Library of Congress, 1600.

Robert Tindall, “The Draught by Robert Tindall of Virginia Anno: 1608”, 42 x 24 cm. London: The British Museum, 1608.

John Smith and William Hole, Virginia, Print, 32 x 41 cm. Washington: Library of Congress, 1624.

Robert Vaughan, “Ould Virginia: A Description of Part of the Adventures of Cap. Smith in Virginia” in John Smith’s The Generall Historie of Virginia. London: J.D. and J.H. for Michael Sparks, 1624.

John Speed et alii, America With Those Known Parts in That Unknowne Worlde Both People and Manner of Buildings. Coloured print, 40 x 51cm. Washington: Library of Congress, 1626.

Source material

Theoretical works, treatises and literature

Bacon, Francis, The Works of Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount St. Alban, and Lord High Chancellor of England. London: A. Miller, 1740.

Bacon, Francis, The Works of Francis Bacon (ed. Basil Montagu). London: Pickering, 1825-1834.

Bonoeil, John, Obseruations to be followed, for the making of fit roomes, to keep silk-wormes in. London: Felix Kyngston, 1620.

Bonoeil, John, His Majesties Gracious Letter to the Earle of South-Hampton. London: Felix Kyngston, 1622.

Botero, Giovanni, A Treatise, Concerning the causes of the Magnificencie and greatnes of Cities, (transl. Robert Peterson). Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1979.

Chapman, George, Plays and Poems (ed. Phyllis Brooks Bartlett). New York: Russell & Russell, 1962.

Chapman, George, Jonson, Ben and Marston, John, Eastward Ho (ed. R. W. Van Fossen). Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1979.

Donne, John, No Man is an Island: a Selection from the Prose of John Donne (ed. Scott Rivers). London: Folio Society, 1997.

Drayton, Michael, The Works of Michael Drayton (ed. John William Hebel). Oxford: Blackwell, 1931-41.

Estienne, Charles and Liébault, Jean, Maison Rustique, or, the Countrey Farme (transl. Richard Surflet), London: Adam Islip, 1616.

Grotius, Hugo, Mare Liberum, 1609-2009 (ed. Robert Feenstra and Jeroen Vervliet). Boston: Martinus Nijhoff, 2009.

Hall, Joseph, The Discovery of a New World (Mundus alter et idem): Written Originally in Latin by Joseph Hall, ca. 1605; Englished by John Healey ca. 1609 (ed. Huntington Brown). Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1937.

Hobbes, Thomas, The Collected English Works of Thomas Hobbes (ed. Sir William Molesworth). London: Routledge, 1997.

Hobbes, Thomas, Leviathan, (ed. Crawford Brough MacPherson). Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1985.

Luther, Martin, Luther’s Works, vol. 1, “Lectures on Genesis”, (ed. Jaroslav Pelikan). St Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1958.

Malynes, Gerard, Consuetudo, vel Lex Mercatoria; or, The Ancient Law-Merchant (1622). Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1979.

Marlowe, Christopher, Tamburlaine the Great, parts 1 and 2, and the Massacre at Paris (eds. David Fuller and Edward J. Esche). Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003.

Misselden, Edward, The Circle of Commerce; or, The Ballance of Trade, in Defense of Free Trade: Opposed to Malynes little fish and his great whale, and poised against them in the scale. London: Iohn Dawson, for Nicholas Bourne, 1623.

Mun, Thomas, England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade. Oxford: Blackwell, 1959.

Prynne, William, The Unlovelinesse, of Love-Locks. Or, A Summarie discourse, proving… London printed: anno 1628.

Quinn, David Beers, The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590. London: Hakluyt Society, 2010.

Shakespeare, William, King Lear. Auckland: the Floating Press, 2008.

Shakespeare, William, Twelfth Night (ed. Roger Warren and Stanley Wells). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

Smith, Sir Thomas, A Discourse on the Commonweal of this realm of England (ed. Mary Dewar). Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1969.

Thévenot, Melchisédec, Relations de divers voyages curieux: qu’ont point esté publiées, est qu’on a traduit or tiré des originaux des voyageurs françois, espagnols, allemands, portugais, anglois, hollandois, persans, arabes & autres orientaux. Tome premier-second. Paris : Chez Thomas Moette Libraire, ruë de la vieille Bouclerie, 1696.

Tyler, Lyon Gardiner (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1907; 1966.

Woudhuysen, Henry R. (ed.), The Penguin Book of Renaissance Verse. London: Penguin, 1992.

Wright, Edward, Certaine Errors in Nauigation, detected and corrected. London: Felix Kingston, 1610.

Promotional literature

Brereton, John A Briefe and true Relation of the Discoverie of the North part of Virginia (1602), in David B. Quinn and Alison M. Quinn, (eds.), The English New England Voyages, 1602-1608. London: The Hakluyt Society, 1983.

Brooke, Christopher, “A Poem on the Late Massacre in Virginia, With Particular Mention of Those Men of Note that Suffered in that Disaster” in The Complete Poems of Christopher Brooke / for the first time collected and edited, with memorial-introduction and notes, by the Rev. Alexander B. Grosart. Blackburn: Printed for private circulation, 1872.

Chapman, George, The Memorable Maske of the two Honorable Houses or Inns of Court; the Middle Temple, and Lyncolns Inne. London: G. Eld for George Norton, 1613.

Copland, Robert, The Hollanders Declaration of the Affaires of the East Indies. Or a True Relation of that which passed in the Ilands of Banda, in the East Indies: in the yeare of our Lord God, 1621. And before. Faithfully translation according to the Dutch copie. London: E. Allde, 1622.

Copland, Robert, Virginia’s God be Thanked, or a Sermon of thanksgiving for the happie successe of the affayres in Virginia this last yeare. Preached by Patrick Copland at Bow-Church in Cheapside, before the Honorable Virginia Company, on Thursday, the 18. Of Aprill 1622. London: John Dawson, 1622.

Coryate, Thomas, Coryate’s Crudities. London: Scholar Press, 1978.

Crashaw, William, A Sermon Preached at the Crosse. London: H. Lownes, 1608.

Crashaw, William, A Sermon Preached in London before the right honorable the Lord Lawarre. London: W. Hall, 1610.

Crashaw, William, “Epistle Dedicatorie” to Alexander Whitaker, Good Newes from Virginia. New York: Scholars’ Facsimiles & Reprints, 1937.

Digges, Sir Dudley, and Smith, Sir Thomas, The Defence of Trade: in a Letter to Sir Thomas Smith Governour of the East India Companie &c. from one of that Societie. London: William Stansby, 1615.

Donne, John, A Sermon to the honourable Company of the Virginian Plantation. London: Bernard Aslop, 1624.

Drayton, Michael, “To Master George Sandys, Treasurer for the English Colony in Virginia” (1622) in The Works of Michael Drayton (ed. William J. Hebel). Oxford: B. Blackwell, 1931-41.

Ferrar, Nicholas, Ferrar Papers (MS). Old Library, Magdalene College, 1590-1790.

Gentleman, Tobias, Englands Way to Win Wealth, and to employ Ships and Marriners. Delmar Published for the John Carter Brown Library by Scholars’ Facsimiles & Reprints, 1992.

Gray, Robert, A Good Speed to Virginia. London: Felix Kyngston, 1609.

Hakluyt, Richard, Divers Voyages Touching the Discovery of America and the Islands Adjacent Collected and Published by Richard Hakluyt in the year 1582 (ed. John Winter Jones). Farnham: Ashgate, 2010.

Hakluyt, Richard, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014.

Hakluyt, Richard, Virginia Richly Valued. London: Felix Kyngston, 1609.

Hamor, Ralph, A True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia. Reprinted from the London ed. 1615. Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1957.

Harriot, Thomas, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2003.

Higginson, New-Englands Plantation. London: T. Cotes and R. Cotes, 1630.

James I, A Counterblaste to Tobacco. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1969.

Johnson, Robert, Essaies: or, Rather Imperfect Offers (1607). London: Adam Islip, 1607.

Johnson, Robert, Nova Britannia: Offering Most Excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia (1609). Amsterdam: Da Capo Press, 1969.

Purchas, Samuel, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes (1625), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906; 2015.

Purchas, Samuel, “The Kings Towre and Triumphant Arch of London”. London: William Stansby, 1622.

Ralegh, Walter, The Historie of the World. London: William Stansby, 1614.

Ralegh, Walter, The Letters of Sir Walter Ralegh (eds. Agnes Latham and Joyce Youings). Exeter: University of Exetter Press, 1999.

Ralegh, Walter, The discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana, with a relation of the great and golden city of Manoa (which the Spaniards call El Dorado) (ed. Robert H. Schombugk). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

Rolfe, John, A True Relation of the State of Virginia lefte by Sir Thomas Dale Knight. New Haven: for H. C. T., 1951.

Rosier, James, “A True Relation of the most prosperous voyage…in the Discovery of the land of Virginia” (1605), in Quinn and Quinn (eds.), English New England Voyages. London: The Hakluyt Society, 1983.

Smith, John, A Map of Virginia: with a description of the covntrey, the commodities, people, government and religion (1612) Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1973.

Smith, John, The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England & The Summer Isles. London: John Dawson, 1626.

Smith, John, The True Travels, Adventures, and Observations. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1968.

Smith, John, New Englands Trials: Declaring the successe of 80 Ships employed thither within these eight yeares… Amsterdam: Theatreum Orbis Terrarum, 1971.

Smith, John, Captain John Smith: A Select Edition of his Writings (ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman). Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988.

Smith, John, The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580-1631) (ed. Philip L. Barbour). Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986.

Smith, John, Travels and Works of Captain John Smith, President of Virginia and Admiral of New England, 1580-1631, (ed. Edward Arber). Edinburgh: John Grant, 1910.

Strachey, William, A Voyage to Virginia in 1609: Two Narratives, Strachey’s “True Reportory” and Jourdain’s Discovery of the Bermudas (ed. Louis B. Wright), Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2013.

Strachey, William, For the Colony in Virginea Britannia, Lavves Diuine, Morall and Martiall. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1972.

Strachey, William, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania (ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund). London: Hakluyt Society, 1953.

Symonds, William, Virginia: A Sermon Preached at White-Chappel. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1968.

Taylor, Eva Germaine Rimington (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (vol. 2). Surrey: Ashgate, 2010.

Walne, Peter, “The Collections for Henrico College, 1616-1618”, VMHB (1972), p. 259-266.

Waterhouse, Edward, A Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in Virginia. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1970.

Whitaker, Alexander, Good Newes from Virginia. New York: Scholars’ Facsimiles & Reprints, 1937.

The Virginia Company, A True Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia, With a confutation of such scandalous reports as have tended to the disgrace of so worthy an enterprise. London: William Barret, 1610.

Legal documents, charters, company records

Barbour, Philip L. (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages Under the First Charter 1606-1609. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969.

Bemiss, Samuel M. (ed.), The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London, with Seven Related Documents; 1606-1621. Williamsburg: Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957.

Chamberlain, John, The Letters of John Chamberlain (ed. Norman Egbert McClure). Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1939.

Danvers, Frederick Charles (ed.), Letters Received by the East India Company from its Servants in the East: Transcribed from the Original Correspondence Series of the India Office Record. London: Sampson Low, Marston, 1896-1902.

Foster, William (ed.), The Voyages of Thomas Best to the East Indies. Surrey: Ashgate, 2010.

King James I, Minor Prose Works of King James VI and I (ed. James Craigie). Edinburgh: Scottish Text Society, 1982.

King James I, The Workes of the most high and mightie prince, Iames: by the grace of God, King of Britaine, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. London: Robert Barker and John Bill, 1616.

Kingsbury, Susan Myra (ed.), The Records of the Virginia Company of London. Washington: Governmental Printing Office, 1906-1935.

McIlwaines, H. R. (ed.), Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1659. Richmond: Colonial Press, E. Waddey co., 1905-1915.

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Prothero, G. W., Select Statutes and other Constitutional Documents 1558-1625. Oxford, 1913.

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Rabb, Theodore K., Jacobean Gentleman: Sir Edwin Sandys, 1561-1629Haut de page

Notes

1 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages Touching the Discovery of America and the Islands Adjacent Collected and Published by Richard Hakluyt in the year 1582 (ed. John Winter Jones. Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), p. 36.

2 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages (ed. John Winter Jones), p. 33.

3 Title quoted from Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages (ed. John Winter Jones), p. 33.

4 The Virginia Company of Plymouth eventually abandoned Virginia itself to develop in what they began to call New England. This thesis will focus on the activities of the Virginia Company of London operating in the Chesapeake.

5 For example, the expression is used in the title for Susan Schmidt Horning’s article “The Power of Image: Promotional Literature and its Changing Role in the Settlement of Early Carolina” (The North Carolina Historical Review, 1993, pp. 365-400).

6 Oxford English Dictionary.

7 In fact, the OED uses this exact quote from the Divers Voyages to illustrate the early modern meaning of “carde” as a loose synonym of “map or plan”. See entry †II, 3. a for “card” in the OED.

8 John Brian Harley and David Woodward (eds.), History of Cartography, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), p. 1707.

9 Shakespeare, King Lear: “Meane time we will expresses our darker purposes,/The Map there; know we haue diuided/ In three, our kingdome” (1608), i. 38.

10 For cartographic references in John Donne for instance, see Ladan Niayesh, ““All flat maps, and I am one”: Cartographic References in the Poems of John Donne”, (Études Épistémè, 2006). For more on “mapmindedness”, see Ladan Niayesh’s chapter “Seeing and Overseeing the Stage as Map in Early Modern Drama” in Travel and Drama in Early Modern England: the Journeying Play (ed. Claire Jowitt and David McInnis, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018).

11 John Brian Harley, and David Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography.

12 Richard Hakluyt, A Particuler Discourse Concerninge the Greate Necessitie and Manifolde Commodyties that are Like to Growe to this Realme of Englande by the Westerne Discoueries Lately Attempted, Written in the yere 1584 (ed. David B. Quinn and Alison M. Quinn. London: Hakluyt Society, 1993), p. 4.

13 Hakluyt in Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts. (Surrey: Ashgate, 2010), p. 476-82.

14 John Shaw (ed.), Charters Relating to the East India Company from 1600 to 1761 (Madras: R. Hill at the Government Press, 1887), p. 26.

15 Jack P. Greene, “From John Smith to Adam Smith: Virginia and the Founding Conventions of English Long-Distance Settler Colonisation” in James Horn, Peter Mancall, and Paul Musselwhite (eds.), Virginia 1619: Slavery and Freedom in the Making of English America. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019).

16 Samuel M. Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London, with Seven Related Documents; 1606-1621. (Williamsburg: Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957), p. 1.

17 For more details on 17th century beliefs about British lacks and wants, as well as perceptions of the inexhaustible power of nature, see Robert Markley, “Riches, power, trade and religion: the Far East and the English imagination, 1600–1720” (in Renaissance Studies, Vol. 17, No. 3, 2003), pp. 494-516.

18 John Smith, A Description of New England (1616). (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, Zea E-Books in American Studies 3), p. 47.

19 Sir Walter Ralegh had led the voyage to Roanoke in the late 1580s. Thomas Harriot, who had taken part in the adventure, published his Briefe and True Report which provided a template for future writers describing Virginia. Significantly, he devoted a number of chapters to listing the resources of Roanoke before eventually saying a word about indigenous people.

20 Christine Jeanette Green, “The Illustrated Map: Cartography and Power in 17th Century Virginia” (MPhil thesis paper 1539626246 in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects, The College of William and Mary in Virginia, 2000), p. 21.

21 For more on forests during the 17th century, see G. D. Holmes, “History of Forestry and Forest Management” (in Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series B, Biological Sciences, Vol. 271, No. 911, 1975), pp. 69-80.

22 Green, “The Illustrated Map: Cartography and Power in 17th century Virginia”, p. 28.

23 Jack P. Greene, “From John Smith to Adam Smith: Virginia and the Founding Conventions of English Long-Distance Settler Colonisation” in Horn, Mancall and Musselwhite, Virginia 1619, p. 293.

24 George Percy, in Philip L. Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580-1631). (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), p. 141.

25 The map is also known as “Nova et rece terrarum et regnorum Californae, nouae Hispaiae Mexicanae, et Peruviae”.

26 George Percy in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625. (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1907; 1966), p. 8.

27 John Smith’s “Description of Virginia” in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625, p. 95.

28 “And likewise because at our first coming we found in our owne river no store of fish after many tryalls, we dispatched with instructions the 17. of June, Robert Tindall, master of the De la Warr, to fish unto all along and betweene Cape Henry and Cape Charles within the bay”: Virginia Company report in Alexander Brown (ed.), The Genesis of the United-States (New York: Russell & Russell, 1964), vol. 1, pp. 408-409.

29 Sir Walter Ralegh detailed his theory in The discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana, with a relation of the great and golden city of Manoa (which the Spaniards call El Dorado). (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

30 For more on the divergent visions of Ralegh and Smith with regards to gold mining in America, see Steve Pincus “Rethinking Mercantilism: Political Economy, the British Empire, and the Atlantic World in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries” in The William and Mary Quarterly (Vol. 69, 2012), pp. 3-34.

31 John Smith’s “Description of Virginia” in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625, p. 95.

32 Letter reprinted as “Letter to Bacon” in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, p. 382.

33 John Smith in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625, p. 178.

34 Martin Brückner, The Social Life of Maps in America, 1750-1860. (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2017), p. 209.

35 Norman JW. Thrower, Maps & Civilization: Cartography in Culture and Society. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972; 1996), p. 95.

36 Ibid, p. 95.

37 Rodney Walter Shirley, “Foreword” to The Mapping of the World: Early Printed World Maps 1472–1700. (London: Holland Press, 1983).

38 Heidi Brayman Hackel and Peter C.Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt the Younger’s Notes for the East India Company in 1601: A Transcription of Huntington Library Manuscript EL 2360”. (Huntington Library Quarterly, Vol. 67, No. 3, 2004), pp. 423-436.

39 Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (Surrey: Ashgate, 2010), p. 476-482.

40 John Shaw, Charters Relating to the East India Company, p. 25.

41 Verner Coolie, “The First Maps of Virginia, 1590-1673” (in The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography Vol. 58, No. 1, 1950), pp. 3- 15.

42 Samuel Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London, p. 1.

43 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England”, in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire (Oxford, UK and Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1994), p. 18.

44 Samuel Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London, p. 1.

45 John Brereton, A Briefe and true Relation of the Discoverie of the North part of Virginia (in David B. Quinn and Alison M. Quinn, (eds.), The English New England Voyages, 1602-1608. London: The Hakluyt Society, 1983), p. 15.

46 See Appendix A, “Roe’s Geographical Account of the Mogul’s Territories” in Sir Thomas Roe, The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul, 1615-1619 as Narrated in his Journal and Correspondence, vol. II (ed. William Foster. London: Hakluyt Society, 2010), p. 531.

47 Appendix A, “Roe’s Geographical Account of the Mogul’s Territories” in Sir Thomas Roe, The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 538.

48 Excerpt of the “Letters Received” (IV, xv) reprinted in Kirti N. Chaudhuri, The English East India Company: The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Company, 1600–1640 (London: Cass, 1965).

49 Richard Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting” reprinted in Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts (vol. 2. Surrey: Ashgate, 2010), p. 225.

50 Unlike the Dutch, and later the French, equivalents of the EIC.

51 Significantly, Ormuz was an island and a key merchant city located at the entrance of the Persian Gulf. The city was taken back by the Persian Shah Abbas who was aided by the EIC, four years before Speed made this map of the area.

52 Sir Thomas Roe and William Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 345.

53 See for example the French translation of Baffin and Roe’s map engraved to illustrate Melchisédec Thévenot’s Relations de divers voyages curieux: qu’ont point esté publiées, est qu’on a traduit or tiré des originaux des voyageurs françois, espagnols, allemands, portugais, anglois, hollandois, persans, arabes & autres orientaux. Tome premier-second (Paris : Chez Thomas Moette Libraire, ruë de la vieille Bouclerie, 1696).

54 For more on William Baffin’s past as a surveyor in the Arctic region and his ties with the EIC, see Catherine Bécasse’s chapter in Frédéric Regard, The Quest for the Northwest Passage: Knowledge, Nation and Empire, 1576-1806. (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2012).

55 Quoted in Coolie Verner, “The First Maps of Virginia, 1590-1673” (in The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 58, No. 1, 1950), p. 8.

56 Quoted in Coolie Verner, “The First Maps of Virginia, 1590-1673” (in The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 58, No. 1, 1950), p. 8.

57 Horning, Susan Schmidt, “The Power of Image: Promotional Literature and its Changing Role in the Settlement of Early Carolina” (The North Carolina Historical Review, 1993), pp. 365-400.

58 Thomas Harriot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (London: Published for the Library at the Mariners’ Museum by the University of Virginia Press, 2007), p. 5.

59 Horning, The Power of Image”, p 386.

60 Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt, Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe. (London: Routledge, 2017), p. 101.

61 Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), vol. 1, p. xvii.

62 Ibid., vol. 1, p. xviv.

63 Heidi Brayman Hackel and Peter C. Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt the Younger’s Notes for the East India Company in 1601: A Transcription of Huntington Library Manuscript EL 2360” (in Huntington Library Quarterly, Vol. 67, No. 3, 2004), p. 428.

64 Walter W. Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the new Campaign for New England: a Study in Early Modern Identity and Promotion” (The New England Quarterly, 2008), p. 100.

65 Martin Brückner, The Social life of maps in America, 1750-1860, p. 209.

66 John Smith in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986) vol. 2, p. 442.

67 My thanks go to Catherine Sutherland, Deputy Librarian of the Pepys Library for letting me access the manuscript in person.

68 More on this list and its use by the Virginia Company in part II.

69 Christian Jacob, “Toward a Cultural History of Cartography” (in Imago Mundi, 48, 1996), p. 193.

70 I use the adjective “indigenous” as opposed to “exogenous”.

71 John Howland Rowe, “Ethnography and Ethnology in the Sixteenth Century” (in Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers 30, 1964), pp. 1-19.

72 The Virginea Pars map was drawn between 1585 and 1593 by John White. It was most likely based on surveys made during the exploration voyages led by Ralph Lane and Richard Grenville in the area, according to Kim Sloan. Being a carefully crafted watercolour, it is more likely that the map was designed to show fellow English people Virginia than to direct pilots towards its shores. For more on the genesis of the Virginea Pars map and its context, see Kim Sloan, A New World: England's First View of America (London: The British Museum Press, 2007). For more on John White’s drawings, see also Paul Hulton and David Beers Quinn, The American Drawings of John White (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press), 1964.

73 Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility: English Reading of American Self-Presentation in the Early Years of Colonization” (in The William and Mary Quarterly Vol. 54, No. 1, 1997), p. 197.

74 More on tobacco in Virginia in part II of this thesis.

75 A member of the “Worshipful Company of Merchant Taylors” in London, John Speed was involved in the tailoring trade before he started making maps. There were members of that company among the individuals to whom Elizabeth I granted the EIC charter in 1600 (“William Bond, Merchant Taylor of London”). For more on the role and activities of the Company, specifically on its duality as a socio-political and economic institution, see Nigel Sleigh-Johnson, “The Merchant Taylors’ Company of London under Elizabeth I: Guild or Company of Merchants?” (in Costume, vol. 41, 2007), pp. 45-52.

76 In his letter, Edward Connock, a company factor in Persia, explained that because of “the warres betwene the Turke and this Kinge” (Shah Abbas), “the waies and passigees [had] stopped upp that noe merchant nor cana can passe to, nor from in Saftie” (quoted in R. W. Ferrier, “An English View of Persian Trade up to 1618” in the Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 19, No. 2, 1976, p. 192). Based on that perception, he recommended that the Company take advantage of the war to divert the silk trade of Persia from the Ottoman Empire to the Persian Gulf into English hands. For more on this topic, see also the chapter “The Organisation of the Company and Business Decisions up to 1620” in Kirti Chaudhuri, The English East India Company.

77 Samuel Purchas, “A Discourse on Virginia”, Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. 19, chapter xx, p. 243.

78 Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. 11, chapter x, p. 534, p. 559 and p. 501.

79 See R. W. Ferrier, “An English View of Persian Trade up to 1618” (in the Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient) and Rudolph P. Matthee’s Politics of Trade in Safavid Iran: Silk for Silver, 1600-1730. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).

80 By 1613, the East India Company had sold several thousand calicoes in London, increasing its exports to over a hundred thousand by 1621. Estimates given by Jonathan Eacott in Selling Empire: India in the Making of Britain and America, 1600-1830 (University of North Carolina Press, Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, 2016), p. 35.

81 For more on the “Amboyna incident” and the tensions with the Dutch in Asia, see the next subsection.

82 Speed’s map of China shows only two women for six men.

83 Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility”, p. 194.

84 More on the theatricality of cartographic displays in part III, section 2.

85 William Stratchey, Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britania (ed. R. H. Major. Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), p. 64-65. William Strachey is better known for his first-hand report of the shipwreck of a company ship on the island of Bermuda, the “True Reportory” of which was published by Purchas in 1625. The incident is thought to have inspired The Tempest by Shakespeare.

86 Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility”, p. 201.

87 Ibid, p. 200.

88 George Percy, “Observations” in Philip L. Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages Under the First Charter 1606-1609 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), p. 136.

89 Alexander Whitaker, Good Newes from Virginia, vol. I (New York: Scholars’ Facsimiles & Reprints, 1937), p. 24.

90 Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility”, p. 195.

91 Harriot’s notes for John White’s paintings, reprinted in David Beers Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 (London: Hakluyt Society, 2010), vol. 1, pp. 430-438.

92 Richard Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting” in Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, p. 274.

93 Sir Thomas Roe, and William Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Thomas Roe, p. 344.

94 George Percy in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 8; p. 10.

95 Samuel Purchas, “A Discourse on Virginia”, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906), vol. 19, p. 229.

96 For more on giants, conquest and early Britain, see Sylvia Huot’s Outsiders: the Humanity and Inhumanity of Giants in Medieval French Prose Romance. (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2016).

97 For more on the biblical inspiration of this map of the Near East drawn by William Hole to illustrate a volume by the key colonial promoter, Sir Walter Ralegh, see part II. For more on its marvellous features, see part III.

98 The so-called “Pocahontas” married John Rolfe, was forced to convert to the Christian faith and taken to London where she died at a young age. For more on this myth and ensuing misconceptions in the early modern period, see Michael Tratner, “Translating Values: Mercantilism and the Many ‘Biographies’ of Pocahontas” (in Biography, vol. 32, No. 1, 2009), pp. 128-136. For persisting misconceptions in the modern world, see Leigh H. Edwards, “The United Colors of Pocahontas: Synthetic Miscegenation and Disney’s Multiculturalism” (in Narrative, Vol. 7, No. 2, 1999), pp. 147-168.

99 David Beers Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590, p. 381.

100 Robert Copland, Virginia’s God be Thanked (London: John Dawson, 1622), p. 8-9.

101 Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. 19, p. 229.

102 Lisa Blansett in Robert Appelbaum, and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), p. 84.

103 Ibid, p. 85.

104 Richard Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting” in Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, p. 313 and p. 318.

105 Hakluyt, “Pamphlet for the Virginia Enterprise by Richard Hakluyt” (1585), in Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, p. 332.

106 Ibid, p. 329-30.

107 Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625. (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1907; 1966), p. 425.

108 King James I, “A Counter-blaste to Tobacco” in The Workes of the most high and mightie prince, James: by the grace of God, King of Britaine, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c (London: Robert Barker and Iohn Bill, Printes to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, 1616), p. 214.

109 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia (ed. Wesley F. Craven, New York: Scholars’ Facsimiles & Reprints, 1937), sig. Bv.

110 Susan Kingsbury, The Records of the Virginia Company, vol. 3, p. 15.

111 Edward Waterhouse, A Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in Virginia. (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1970), pp. 22-23.

112 Susan Kingsbury (ed.), The Records of the Virginia Company, p. 672; Francis Wyatt, “Letter of Sir Francis Wyatt, Governor of Virginia, 1621-1626” (WMQ, 2d Ser., VI, 1926), p. 118.

113 Alden T. Vaughan, “Expulsion of the Salvages’: English Policy and the Virginia Massacre of 1622” (William and Mary Quarterly, XXV, 1978), p. 81.

114 Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion: the Far East and the English imagination, 1600–1720” (in Renaissance Studies, Vol. 17, No. 3, 2003), p. 495 and p. 497.

115 Kirti N. Chaudhuri, “The World-System East of Longitude 20°: The European Role in Asia 1500-1750” (in Review Vol. 5, No. 2, 1981), pp. 219- 245.

116 More on the role of Roe’s embassy in a commercial context in Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder, and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480–1630. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).

117 Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion”, p. 514.

118 Ibid, p. 515.

119 Though the concept of “Oriental despotism” was not used by 17th-century writers themselves, Jonathan Eacott shows that a number of “pilgrims” appearing in Purchas’ compilation were critical of what they perceived as acts of a cruelty and despotism portrayed as distinctive of East Indian courts. See Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire: India in the Making of Britain and America, 1600-1830, p. 37.

120 Interestingly, the perception that the other was despotic was reciprocated, as Asian powers ascribed lawlessness, cruelty and despotism to British ways as “Mughal governors who came into contact with the representatives of the northern European chartered companies in the early years of the seventeenth century had a chronic suspicion that they were no better than pirates, recognizing no law other than that of force and plunder”. Quote from Kirti N. Chaudhuri, “The World-System East of Longitude 20: The European Role in Asia, 1500-1750” (in Review 5, no. 2, 1981), p. 224.

121 Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire: India in the Making of Britain and America, 1600-1830, p. 38.

122 For details on the shifting imperial centres, mobility and the “peripatetic” Mughal courts, see Lisa Balabanlilar, “The Emperor Jahangir and the Pursuit of Pleasure” (in The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 19, No. 2, 2009), p. 173.

123 In that sense, it appears that the “monstrous races” concentrated in Asia on English medieval maps were now either replaced by more familiar human creatures safely contained within the limits of frames or transformed into complete animals roaming in the seas.

124 Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage, quoted in Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire, p. 30.

125 Though separate nations, Spain and Portugal were ruled by the same sovereign until 1640.

126 Noel Malcolm, “Hobbes, Sandys, and the Virginia Company” (in The Historical Journal, Vol. 24, No. 2, 1981), p. 314.

127 Hakluyt, Discourse of Western Planting, p. 217.

128 Ibid, p. 217.

129 Ibid, p. 217.

130 Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 179 and p.120.

131 Richard Wiffin, William Phettiplace and Anas Todkill in Lyon Gardiner Tyler, Narratives, p. 178.

132 Ibid, p. 178.

133 Though officially Catholic, France had seen its colonial activities in the New World led by Protestants. This is possibly partly why British fears focused on Catholic Iberia.

134 For more on French activities and geography in North America, see Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World: The Geographical Imagination in the Age of Discovery, (transl. by David Fausett. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986).

135 On the origins of the EIC, the role of European rivalry at the start and the need for the English to find Asian commodities themselves from the early 17th century onwards, see Kirti N. Chaudhuri, The English East India Company: The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Company, 1600–1640. (London: Cass, 1965), pp. 11-12.

136 James Lancaster, for example, a former trader in Portugal, tradesmen and privateer, was commissioned by the EIC to lead the first commercial voyage in 1601. Before his return voyage in 1603 when he was knighted by James I, he seized and looted a Portuguese ship which carried valuable cloth from Coromandel. Kenneth Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, p. 275.

137 On the realisation that cloth could be used by the company, see Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988; 1993), p. 22-32.

138 Thomas Roe, The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 349.

139 The Indian city of Goa was invaded in 1510 by the Portuguese whose colonial rule lasted for over four centuries. For more on the Mughal emperor’s concerns about Goa and his tactical acceptance of the EIC in Surat, see the chapter on the East India Company in Kenneth Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, pp. 270-271.

140 Rogério Miguel Puga’s The British Presence in Macau, 1635-1793 (transl. Monica Andrade. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2013), p. 11. For more, see the rest of the chapter “The Voyage East: the Beginning of Anglo-Portuguese Relations in the East Indies” in Puga’s The British Presence in Macau, 1635-1793.

141 For more on the rhetorical fallacy of confessional affinity to cement alliances, and the intricacies of religious politics in early modern Europe, see the chapters “Anti-popery: the structure of a prejudice” and “England and the Spanish Match” in Richard Cust and Ann Hughes (eds.), Conflict in Early Stuart England: Studies in Religion and Politics, 1603–1642 (Oxford and New York: Routledge, 1989).

142 Quoted in Chaudhuri, Kirti N. The English East India Company: The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Company, 1600–1640. London: Cass, 1965), p. 12.

143 For more on this collaboration, see Peter Barber (ed.), The Map Book (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 2005).

144 Alison Games, “Anglo-Dutch Connections and Overseas Enterprises: a Global Perspective on Lion Gardiner’s World”, (in Early American Studies, vol. 9, No. 2, 2011), p. 444.

145 Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), vol. 1, p. 271.

146 Produced in 1600, the anonymous Insulae Indicae cum terris circumvicinis (“Indian Islands with neighbouring lands”) was a map of the Southeast Asian archipelago also known as the “Spice Islands” or the “East Indies”, and published in Latin. Currently held by the Library of Congress in Washington, little is known of its context of production and its uses. It is likely that the map was part of an atlas.

147 Benjamin Schmidt, “Mapping an Empire: Cartographic and Colonial Rivalry in Seventeenth-Century Dutch and English North America” (The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 3, 1997), p. 570.

148 Peter Barber, in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, p. 1615.

149 Dudley Carleton to the Lords of the Council, Feb. 5, 1621, in Edmund Bailey O’Callaghan, Berthold Fernow, and John Romeyn Brodhead (eds.), Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York: Procured in Holland, England, and France. (Albany: Weed, Parsons and Company, 1853-1887), p. 7.

150 Benjamin Schmidt, “Mapping an Empire: Cartographic and Colonial Rivalry in Seventeenth-Century Dutch and English North America” (The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 3, 1997), p. 578.

151 John Brian Harley, “Deconstructing the Map” (in Cartographica 26/2, 1989), p. 8; p. 2.

152 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: Mapping the Art of Travel and Exploration” (in the Journal of Historical Geography 43, 2014), p. 3.

153 See entries 1 and 7 for “art” in the Oxford English Dictionary.

154 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: Mapping the Art of Travel and Exploration”, p. 7.

155 For more on the textual quality of maps, see John Brian Harley, “Deconstructing the map” (in Cartographica, vol 26, 1989), p. 1-20.

156 Erwin Panofsky, Meaning in the Visual Arts (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955; 1982).

157 Ibid, p. 26.

158 Ibid, p. 31.

159 Catherine Delano Smith, “Cartographic Signs on European maps and their Explanation before 1700” (in Imago Mundi 37, 1985), p. 10.

160 More on early modern efforts at standardising cartographic symbols in the chapter “The Character of England in Maps”, in Edward Lynam, The Mapmaker’s Art: Essays on the History of Maps (London: The Batchworth Press, 1953).

161 Catherine Delano Smith, “Cartographic Signs on European Maps and their Explanation before 1700”, p. 10.

162 John Pickles, Writing Worlds: Discourse, Text and Metaphor in the Representation of Landscape (ed. T. J. Barnes and J. S. Duncan. London: Routledge, 1992), p. 221.

163 G. N. G. Clarke, “Taking Possession: The Cartouche as Cultural text in Eighteenth Century American Map” (in World and Image 4, 1988) p. 455.

164 John Brian Harley, “Deconstructing the Map”, p. 1-20.

165 John Brian Harley in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map-Making 1500 – 1650 (London: The British Library, 1983), p. 37.

166 For a review of Surat in the 17th century, see Balkrishna Govind Gokhale’s Surat in the Seventeenth Century: a Study in Urban History of Pre-Modern India (London: Curzon Press, 1979), quote p. 11.

167 A trading factory was a kind of local warehouse used by early modern European companies when they traded overseas. It could be used as a marketplace, administrative headquarters or customs.

168 John Brian Harley in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map-Making 1500 – 1650, p. 32.

169 Ibid, p. 36.

170 Alessandro Scafi, “Mapping Eden: Cartographies of the Earthly Paradise” in Denis Cosgrove (ed.), Mappings (London: Reaktion, 1999), p. 67.

171 John Smith, A Map of Virginia (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1973), p. 10; George Percy in Tyler (ed.), Narratives, p. 8 and p. 6; Gabriel Archer in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, p. 141.

172 Peter Barber, The Map Book (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 2005), p. 144.

173 Martin Brückner, The Social Life of Maps in America, 1750-1860 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2017).

174 James Horn, “The Conquest of Eden” in Robert Appelbaum, and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), p. 31.

175 Gabriel Archer in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, p. 101.

176 For more on the dynamism of allegorical images, see Eléonore Reverzy, « Le fruit caché. L’allégorie entre l’ancien et le nouveau » (in Romantisme 152, 2011), pp. 3-12.

177 Jess Edwards, “Between “Plain Wilderness” and “Goodly Corn Fields”: Representing Land Use in Early Virginia” in Appelbaum, Robert, and Sweet, John Wood (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), p. 235.

178 John Brian Harley in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map-Making 1500 – 1650, p. 37.

179 Richard Hakluyt, “Instructions by Richard Hakluyt”, in Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, vol. 1, p. 155.

180 Sir Thomas Roe, in William Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 403; p. 345.

181 Martin Brückner, The Social Life of Maps in America, 1750-1860 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2017), p. 225.

182 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World: The Geographical Imagination in the Age of Discovery (transl. by David Fausett. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986), p. 113.

183 Ladan Niayesh, “From Myth to Appropriation: English Discourses on the Strait of Anian (1566-1628)” in Frédéric Regard (ed.), The Quest for the Northwest Passage, 1576-1806 (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2012).

184 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 113.

185 Christian Jacob, “Toward a Cultural History of Cartography” (in Imago Mundi, 48, 1996), pp. 191-198.

186 Ibid, p. 192.

187 Jess Edwards, “Between “Plain Wilderness” and “Goodly Corn Fields”: Representing Land Use in Early Virginia” in Appelbaum, Robert, and Sweet, John Wood (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), p. 229.

188 Edward Lynam, The Mapmaker’s Art: Essays on the History of Maps (London: The Batchworth Press, 1953), p. 50.

189 Martin Brückner, The Social life of maps in America, 1750-1860, p. 207.

190 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance.

191 The smaller the scale, the more global the image of the world.

192 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 32.

193 Ibid, p. 35.

194 Martin Brückner, The Social life of maps in America, p. 204.

195 Ibid, p. 204.

196 Christian Jacob, “Toward a Cultural History of Cartography”, p. 193.

197 Cormack, ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours”: Geography as Self-Definition in Early Modern England”, (in Isis 82, 1991), p. 653.

198 David Buisseret, Monarchs, Ministers and Maps (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 84.

199 Ibid, p. 43.

200 Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 212.

201 Gerald Roe Crone, Maps and their Makers: an Introduction to the History of Cartography (London: Hutchinson University Library, 1953; 1968), p. 142.

202 Kathleen Biddick, chapter 12, ““The ABC of Ptolemy: Mapping the World with the Alphabet”, in Gilles Sealy and Sylvia Tomasch, Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in the European Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), pp. 268-269.

203 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in Anne Godlewska, and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire (Oxford, UK and Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1994).

204 Chorography (from the Greek “choros” which means “part” or “region”) provided descriptions or visualisations of local geography.

205 Lesley Cormack in Godlewska and Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 19.

206 Edward Wright’s theories on Mercator and mathematical geography can be found in his Certaine Errors in Nauigation, detected and corrected (London: Felix Kingston, 1610).

207 Rodney Walter Shirley, The Mapping of the World: Early Printed World Maps 1472–1700. (London: Holland Press, 1983), p. xiii.

208 William Shakespeare, Twelfth Night (ed. Roger Warren and Stanley Wells. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 3.2. 78-80.

209 Quoted in John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography”, in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map-Making 1500 – 1650 (London: The British Library, 1983), p. 27-28.

210 Martin Dodge, Justin Gleeson and Rob Kitchin, “Unfolding Mapping Practices: a New Epistemology for Cartography” (Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, Vol. 38, No. 3, 2013), p. 483.

211 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia”, in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), p. 80.

212 Lesley Cormack in Godlewska and Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 19.

213 Martin Dodge, Justin Gleeson and Rob Kitchin, “Unfolding mapping practices: a new epistemology for cartography” (Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, Vol. 38, No. 3, 2013), p. 494.

214 Martin Brückner (eds.), Early American Cartographies, p. 18.

215 For new ways of centralising Western Europe on maps, see Michael Wintle, The Image of Europe: Visualizing Europe in Cartography and Iconography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).

216 The “Skidi Star Chart” was a map of the skies which puzzled European viewers because it seemed confused and inexact. Scholarly work on that particular map revealed that it was in fact a map which took time and change into account. For more on this, see William Gustav Gartner, “An Image to Carry the World Within It: Performance Cartography and the Skidi Star Chart” in Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies.

217 Gavin Hollis, “The Wrong Side of the Map” in Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 147.

218 Philip Barbour (ed.) The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580-1631), vol. 1 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), p. 151.

219 John Brian Harley, “Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe (in Imago Mundi, Vol. 40, 1988), pp. 57-76.

220 John Brian Harley, “Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe” (in Imago Mundi, Vol. 40, 1988), p. 71.

221 Ibid, p. 24.

222 Denis Cosgrove (ed.), Mappings (London: Reaktion, 1999), p. 1; p. 2.

223 Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 18.

224 For more on the meaning and implications of modality in linguistics, see Frank Robert Palmer, Mood and Modality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

225 Eric Hirsch and Michael O’Hanlon (eds.), The Anthropology of Landscape (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), p. 4; p. 20.

226 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 5.

227 Arthur H. Robinson and Barbara Bartz Petchenik, “The Map as Communication System (in The Cartographic Journal, 12, 1975), p. 13.

228 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: Mapping the Art of Travel and Exploration” (in The Journal of Historical Geography, 43, 2014), p. 2.

229 John Brian Harley, “Deconstructing the Map” (in Cartographica 26/2, 1989), p. 11.

230 Maurice Mook, “The Ethnological Significance of Tindall’s Map of Virginia, 1608” (in The William and Mary Quarterly), p. 390.

231 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 113.

232 Ken MacMillan, “Sovereignty “More Plainly Described”: Early English Maps of North America, 1580–1625” (in Journal of British Studies, Vol. 42, No. 4, 2003), p. 415.

233 Ibid, p. 426.

234 Carole Shammas, “English Commercial Development and American Colonisation, 1560-1620” in Andrews, Canny and Hair, The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic and America 1480-1650 (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), p. 157.

235 Gerard de Malynes, Consuetudo, Vel Lex Mercatoria (1622. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1979), p. 71.

236 Ibid, p. 115; p. 114.

237 David Harris Sacks, “’To deduce a colonie’: Richard Hakluyt’s Godly Mission in its Contexts, c. 1580-1616” in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt, Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe (London: Routledge), p. 197.

238 Patrick Copland, Virginia’s God be Thanked (London: John Dawson, 1622), p. 12.

239 Frédéric Regard (ed.), The Quest for the Northwest Passage: Knowledge, Nation and Empire, 1576-1806. (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2012).

240 Ladan Niayesh, “From Myth to Appropriation: English Discourses on the Strait of Anian (1566-1628), in Frédéric Regard (ed.), The Quest for the Northwest Passage, p. 33.

241 John Smith in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, vol. 1, p. 29.

242 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia”, in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), p. 75.

243 James Horn, “The Conquest of Eden”, Appelbaum and Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World, p. 33.

244 Samuel Purchas, “Virginias Verger”, in Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes (1625. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906; 2015), chapter XX, p. 242.

245 Court Minutes of the East India Company, in The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 522.

246 9 November 1619, Court Book, IV, pp. 445-447.

247 David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance. Continuity and Change”, Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, p. 20.

248 Christine Jeanette Green, The Illustrated Map: Cartography and Power in 17th Century Virginia, p. 7.

249 Walter Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the new Campaign for New England: a Study in Early Modern Identity and Promotion” (in The New England Quarterly, 2008), p. 124.

250 Jonathan Barth, “Reconstructing Mercantilism: Consensus and Conflict in British Imperial Economy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries” (in The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 73, No. 2, April 2016), pp. 257-290.

251 Thomas Mun, England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade (Oxford: Blackwell, 1959), p.11.

252 King James I, quoted in Jonathan Barth, “Reconstructing Mercantilism: Consensus and Conflict in British Imperial Economy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, p. 271.

253 J. H. Parry “The English in the New World”, in Andrews, Canny and Hair, The Westward Enterprise, p. 3.

254 John Smith A Map of Virginia: with a description of the covntrey, the commodities, people, government and religion (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1973), p. 3.

255 Norman J. Thrower (ed.), The Compleat Plattmaker: Essays on Chart, Map and Globe Making in England in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), p. 104.

256 David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance. Continuity and Change” in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, p. 20.

257 Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire: Jamestown and the Making of the North Atlantic World, p. 217.

258 Ibid, p. 223.

259 Thomas Harriot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2003), p. 6.

260 “Declaration of the London Company” (1620) in Willis Mason West (ed.), Source Book in American History to 1787 (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1913), pp. 64-65.

261 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 8.

262 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 9.

263 John Smith in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 138.

264 The image of agricultural fertility found a metaphorical equivalent in the English language. Personifying and feminising the land, Britons referred to the Chesapeake as “Virginia”, named after the “Virgin Queen”, Elizabeth I. Though “virgin”, both the queen and the land were hoped to be fertile.

265 Patricia Crouch, “Patronage and Competing Visions of Virginia in George Chapman's "The Memorable Masque" (1613)” (in English Literary Renaissance, Vol. 40, No. 3, 2010), p. 425.

266 For criticism of company plans, see John Smith’s response in sixth book of the Generall Historie of Virginia where he addresses the criticism of the “objecters”, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, vol. 2, p. 463.

267 Ladan Niayesh, “Seeing and Overseeing the Stage as Map in Early Modern Drama” in Claire Jowitt and David McInnis, Travel and Drama in Early Modern England: the Journeying Play (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), p. 43.

268 Ladan Niayesh, “From Myth to Appropriation: English Discourses on the Strait of Anian (1566-1628)” in Frédéric Regard (ed.), The Quest for the Northwest Passage, 1576-1806, p. 33.

269 Paul Musselwhite, “Private plantation: the political economy of land in early Virginia” in Horn, Mancall and Musselwhite, Virginia 1619: Slavery and Freedom in the Making of English America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019), p. 171.

270 John Smith, A Map of Virginia, p. 4. and p. 16.

271 “Letter of Sir Francis Wyatt, Governor of Virginia, 1621-1626” (in The William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 6, No. 2, 1926), pp. 118-119.

272 George Percy in Philip Barbour, The Jamestown Voyages, vol. 1, p. 137.

273 Declaration of the London Company (1620) in Willis Mason West (ed.), Source Book, pp. 64-65.

274 John Bonoeil, Obseruations to be followed, for the making of fit roomes, to keep silk-wormes in. (London: Felix Kyngston, 1620); Charles Estienne and Jean Liébault, Maison Rustique, or, the Countrey Farme (transl. Richard Surflet. London: Adam Islip, 1616).

275 James Horn, “Tobacco colonies: the shaping of English society in the 17th century Chesapeake”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 176.

276 James Horn, “Tobacco colonies: the shaping of English society in the 17th century Chesapeake”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire.

277 Ibid, p. 185.

278 John Pory to Sir Dudley Carleton (1619), in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625, p. 284.

279 Gerard de Malynes, Consuetudo, vel Lex Mercatoria, p. 62-63.

280 Ibid, p. 72.

281 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988; 1993), p. 33.

282 Ibid, p. 33.

283 Richard Hakluyt, “Declaration of the Indies”, in Divers Voyages, p. 32.

284 Sarah Tyacke in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, p. 1746.

285 Nandini Das, “Hakluyt’s Two Indias: textual sparagmos and editorial practice”, in Carey and Jowitt (eds.), Travel and Drama in Early Modern England, p. 119.

286 Ibid, p. 125.

287 David Beers Quinn, “A List of Books Purchased for the Virginia Company” (in The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 77, No. 3, 1969), pp. 347-360.

288 David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance. Continuity and Change” in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, p. 3.

289 Walter Goffart, Historical Atlases: the First Three Hundred Years, 1570-1870 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), p. 24.

290 John Smith, The Generall Historie, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, vol. 2, p. 338.

291 Abraham Ortelius’ popular Parergon, an atlas illustrating secular history as well as biblical narratives which was re-edited over the years (from 1595 onwards), epitomised the early modern taste for such works. Quote in Iain Macleod Higgins, “Defining the Earth’s Centre in a Medieval “Multi-Text”: Jerusalem in The Book of John Mandeville” in Gilles Sealy and Sylvia Tomasch, Text and Territory: Geographical Imagination in the European Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), p. 31.

292 Gerard de Malynes, Consuetudo, vel Lex Mercatoria; or, The Ancient Law-Merchant, p. 2.

293 Walter Goffart, Historical Atlases: The First Three Hundred Years, 1570–1870 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), p. 39.

294 Definition of the “early modern romance” provided in Ladan Niayesh’s introduction to her edition of Three Romances of Eastern Conquest (Baltimore: Project Muse, 2018), p. 7.

295 Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape, p. 292.

296 Anthony Grafton in New Worlds, Ancient Texts; Andrew Hadfield in his contribution to the TIDE conference “Polyglot Encounters”; Mary Campbell in David Allen and Robert White (eds.), The Works of Dissimilitude: Essays from the Sixth Citadel Conference on Medieval and Renaissance Literature (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1992); Nicholas Canny in The Origins of Empire.

297 In addition to their connection with the author of one of the maps under study, White’s drawings are also linked to Smith whose Generall Historie included those illustrations.

298 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, C2.

299 Mary B. Campbell, “The Illustrated Travel Book and the Birth of Ethnography: Part I of De Bry’s America”, in Allen and White, The Works of Dissimilitude, p. 189.

300 Ibid, p. 181.

301 See how William Strachey associates nouns or adjectives denoting a lack in Algonquian people: “these poore Saluadges”, “wretched sowles” and “in this lamentable Ignoraunce doe these poore sowles live”, in the Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, p. 23, p. 24 and p. 101.

302 William Crashaw, A sermon preached in London before the right honorable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of Virginea. (London: W. Hall, 1610), D4r.

303 English translation of Hakluyt’s “Epistle Dedicatory to Sir Walter Ralegh by Richard Hakluyt” (1587) in Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings of the two Richard Hakluyts (vol. 2), p. 368.

304 Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes Its Object (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), p. 16.

305 Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other.

306 Ann M. Carlos and Stephen Nicholas “Theory and History: Seventeenth-Century Joint-Stock Chartered Trading Companies” (in The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 56, No. 4, 1996), pp. 916-924.

307 Ibid, p. 917.

308 Ali Behdad, “The Politics of Adventure: Theories of Travel, Discourses of Power” in Julia Kuehn and Paul Smethurst (eds.), Travel Writing, Form and Empire (London: Routledge, 2009), p. 80.

309 John Brian Harley in Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape: Essays on the symbolic representation, design and use of past environments (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 301.

310 Ibid, p. 294.

311 John Brian Harley, “Maps, Knowledge and Power” in Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape, p. 292.

312 Nuala Zahedieh, “Overseas Expansion and Trade in the Seventeenth Century” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century (Vol. I. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 420.

313 Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pilgrimes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906; 2015), vol. 1, p. 486.

314 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: the Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992; 2008), p. 11.

315 Rob Kitchin, Justin Gleeson and Martin Dodge, “Unfolding Mapping Practices: a New Epistemology for Cartography” (in Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, Vol. 38, No. 3, 2013), pp. 480- 496.

316 John Brian Harley, “Deconstructing the Map” (in Cartographica 26/2, 1989), p. 7.

317 The number of people, their military might and omnipresence in the Chesapeake is made more evident on the later “Oulde Virginia”. However, the showcasing of local power is used to magnify John Smith’s own prowess as the individual who overcame them.

318 Bruce P. Lenman, “The EIC and the Trade in Non-Metallic Precious Materials from Sir Thomas Roe to Diamond Pitt”, in H. V. Bowen, Margarette Lincoln and Nigel Rigby (eds.), The Worlds of the East India Company (Rochester, NY: Brewer, 2003), p. 103.

319 Kirti N., Chaudhuri The English East India Company: The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Company, 1600–1640 (London: Cass, 1965), p. 45.

320 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire (Oxford, UK and Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1994), p. 29.

321 Ken MacMillan, “Centres and Peripheries in English Maps of America, 1590-1685” in Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 80.

322 Ibid, p. 79.

323 “Occupying American Space”, in John Huxtable Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World, Britain and Spain in America, 1492-1830 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), p. 33.

324 Walter W. Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the new Campaign for New England: a Study in Early Modern Identity and Promotion” (in The New England Quarterly, 2008), p. 100.

325 David J. Baker and Willy Maley (eds.) British Identities and English Renaissance Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 146.

326 Here, I use “domestication” in its original sense as the word stems from the Latin noun “domus” which means “house” or “home”. Hence, by “domesticating”, I mean making one’s own and homely, familiarising.

327 Stephen Daniels, “The Political Iconography of Woodland in Later Georgian England” in Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape, p. 48; p. 43.

328 For more on deforestation in early modern Britain, see Andrew McRae, “Tree-Felling in Early Modern England: Michael Drayton’s Environmentalism” (in The Review of English Studies, vol. 63, No. 260, 2021), pp. 410-430.

329 John Brian Harley in Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape, p. 282.

330 Christopher Tomlins, “The Legal Cartography of Colonization, the Legal Polyphony of Settlement: English Intrusions on the American Mainland in the Seventeenth Century” (in Law and Social Inquiry, 26, 2001), p. 323.

331 Ken MacMillan, “Sovereignty “More Plainly Described”: Early English Maps of North America, 1580–1625” (in Journal of British Studies, Vol. 42, No. 4, 2003), p. 414.

332 Ken MacMillan, “Centres and Peripheries in English Maps of America, 1590-1685”, in Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 78.

333 Ibid, p. 78.

334 Ibid, p. 321.

335 Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge (transl. Colin Gordon. Harlow: Longman, 1980).

336 John Smith, The Generall Historie in Barbour (ed.) The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 405.

337 Ibid, p. 405.

338 Jonathan Crush, “Post-Colonialism, De-Colonisation and Geography”, in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 334.

339 John Langshaw Austin, How to Do Things with Words (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962); Ladan Niayesh in Frédéric Regard (ed.), The Quest for the Northwest Passage: Knowledge, Nation and Empire, 1576-1806, p. 36.

340 “Public Giants: Re-Staging Power and the Theatricality of Maps” in Martin Brückner (ed.), The Social life of maps in America, 1750-1860, p. 125.

341 Christopher Tomlins, “The Legal Cartography of Colonization, the Legal Polyphony of Settlement: English Intrusions on the American Mainland in the Seventeenth Century” (in Law and Social Inquiry, 26, 2001), p. 328.

342 In the Divers Voyages for example, Hakluyt explains how Spain and Portugal used cosmographers and cartographers to “deuide the worlde betweene them two” so that “the land ouer against the sayde hundredth and eightie degrees vntill it finish in the three hundre and sixtie on both the endes of the carde is the iurisdiction of the king of Spayne” (p. 44).

343 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 36, p. 37, p. 43, p. 44, p. 46, p. 48, p. 51.

344 Peter Barber in David Buisseret, Monarchs, Ministers and Maps, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 4.

345 Pickles “Texts, Hermeneutics and Propaganda Maps” in Trevor J. Barnes, and James T. Duncan (eds.), Writing Worlds: Discourse, Text and Metaphor in the Representation of Landscape (London: Routledge, 1992), p. 217.

346 America was named by Europeans after a European navigator and labelled as such by a German cartographer, Martin Waldseemüller, on a map made in 1507.

347 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 44 and p. 46.

348 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia: Offering Most Excellent fruites by Planting in Virginia (Amsterdam: Da Capo Press, 1969); for the inscription “Nova Britannia”, see William Strachey’s “True Reportory” in Strachey, A Voyage to Virginia in 1609: Two Narratives, Strachey’s “True Reportory” and Jourdain’s Discovery of the Bermudas (ed. Louis B. Wright. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2013), p. 57.

349 Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (ed.), The Iconography of Landscape, p. 289.

350 Walter W. Ristow, “Seventeenth Century Wall Maps of America and Africa” (in The Quarterly Journal of the Library of Congress, Vol. 24, No. 1, 1967), pp. 2-17.

351 George Stewart, Names on the Land: A Historical Account of Place-Naming in the United States (New York: Random House, 1945).

352 Place-names often combined a name with a meaningful suffix (Cam-bridge, Readi-ng, Man-chester) or condensed two words (Ox-ford).

353 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: the Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992; 2008), p. 98.

354 Norman J. Thrower, Maps & Civilization: Cartography in Culture and Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972; 1996), p. 67.

355 John Smith in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, vol. 1, p. 309.

356 The petition expressed the wish “to change the savage name of Kiccowtan & to give that Incorporation a newe name”, H. R. McIlwaine (ed.), Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1659 (Richmond: Colonial Press, E. Waddey co., 1905-1915), p. 7.

357 James Horn, Peter Mancall, and Paul Musselwhite (eds.), Virginia 1619: Slavery and Freedom in the Making of English America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019), p. 52.

358 John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography” in Sarah Tyacke (ed.), English Map-Making, p. 25.

359 Catherine Bécasse, “‘Not now believed’: the textual fate of the Baffin and Bylot expeditions (1615-16)” in Frédéric Regard (ed.), The Quest For the Northwest Passage, p. 42.

360 Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire, p. 40.

361 Letter from Robert Tindall to Prince Henry (June 1607), reprinted in Alexander Brown (ed.), The Genesis of the United-States, p. 109.

362 John Smith, “The Government Surrendered to Master Scrivener. What happened the second Voyage in discovering the Bay”, The Generall Historie, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 178.

363 Worthington Chauncey Ford, “Captain John Smith's Map of Virginia, 1612” (in the Geographical Review, 1924), p. 443.

364 Emily Mann, “To Build and Fortify: Defensive Architecture in the Early Atlantic Colonies” in Daniel Maudlin and Bernard L. Herman (eds.), Building the British Atlantic World: Spaces, Places, and Material Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016), p. 38.

365 George Stewart, Names on the Land: A Historical Account of Place-Naming in the United States.

366 Rosemarie Zagarri, The Politics of Size: Representation in the United-States, 1776-1850 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010).

367 On Daniel Mytens’ portrait of the James I for instance, the king is shown sitting under the banner reading “beati pacifici” (“blessed are the peacemakers”) near the end of his reign (1621).

368 For more on James as “rex pacificus”, see Pauline Croft’s chapter “Rex Pacificus, Robert Cecil, and the 1604 Peace with Spain” in Glenn Burgess, Jason Lawrence and Rowland Wymer (eds.), The Accession of James I: Historical and Cultural Consequences (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005).

369 David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps.

370 Quoted in Victor Morgan, “The Cartographic Image of 'The Country' in Early Modern England” (in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 1979, Vol. 29, 1979), p. 141.

371 David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps, p. 84.

372 George N. Clark, “Jacobean England, 1603-1625” (in Bulletin of the History of Medicine, Vol. 31, No. 5, 1957), p. 399.

373 John Brian Harley, “Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe” (in Imago Mundi, Vol. 40, 1988), pp. 57-76.

374 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, Br.

375 Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 28; p. 29.

376 William Crashaw, A Sermon Preached in London, D4r-D4v.

377 Letter to EIC, November 1616, in Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 344.

378 J. C. Appleby, “War, Politics and Colonisation”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 71.

379 With peace “the Townes flourish, the Merchants become rich, the Trade doeth encrease, and the people of all sorts of the Land enjoy free libertie to exercise themselves in their severall vocations without perill or disturbance” in The Workes of the most high and mightie prince, James, p. 487.

380 Court Book, VII, 46, 28 July 1624; Court Book, VII, 23, 16 July 1624.

381 Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, p. 14.

382 “Discoverie…” in Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. 19, pp. 410-24.

383 H. V. Bowen, “‘No Longer Mere Traders’: Continuities and Change in the Metropolitan Development of the EIC, 1600-1834” in H. V. Bowen, Margarette Lincoln and Nigel Rigby (eds.), The Worlds of the East India Company (Rochester, NY: Brewer, 2003), p. 23.

384 Christopher Marlowe, Tamburlaine the Great, parts 1 and 2, and the Massacre at Paris (eds. David Fuller and Edward J. Esche. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003), part II, 5.3.123-124.

385 Jonathan Barth, “Reconstructing Mercantilism: Consensus and Conflict in British Imperial Economy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries” (in The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 73, No. 2, 2016), p. 262.

386 Jospeh Bergin, The Seventeenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 197.

387 George Chapman, “De Guiana, Carmen Epicum” in The Poems of George Chapman, (ed. Phyllis Brooks Bartlett. New York: Russell & Russell, 1962), p. 353; Sir Thomas Roe, letter to the EIC, in The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 344.

388 George Chapman, “De Guiana, Carmen Epicum” in The Poems of George Chapman, p. 353.

389 Richard Hakluyt, “That this voyage will be a great bridle to the Indies of the kinge of Spain…” in Discourse of Western Planting, p. 211.

390 Emily Mann, “To Build and Fortify: Defensive Architecture in the Early Atlantic Colonies” in Daniel Maudlin and Bernard Herman (eds.), Building the British Atlantic World (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016), p. 37.

391 William Strachey, “A True Reportory” in Strachey, A Voyage to Virginia in 1609, p. 63.

392 Emily Mann, “To Build and Fortify” in Maudlin and Herman (eds.), Building the British Atlantic World, p. 31.

393 Ibid, p. 37.

394 Jack P. Greene, “From John Smith to Adam Smith: Virginia and the Founding Conventions of English Long-Distance Settler Colonisation”, in Virginia 1619, p. 189.

395 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire (Oxford, UK and Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1994), p. 19; p. 18.

396 Sir George Yeardley, governor of Jamestown from 1618 onwards, met with James I in Newmarket where he was knighted by the king and where they discussed the Company’s future expedition to Virginia (event related in John Chamberlain’s letter to Dudley Carleton).

397 Ladan Niayesh, “Seeing and Overseeing the Stage as Map in Early Modern Drama” (in Early Modern Drama, Jowitt and McInnis), p. 43.

398 Benjamin Schmidt, “Mapping an Empire: Cartographic and Colonial Rivalry in Seventeenth-Century Dutch and English North America” (in The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 3, 1997), p. 551.

399 Jonathan Crush, “Post-colonialism, De-colonisation and Geography” in Anne Godlewska, and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 336.

400 Joan-Pau Rubiés in Jas Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubiés (eds.), Voyages and Visions: Towards a Cultural History of Travel, p. 75.

401 Jonathan Crush in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 337.

402 Nicholas Blomley, “Law, Property, and the Geography of Violence: the Frontier, the Survey, and the Grid” (in Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 2003), pp. 121-141.

403 Purchas, “Virginias Verger” in Purchas his Pilgrimes, p. 224, p. 222.

404 Ibid, p. 224.

405 Edward Waterhouse, A Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in Virginia, p. 23.

406 Samuel Purchas, “Virginias Verger” in Purchas his Pilgrimes, p. 224.

407 Ibid, p. 109.

408 John Comaroff, “Colonialism, Culture and the Law: A Foreword” (Law and Social Inquiry 26 (2): 30 2001), p. 306.

409 Gavin Hollis, “The Wrong Side of the Map”, in Brückner, Early American Cartographies, p. 145.

410 Sir Thomas Smith, A Discourse on the Commonweal of this realm of England (ed. Mary Dewar. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1969), quoted in Mary Dewar, Sir Thomas Smith: a Tudor Intellectual in Office (London: the Athlone Press, 1964), p. 55.

411 Andrew Fitzmaurice, “The Commercial Ideology of Colonization in Jacobean England: Robert Johnson, Giovanni Botero, and the Pursuit of Greatness” (in The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, Vol. 64, No. 4, 2007), p. 804.

412 Kenneth Andrews, chapter 11 of Trade, Plunder, and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).

413 Kenneth Andrews, Trade, Plunder, and Settlement, p. 271.

414 Court Minutes of the EIC, in The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 524.

415 Sarah Tyacke (ed.), English Mapmaking, p. 35.

416 Anthony Pagden, “The struggle for legitimacy and the image of Empire in the Atlantic to c. 1700” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 40.

417 Thomas Kerridge and colleagues writing back to the ambassador in April 1616, in Sir Thomas Roe, The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe (ed. William Foster), p. 165-166.

418 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum), C3v.

419 Anthony Grafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts: the Power of Tradition and the Shock of Discovery, (Cambridge, Mass. and London: the Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992; 1995), p. 89.

420 1st charter of the Virginia Company in Samuel M. Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London, with Seven Related Documents; 1606-1621 (Williamsburg: Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957), p. 1.

421 Ibid, p. 1.

422 John Donne, A Sermon Preached to the Honourable Company of the Virginian Plantation (London: Bernard Aslop, 1624), p. 11.

423 East India Company, Charters Granted to the East-India Company, from 1601 (London: printed for the East India Company, 1773), p. 13 and p. 5.

424 Balkrishna Govind Gokhale, Surat, p. 147.

425 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, C2.

426 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 29.

427 Jonathan Eacott “Those Curious Manufactures That Empire Affords”: India Goods and Early English Expansion’’ in Jonathan Eacott (ed.), Selling Empire: India in the Making of Britain and America, 1600-1830 (University of North Carolina Press, Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, 2016), p. 22.

428 John Donne, A Sermon, p. 11.

429 Patrick Copland, Virginia's God be thanked (London: John Dawson, 1622), p. 29.

430 The Virginia Company, A True Declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia, With a confutation of such scandalous reports as have tended to the disgrace of so worthy an enterprise (London: William Barret, 1610), f. B3.

431 Noel Malcolm, “Hobbes, Sandys, and the Virginia Company” (in The Historical Journal, Vol. 24, No. 2, 1981), p. 308.

432 Sir Thomas Dale to Lord Salisbury, 17 Aug. 1610, reprinted in Brown (ed.), The Genesis of the United-States, pp. 506-507.

433 If compared to examples of English cartography during the Middle Ages (Hereford map, Sawley map, etc.), the secular quality of those maps is all the more striking.

434 While the inset visually suggests a connection between Asian geography and Christian history, the nature of the event depicted in that inset is uncertain. The clothes and hats of the men as well as the absence of firearms (associated with the Japanese) seem to identify them as Chinese. The identity of the crucified man is even less clear as he has been dispossessed of the sartorial markers which help clarify the nationality of the other characters featuring on Speed’s map.

435 Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion: the Far East and the English imagination, 1600–1720”, p. 500.

436 Richard Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, vol.1, p. xxiv.

437 Ibid, p. xxiv.

438 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: mapping the art of travel and exploration” (in the Journal of Historical Geography. 43, 2014), p. 4.

439 Christopher Newport, “Relation of the Discovery of our River, from James Fortes into the Maine; made by Captaine Christofer Newport” reprinted in John Smith, Travels and Works of Captain John Smith, President of Virginia and Admiral of New England, 1580-1631, (ed. Edward Arber. Edinburgh: John Grant, 1910), v. 1, p. xl-lv; Maurice Mook, “The Ethnological Significance of Tindall’s Map of Virginia, 1608” (in The William and Mary Quarterly), p. 378.

440 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia”, in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire, p. 78; p. 79.

441 Richard Kagan and Benjamin Schmidt, “Maps and the Early Modern State: Official Cartography” in John Brian Harley and David Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, vol. 3, p. 674.

442 William Hole, who did not just author the map of the Near East but also engraved Smith’s 1612 map of Virginia, was the “graver of the kings seals, ensigns and arms”, which made him the perfect choice to represent the arms of James I and endowed the document with an official quality.

443 Samuel Purchas, “The Kings Towre and Triumphant Arch of London” (London: W. Stansby, 1622), p. 57.

444 Francis Bacon, “Impositions on Merchandises”, The Works of Francis Bacon (London: A. Miller, 1740), p. 55.

445 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, D4v.

446 Jan Broadway, “Symbolic and Self-Consciously Antiquarian: the Elizabeth and Early Stuart Gentry’s Use of the Past” (in Huntington Library Quarterly, vol. 76, No. 4, 2013), p. 547.

447 Peter Barber in David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps, p. 66.

448 Walter Ralegh was the leader and patron of the Roanoke voyages in 1584-1590.

449 Walter W. Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the new Campaign for New England: a Study in Early Modern Identity and Promotion” (in The New England Quarterly, 2008), p. 100.

450 John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography” in Sarah Tyacke (ed.), English Mapmaking, p. 37.

451 Lesley B. Cormack, ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours”: Geography as Self-Definition in Early Modern England”, p. 652.

452 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, B2r and B2v.

453 John Smith, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 61.

454 Richard Hakluyt, “The most ancient voyage and discovery of the West Indies performed by Madoc the sonne of Owen Guined prince of North Wales”, in Principal Navigations, vol. 7, p. 134.

455 Jess Edwards, “A Compass to Steer by: John Locke, Carolina and the Politics of Restoration Geography” in Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 94.

456 Jess Edwards, “Between “Plain Wilderness” and “Goodly Corn Fields”: Representing Land Use in Early Virginia”, in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Street (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire, p. 235.

457 Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion: the Far East and the English imagination, 1600–1720” (in Renaissance Studies, Vol. 17, No. 3, 2003), p. 503.

458 Ibid, p. 505.

459 Considering Speed also imprinted blank crests on other maps (the map of Tartary for example) and that he collaborated with an engraver who might have had something to add in that space, it seems more likely that the coat of arms was blank rather than white.

460 Kirti N. Chaudhuri, “The World-System East of Longitude 20: The European Role in Asia, 1500-1750” (in Review 5, no. 2, 1981), p. 237 and p. 233.

461 Richard Helgerson, “The Land Speaks: Cartography, Chorography, and Subversion in Renaissance” (in Representations,1986), p. 55

462 Ibid, p. 55.

463 Thomas Munck, “Society” in Joseph Bergin (ed.), The Seventeenth Century, p. 54.

464 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 21.

465 Rodney Shirley, The Mapping of the World, p. xiii; Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 14.

466 Ken MacMillan, “Centres and Peripheries in English Maps of America, 1590-1685” in Brückner (ed.) Early American Cartographies, p. 84.

467 Ibid, p. 91.

468 Jack P. Greene, “From John Smith to Adam Smith”, in Horn, Mancall and Musselwhite (eds.), Virginia 1619, p. 302.

469 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, D4v.

470 Theodore T. Rabb, Jacobean Gentleman: Sir Edwin Sandys, 1561-1629 (Princeton University Press, 1998), p. 326.

471 East India Company, Charters Granted to the East-India Company, from 1601 (London: printed for the East India Company, 1773), p. 5.

472 P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 282.

473 Francis Bacon, “A Report of the Spanish Grievances”, in The Works of Sir Francis Bacon (ed. Basil Montagu. London: Pickering, 1825-1834, vol. 2), p. 194.

474 Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).

475 Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage, p. 550.

476 Ibid, p. 550.

477 Kenneth Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, p. 313.

478 Lesley B. Cormack, ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours”, p. 661

479 Ibid, p. 652.

480 Prefatory verses, “A Gentleman desirous to be unknowne, yet a great benefactor to Virginia, His Love to the Author, the Company and History”, in John Smith’s Generall Historie in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 46.

481 Michael Wintle, The Image of Europe: Visualizing Europe in Cartography and Iconography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).

482 James Horn, Peter Mancall and Paul Musselwhite (eds.), Virginia 1619, p. 59.

483 “A Report of Sir George Yeardlyes, Going Governor to Virginia”, 1618, in the Ferrar Papers (Old Library, Magdalene College, Cambridge), FP_93.

484 Michael Drayton, “To Master George Sandys” reprinted in The Works of Michael Drayton (ed. John William Hebel. Oxford: Blackwell, 1931-41).

485 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia, C2r.

486 Ken MacMillan, “Sovereignty “More Plainly Described””, p. 440.

487 Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion”, p. 512.

488 Ibid, p. 512.

489 Jonathan Eacott, “Those Curious Manufactures Empire Affords” in Selling Empire, p. 29.

490 Sir Thomas Roe, in William Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 106.

491 Ibid, p. 106.

492 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Frank Submissions: The Company and the Mughals between Sir Thomas Roe and Sir William Norris” in Lincoln Bowen and Nigel Ridby (eds.), The Worlds of the East India Company, p. 77.

493 Samuel Daniel, “Epistle: To Prince Henry,” in Henry R. Woudhuysen (ed.), The Penguin Book of Renaissance Verse (London: Penguin, 1992), pp. 433-436.

494 King James I, “A Counter-Blaste to Tobacco”, The Workes of the most high and mightie prince, James, p. 221.

495 Robert Johnson, “Of Histories” in Essaies: or, Rather Imperfect Offers (London: Adam Islip, 1607), D5v.

496 Sir Thomas Smith, “Orders of Smith”, 20 dec. 1573 (ERO MS D/DSH/O1/7).

497 H. R. McIlwaine (ed.), Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1659, p. 9.

498 Letter of John Pory (1618) in Susan Myra Kingsbury (ed.), Records of Virginia Company, vol. 3, p. 221.

499 See arguments in part I of this thesis.

500 The illustrations’ captions were initially in Latin but translated by Hakluyt into English. Quote in David J. Baker and Willy Maley (eds.) British Identities and English Renaissance Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 164.

501 “George Sandys to Sir Miles Sandys”, 30 March 1623, in Susan Myra Kingsbury (ed.), Records of Virginia Company, vol. 4, p. 70.

502 Edward Wingfield in Edward Arber (ed.), Travels and Works of Smith, p. lxxvii.

503 Edward Arber (ed.), Travels and Works of Smith, vol. 2, p. 519.

504 H. R. McIlwaine (ed.), Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1659, p. 15.

505 “Lawes Divine, Morall and Martiall”, also known as “Dale’s Code” after Sir Thomas Dale who was appointed deputy governor by the Company. “Lawes” printed in William Stratchey, For the Colony in Virginea Britannia, Lavves Diuine, Morall and Martiall (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1972).

506 Nicholas Canny, “The Permissive Frontier: the Problem of Social Control in English Settlements in Ireland and Virginia, 1550-1650”, in Andrews, Canny and Hair, The Westward Enterprise, p. 32.

507 Ibid, p. 30.

508 See analysis on symbolic and literal absorption in Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: the Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992; 2008).

509 The issue of desertion features prominently in the official records of the colony where the reader learns that many would “flee for relief to the Savage Enemy”, their desertion being punished by “hanginge, shootinge, and breakinge uppon the wheele”, according to H. R. McIlwaine (ed.), Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1659, p. 21.

510 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, p. 135.

511 Lesley B. Cormack, ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours””, p. 640.

512 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, p. 126.

513 Lesley B. Cormack, ““Good Fences make Good Neighbours””, p. 652.

514 John Bonoeil, His Majesties Gracious Letter to the Earle of South-Hampton (London: Felix Kyngston, 1622), p. 86.

515 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia, C2r, C2v.

516 John Smith Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 359.

517 Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility”, p. 194.

518 Quoted in Joseph Bergin (ed.), The Seventeenth Century, p. 212.

519 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia, C4.

520 For more on representation and differentiation in British early modern cartography, see Richard Helgerson, “The Land Speaks: Cartography, Chorography, and Subversion in Renaissance” (in Representations, 1986).

521 Lesley Cormack, “Good Fences Make Good Neighbours”, p. 22.

522 Philip Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 1, pp. 246-47.

523 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: Mapping the Art of Travel and Exploration” (in The Journal of Historical Geography, 43, 2014), p. 2.

524 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: the Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992; 2008).

525 Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, p. 212; Worthington Chauncey Ford, “Captain John Smith's Map of Virginia, 1612” (in the Geographical Review, 1924), p. 438.

526 John Brereton A Briefe and true Relation of the Discoverie of the North part of Virginia (1602), in David B. Quinn and Alison M. Quinn, (eds.), The English New England Voyages, 1602-1608 (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1983); Ralph Hamor, A True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia. Reprinted from the London ed. 1615 (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1957); Rolfe, John, A True Relation of the State of Virginia lefte by Sir Thomas Dale Knight (New Haven: for H. C. T., 1951); Robert Copland The Hollanders Declaration of the Affaires of the East Indies. Or a True Relation of that which passed in the Ilands of Banda, in the East Indies: in the yeare of our Lord God, 1621. And before. Faithfully translation according to the Dutch copie (London: E. Allde, 1622).

527 “Self-Made Spectacles: the Look of Maps and Cartographic Visualcy” in Martin Brückner, The Social life of maps in America, 1750-1860, p. 209.

528 Daniel Carey, “Hakluyt, Purchas and the Romance of Virginia” in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt (eds.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe, p. 261.

529 “16th and 17th Century Atlases Relevant to History” in Walter Goffart, Historical Atlases: the First Three Hundred Years, 1570-1870, p. 14.

530 Ibid, p. 80.

531 For more on sea creatures on early modern maps, see Chet Van Duzer, Sea Monsters on Medieval and Renaissance Maps (London: the British Library, 2014).

532 John Smith, The Generall Historie of New England, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 400

533 More on the mythical quality and geographical significance of that Strait later in this section.

534 On the etymological origins of the “monster” and its hermeneutical functions in early discourse, see David Williams (ed.), Deformed Discourse: the Function of the Monster in Medieval Thought and Literature (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1996).

535 Walter Ralegh quoted in Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, p. 142.

536 Ibid, p. 142.

537 See Peter Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt and the visual world of early modern travel narratives” in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt (ed.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe.

538 “Arabia the Happie” is an incomplete translation of the Latin “Arabia Felix”, itself a translation of the ancient Greek “Eudaemon Arabia” (Ευδαίμων Αραβία). Interestingly, the Latin adjective has a marvellous connotation with the idea of “happy” and “blessed”, but also a more practical one as it can equally mean “fertile” (see Latin to English dictionaries). The name is also used a decade later on Speed’s map of Asia where one can find “Arabia Felix”.

539 For more on the marvels and monstrous races located in Asia on British medieval maps, see Evelyn Edson, Mapping Time and Space: How Medieval Mapmakers Viewed Their World (London: British Library, 1997).

540 The legendary Sir John Mandeville is discussed in Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. 2, p. 285. For Brahmans and other medieval legendary people or monsters, see John Block Friedman’s typology in The Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought (London: Harvard University Press, 1981).

541 Anthony Grafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts, p. 247, p. 148, p. 153.

542 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance, p. 4.

543 John Smith, Generall Historie, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 80 and p. 81.

544 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, p. 122.

545 P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century, p. 272.

546 “Appendix A”, in William Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 537.

547 Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, p. 122.

548 Ibid, p. 122.

549 Joan-Pau Rubiés, “Futility in the New World: Narratives of Travel in Sixteenth-Century America”, in Jas Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubiés (eds.), Voyages and Visions: Towards a Cultural History of Travel, p. 77.

550 Ironically, “utopia” could both signify the “good place” and “nowhere”. Sir Thomas Smith, A Letter written by J. B. Gentleman unto his very friend and master R. C. Esquire, quoted in Mary Dewar, Sir Thomas Smith: a Tudor Intellectual in Office, p. 158.

551 William Symonds, Virginia: A Sermon Preached at White-Chappel (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1968), p. 24.

552 “Sir Walter Cope to Lord Salisbury” (August 1607) in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, p. 108.

553 “Newport’s Letter to Lord Salisbury” (July 1607) in Philip Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, p. 76.

554 John Smith, “An Abstract of Divers Relations sent from the Colony in New England, July 16, 1622” in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 463.

555 John Smith, “A Description of New England” in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 409-410.

556 Alessandro Scafi, “Mapping Eden: Cartographies of the Earthly Paradise” in Denis Cosgrove, Mappings, p. 67.

557 William Gustav Gartner, “An Image to Carry the World Within It: Performance Cartography and the Skidi Star Chart” in Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 218.

558 “Introduction: Critical Histories of Geography”, in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire, p. 2.

559 Eric Hirsch, in Eric Hirsch and Michael O’Hanlon (eds.), The Anthropology of Landscape, p. 3.

560 Ladan Niayesh, “Seeing and Overseeing the Stage as Map in Early Modern Drama” in Claire Jowitt and David McInnis (eds.), Early Modern Drama, p. 41.

561 See for example the role of maps in Shakespeare’s Henry IV and King Lear in Richard Helgerson’s analysis in “The Land Speaks: Cartography, Chorography, and Subversion in Renaissance England” (Representations, 1986), pp. 50-85.

562 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, pp. 28-29.

563 Strachey was a careful reader of Smith and Hole’s map to which he frequently refers in Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania. Hence, it is likely that such a metaphor was inspired by the cartouche on the aforementioned map. Quote in William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, pp. 78-79.

564 Jess Edwards, “Between “Plain Wilderness” and “Goodly Corn Fields”: Representing Land Use in Early Virginia” in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Street (ed.), Envisioning an English Empire, p. 217.

565 Geoff Quilley, “Introduction: Mapping the Art of Travel and Exploration”, p. 8.

566 In the top left corner, Smith is “bound to a tree to be shott to death” while in the bottom right corner, we are told that “King Powhatan commands C. Smith to be slayne”.

567 Captain John Smith, The Generall Historie of New England in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 463.

568 Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage, quoted in Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire, p. 30.

569 The theatrical procession was a propagandistic display promoting investment in the Virginia venture, exhibiting Virginian wealth and handsome returns.

570 Patricia Crouch, "Patronage and Competing Visions of Virginia in George Chapman's "The Memorable Masque" (1613)” (in English Literary Renaissance, Vol. 40, No. 3, 2010), p. 399.

571 Ibid, p. 417.

572 Captain John Smith, The Generall Historie of New England, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 403.

573 Prefatory verse by Thomas Macarnesse to Smith’s Generall Historie of Virginia, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 48.

574 “Newport’s Letter to Lord Salisbury” (July 1607) in Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, vol. 1, p. 76.

575 Eric Hirsch in Hirsch and O’Hanlon (ed.), “Introduction. Landscape: between Place and Space”, in The Anthropology of Landscape, p. 9 and p. 4.

576 Jordana Dym, “Travel Writing and Cartography” in Nandini Das and Tim Youngs (ed.), Cambridge History of Travel Writing, p. 440.

577 Peter Hulme, “Deep Maps: Travelling on the Spot”, in Julia Kuehn and Paul Smethurst (ed.), Travel Writing, Form and Empire (London: Routledge, 2009), p. 132.

578 Lauren Working, ““The Savages of Virginia Our Project”: The Powhatans in Jacobean Political Thought” in James Horn, Peter Mancall and Paul Musselwhite (eds.), Virginia 1619, p. 44.

579 Michael Neill, Issues of death: Mortality and Identity in English Renaissance Tragedy (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997).

580 The Ottoman and the Persian empires were at war in 1603-1618 and 1623-1639.

581 Patricia Crouch, “Patronage and Competing Visions of Virginia”, p. 417.

582 Eric Hirsch, “Landscape: between Place and Space”, in Eric Hirsch and Michael O’Hanlon (eds.), The Anthropology of Landscape, p. 3.

583 The image of space as a stage was modelled after an earlier well-known atlas and map produced by Abraham Ortelius and entitled Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (1570).

584 At the time Speed made this Theatre of the Empire of Great Britain, “Great Britain” was a recent geo-political entity, having only been formed after the accession of James VI/James I to the English throne. Its empire was yet to exist. In that sense, Speed anticipated the “British empire”.

585 Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay: an Exploration of Landscape and History (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010), p. xxii. While there was no British empire to speak of at the beginning of the 17th century, company activities in Asia and the New World did pave the way for later imperial activities.

586 “The Proceedings of the English Colony in Virginia”, 1612, in Barbour (ed.), The Complete Works, vol. 1, p. 234.

587 Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Presentment of Civility”, p. 223.

588 Nandini Das, “Sir Thomas Roe: Eyewitness to a Changing World” (London: Hakluyt Society, 2018), p. 9.

589 Ibid, p. 15.

590 Tim Keirn, “Monopoly, Economic Thought and the Royal African Company” in John Brewer and Susan Staves (eds.), Early Modern Conceptions of Property (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 428.

591 Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder, and Settlement: Maritime Enterprise and the Genesis of the British Empire, 1480–1630 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 201.

592 J. C. Appleby, “War, Politics and Colonisation, 1558-1625)”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 77.

593 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance, p. 112.

594 Ibid, p. 118.

595 John Pickles, “Texts, Hermeneutics and Propaganda Maps” in Trevor J. Barnes and James T. Duncan (eds.), Writing Worlds: Discourse, Text and Metaphor in the Representation of Landscape (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 193–230.

596 “Since all maps are constructed images, and since all images are interpretations of a particular context, we gain little by merely repeating that maps and propaganda maps are both interpretations and distortions”, John Pickles, “Texts, Hermeneutics and Propaganda Maps”, p. 199.

597 Kenneth Andrews, Trade, Plunder and Settlement, p. 338.

598 In the list of Britons sent to Virginia, there are more goldsmiths and jewellers than there are surgeons, blacksmiths and other key workers for the colony. See list in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 162.

599 John Smith, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 157

600 Ibid, p. 159 and p. 414.

601 Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, pp. 273-277.

602 Hakluyt had promised that Virginia would “yielde unto us all the commodities of Europe, Africa, and Asia, as far as wee were wonte to travel, and supply the wants of all our decayed trades”, Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, p. 327-47.

603 For more on the natural challenges of the Chesapeake, see J. H. Parry, “The English in the New World” in Kenneth Andrews, Nicholas Canny and P. E. H. Hair (eds.), The Westward Enterprise.

604 James Horn, “Tobacco Colonies: the Shaping of English Society in the 17th Century Chesapeake” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 174.

605 Theodore T. Rabb, Jacobean Gentleman: Sir Edwin Sandys, 1561-1629 (Princeton University Press, 1998) p. 327.

606 Wesley Frank Craven, Dissolution of the Virginia Company. The Failure of a Colonial Experiment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1932).

607 George Percy, “Observations Gathered out of a Discourse” in Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 21-22. Interestingly, the letter was written in 1607 but not published until 1625.

608 George Percy, in particular, made damning reports, writing that “there were never Englishmen left in a foreign Country in such misery as we were in this new discovered Virginia” and that “if it had not pleased God to have put a terror in the Savages heart, we had all perished by those wild and cruel Pagans, being in that weak state as we were”, in Tyler (ed.), Narratives, p. 21-22.

609 See the report of “The massacre upon the two and twentieth of March” in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, pp. 293-305.

610 “The Answere of the General Assembly in Virginia to a Declaration of the State of the Colonie in the 12 Yeeres of Sir Thomas Smiths Government, Exhibited by Alderman Johnson & Others”, 1623-24, in H. R. McIlwaine (ed.), Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1659, p. 21.

611 King James I, “A Counter-Blaste to Tobacco”, in The Workes of the most high and mightie prince, James, p. 222.

612 Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, vol. 1, p. 209.

613 Patricia Crouch, “Patronage and Competing Visions of Virginia”, p. 404.

614 Fitzmaurice, Andrew, “The Commercial Ideology of Colonization in Jacobean England: Robert Johnson, Giovanni Botero, and the Pursuit of Greatness” (in The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, Vol. 64, No. 4, 2007), p. 820.

615 N. W. Stephenson “Some Inner History of the Virginia Company” (in The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 22, No. 2, 1913), p. 91 and p. 92.

616 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britannia, (ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund. London: Hakluyt Society, 1953), p. 8.

617 Ibid, p. 78.

618 H. R. McIlwaine (ed.), Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1619-1659, p. 7.

619 John Smith, “Generall Historie of Virginia” in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 293.

620 Kirti Chaudhuri, The English East India Company, p. 18.

621 Quoted in Robert Markley, “Riches, Power, Trade and Religion: the Far East and the English Imagination, 1600–1720”, p. 504.

622 For more on the shift from silk to calicoes, see P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire.

623 Nandini Das, Sir Thomas Roe: Eyewitness to a Changing World.

624 Kenneth R. Andrews, Trade, Plunder, and Settlement, p. 270.

625 ibid, p. 275.

626 See Richard Hakluyt the Elder’s dedication to Peter Martyr, in Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, vol. 2, p. 368.

627 Wesley Frank Craven, Dissolution of the Virginia Company, p. 24.

628 Robert Brenner, Merchants and Revolution: Commercial Change, Political Conflict, and London's Overseas Traders, 1550–1653 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), p. xi.

629 Ibid, p. xi.

630 Ibid, p. xi.

631 P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 268.

632 Nuala Zahedieh, “Overseas expansion and trade in the seventeenth century” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, pp. 412-413.

633 Noel Malcolm, “Hobbes, Sandys, and the Virginia Company” (in The Historical Journal, Vol. 24, No. 2, 1981), p. 316.

634 P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 268.

635 For more, see Anthony Payne, “Hakluyt’s London: Discovery and Overseas Trade” in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt (eds.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe.

636 N. W. Stephenson, “Some Inner History of the Virginia Company”, p. 90.

637 On Sandys’ role as a politician involved in the two companies, see Theodore T. Rabb, Jacobean Gentleman: Sir Edwin Sandys, 1561-1629.

638 It is not until 1613 that the EIC took the form of a long-term joint stock company, which made it easier for members to cherry-pick their investments until then.

639 Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire.

640 For a more detailed discussion of Roe’s involvement in North American prospects, see Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire.

641 Nandini Das, “Sir Thomas Roe: Eyewitness to a Changing World”.

642 In his Generall Historie, Smith mentions “three Iles wee called the three Turkes heads” and “Rocks that appeare a great height above the water like the Pyramids in Aegypt”, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 417.

643 John Pory to Dudley Carlton, Sept. 1619, in Lyon Gardiner Tyler (ed.), Narratives of Early Virginia, p. 286.

644 William Strachey, The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, p. 23-25.

645 For more on comparisons between Turks and Powhatans by British promotional writers of the VC, see Nicholas Canny, “England’s New World and the Old, 1480s-1630s” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire.

646 Nandini Das, “Sir Thomas Roe: Eyewitness to a Changing World”, p. 15.

647 Peter Barber, “Mapmaking in England, ca. 1470-1650” in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, p. 1614.

648 Peter Barber, “England II – Monarchs, Ministers and Maps, 1550-1625” in David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers and Maps, p. 59.

649 Edward Wright, a Cambridge-educated mathematician and cartographer, was Prince Henry’s tutor and librarian.

650 Robert Tindall to Prince Henry (june 1607), in Alexander Brown (ed.), The Genesis of the United States, vol. 1, p. 109.

651 Mary Dewar, Sir Thomas Smith, p. 157.

652 Thomas Smith, quoted in Mary Dewar, Sir Thomas Smith, p. 165. For example, Francis Wyatt, the son of George Wyatt, a planter in Ireland, is known to have been advised by his father and inspired by him when he served as a governor of Virginia from 1621 onwards.

653 Mary Dewar, Sir Thomas Smith, p. 170.

654 Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia, C4v.

655 Robert Johnson, Nova Britannia, C3r.

656 Carole Shammas, “English commercial development and American colonisation, 1560-1620” in Kenneth Andrews, Nicholas Canny, P. E. H. Hair (eds.), The Westward Enterprise.

657 Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, vol. 2, p. 476.

658 Anthony Payne, “Hakluyt’s London: Discovery and Overseas Trade” in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt (eds.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe.

659 Laurence Worms, “The London Map Trade to 1640” in John Brian Harley and David Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography.

660 See Peter Barber, “Mapmaking in England, ca. 1470-1650” in John Brian Harley and David Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography.

661 Sarah Tyacke, Chartmaking in England and its Context, 1500-1660, in John Brian Harley and David Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography.

662 Peter Barber, The Map Book, p. 152.

663 Sarah Tyacke, “Chartmaking in England and its Context, 1500-1660” in John Brian Harley and David Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography.

664 J. C. Appleby, “War, Politics and Colonisation, 1558-1625” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 68.

665 N. W. Stephenson, “Some Inner History of the Virginia Company”, p. 90.

666 John Donne, No Man is an Island: a Selection from the Prose of John Donne (ed. Scott Rivers. London: Folio Society, 1997).

667 Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 35 and p. 107.

668 Ibid, p. 32.

669 Thomas Harriot, quoted in Susan Schmidt Horning, “The Power of Image”, p. 9.

670 Richard Hakluyt, “Discourse of Western Planting”, in Eva Germaine Rimington Taylor (ed.), The Original Writings and Correspondence of the Two Richard Hakluyts, vol. 2, p. 211.

671 Captain John Smith, “Description of New England” in Barbour (ed.), vol. 2, p. 411.

672 Patrick Copland, Virginias God Be Thanked, p. 12.

673 A report from the Berkeley plantation in 1622, quoted in Jonathan Eacott, Selling Empire, p. 36.

674 Richard Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, vol. 7, p. 186.

675 Bruce P. Lenman, “The EIC and the trade in non-metallic precious materials from Sir Thomas Roe to Diamond Pitt” in H.V. Bowen, Margarette Lincoln, and Nigel Rigby (eds.), The Worlds of the East India Company, p. 102.

676 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680, p. 54.

677 Ibid, p. 61.

678 David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance: Continuity and Change” in John Brian Harley and David Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography.

679 For further details on junks in the context of European commerce in the East Indies, see Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988; 1993).

680 Kirti Chaudhuri, The English East India Company: The Study of an Early Joint-Stock Company, 1600–1640, p. 14.

681 Ibid, p. 14-51.

682 P. J. Marshall, “The English in Asia to 1700” in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire.

683 Ibid, p. 269.

684 Kirti Chaudhuri, The English East India Company, p. 11.

685 Ibid, p. 12.

686 Ibid, p. 17.

687 Thomas Aldworth at Surat to Sir Thomas Smythe (January 1613) in William Foster (ed.), The Voyages of Thomas Best to the East Indies (Surrey: Ashgate, 2010), p. 251.

688 Sir Thomas Roe, in Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 348.

689 Sir Thomas Roe, “Appendix A”, in Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 540.

690 Court Minutes of the East India Company, in Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 524.

691 Nuala Zahedieh, “Overseas Expansion and Trade in the Seventeenth Century”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 401.

692 Balkkrishna Govind Gokhale, Surat.

693 Om Parkash, “The English East India Company and India” in H. V. Bowen, Margarette Lincoln, and Nigel Rigby (eds.). The Worlds of the East India Company.

694 Lesley B. Cormack, “The Fashioning of an Empire: Geography and the State in Elizabethan England” in Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith (eds.), Geography and Empire.

695 Catherine Bécasse, “‘Not now believed’: the textual fate of the Baffin and Bylot expeditions (1615-16)”, in Frédéric Regard (ed.), The Quest for the Northwest Passage, 1576-1806.

696 Ladan Niayesh, “From Myth to Appropriation”, in Frédéric Regard (ed.), The Quest for the Northwest Passage, 1576-1806.

697 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britannia, p. 32.

698 First charter of the Virginia Company (1606), in Samuel Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters of the Virginia Company of London, with Seven Related Documents; 1606-1621 (Williamsburg: Virginia 350th Anniversary Celebration Corporation, 1957), p. 1.

699 David Harris Sacks, “‘To deduce a colonie’: Richard Harkluyt’s Godly Mission in its Contexts, c. 1580-1616” in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt (eds.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe, p. 206.

700 Second charter of the Virginia Company (1609), in Bemiss (ed.), The Three Charters, p. 27. In the 16th century, a French expedition led by Florentine Verrazano sailed into the Chesapeake Bay, but not far inland enough for Verrazano and his crew to rule out the idea that it was a sea. Hence, a number of subsequent maps depicted the Chesapeake Bay as the “Sea of Verrazano” believed to connect the Atlantic to the Pacific. Michael Lok, governor of the Company of Cathay, located such a body of water on his map intended for Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages. In 1611, a map by the famous Dutch cartographer Jodocus Hondius identified a similar sea near the Chesapeake, rebranding it “North American Sea”.

701 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britannia, p. 31. For details on the promotional crisis the VC was facing in 1609 and its promoters’ reaction, see the introduction to the Historie of Travell into Virginia Britannia.

702 William Baffin, for example, who participated in the making of the 1619 map of the Mughal Empire, was also employed by the newly formed “Company of Merchants of London: Discoverers of the North-West Passage” (1612). More in Charles Bricker and Ronald Vere Tooley, Landmarks of Mapmaking: An Illustrated Survey of Maps and Mapmakers.

703 Ibid.

704 Worthington Chauncey Ford, “Captain John Smith’s Map of Virginia, 1612” (in the Geographical Review, 1924), pp. 433-443.

705 Tatton and Wright’s map North America, made in 1600, is just as elusive and vague, with Virginia’s hinterland being concealed by decorative elements or plainly belonging to the map’s beyond.

706 Kirti Chaudhuri, “The World-System East of Longitude 20: The European Role in Asia, 1500-1750”, (in Review 5, no. 2, 1981), p. 227.

707 Ibid, p. 226.

708 Joseph Bergin (ed.), The Seventeenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 64.

709 In terms of latitude, Spain was indeed closer to America most. Yet, in terms of longitude, Spain and Ireland (which was already a part of Britain’s nascent empire) are at a similar distance from America. It is surprising that Speed should have Spain metonymically represent Europe on his map.

710 See Jacques Derrida Writing and Difference (transl. Alan Bass. London: Routledge, 2001).

711 See in particular Harley’s article “Deconstructing the Map” (in Cartographica 26/2, 1989), pp. 1-20.

712 In the article quoted above, Harley builds his interpretation of textual maps on their use of articulated signs, but also on their metaphorical and rhetoric potential.

713 John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography” in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map-Making 1500–1650, p. 23.

714 John Pickles, “Texts, Hermeneutics and Propaganda Maps” in Trevor J. Barnes and James T. Duncan (eds.), Writing Worlds: Discourse, Text and Metaphor in the Representation of Landscape (London: Routledge), pp. 193–230.

715 Kathleen Biddick, “The ABC of Ptolemy: Mapping the World with the Alphabet” in Text and Territory (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), p. 270.

716 Lauren Working, ““The Savages of Virginia Our Project”: The Powhatans in Jacobean Political Thought” in James Horn, Peter Mancall and Paul Musselwhite (eds.), Virginia 1619, p. 58.

717 Armitage, “Literature and Empire”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 101.

718 Andrew Hadfield, “Bruited abroad: John White and Thomas Harriot’s colonial representations of Great Britain” in David Baker and Willy Maley (eds.), British Identities and English Renaissance Literature, p. 176.

719 Heidi Brayman Hackel and Peter C. Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt the Younger’s Notes for the East India Company in 1601: A Transcription of Huntington Library Manuscript EL 2360” (in the Huntington Library Quarterly, Vol. 67, No. 3, 2004), pp. 423-436.

720 Quoted in Heidi Brayman Hackel and Peter C. Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt the Younger’s Notes for the East India Company in 1601”.

721 Richard Hakluyt, Virginia Richly Valued (London: Felix Kyngston, 1609).

722 Kenneth. R. Andrews, Nicholas P. Canny, and P. E. H. Hair (eds.), The Westward Enterprise, p. 185.

723 William Strachey, Historie of Travell, p. 7.

724 Ibid, p. 7.

725 Richard Helgerson, “The Land Speaks: Cartography, Chorography, and Subversion in Renaissance England”.

726 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, p. 21-22. For more on the publishing and editorial history of White and Harriot’s works, see the section devoted to John White’s map in Coolie Verner, “The First Maps of Virginia, 1590-1673” (in The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 58, No. 1, 1950), pp. 3- 15.

727 More specifically, he begins with a subsection on “Marchandize and Victualls”, in John Smith, Generall Historie, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 76 (for Harriot), p. 83 and p. 86 (for White).

728 Ibid, p. 88.

729 See Thomas Harriot and John Smith in the Ferrar Papers, FP_463.

730 “Mr Simonds” is William Symonds. Quote in William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, p. 22.

731 William Strachey, Historie of Travell, p. 45.

732 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia” in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire, p.71.

733 Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, vol. 1, p. 81.

734 Evelyn Edson, introduction to Mapping Time and Space: How Medieval Mapmakers Viewed Their World (London: British Library, 1997).

735 More on the publishing history of the map, see Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia” in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire.

736 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia” in Robert Appelbaum and John Wood Sweet (eds.), Envisioning an English Empire, p. 70.

737 Catherine Delano Smith, “Cartographic Signs on European Maps and their Explanation before 1700” (in Imago Mundi 37, 1985), pp. 9-29.

738 Jordana Dym, “Travel Writing and Cartography” in Nandini Das and Tim Youngs (eds.), The Cambridge History of Travel Writing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019).

739 Nandini Das, “Hakluyt’s Two Indias: Textual sparagmos and Editorial Practice” in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt (eds.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe, p. 119.

740 Richard Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, vol. 1, p.xxxix.

741 The ancient “sparagmos” was a Dionysian sacrificial ritual whereby the limbs of the sacrificed body were torn off and scattered. Quote in Nandini Das, “Hakluyt’s Two Indias: Textual sparagmos and Editorial Practice” in Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt (eds.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe, p. 123.

742 Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrims, vol. 13, p. 359.

743 Laurence Worms, “The London Map Trade to 1640”, in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, vol. 3, p. 1720.

744 Thomas Roe, in Foster (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 346.

745 “I found lying once upon his boord certeine bookes of Cosmographie, with an universall Mappe [on which] he pointed with his wand to all the knowen Seas, Gulfs, Bayes, Straights, Capes, Rivers, Empires, Kingdomes, Dukedomes and Territories of ech part, with declaration also of their speciall commodities & particular wants, which by the benefit of traffike & entercourse of merchants, are plentifully supplied”, in Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations, vol. 1, p. xvii.

746 For more on the increasingly map-minded Jacobean society and company leaders, see the introduction and the first chapter of this thesis.

747 Martin Brückner (ed.), Early American Cartographies, p. 1.

748 J. C. Appleby, “War, Politics and Colonisation”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 72.

749 The EIC did appoint Edward Wright as its official hydrographer in 1614 but the man died soon after. In 1619, the EIC then employed a certain Adam Bowen to make copies of charts. Quote in Andrew S. Cook, “Establishing the sea routes to India and China: Stages in the Development of Hydrographical Knowledge”, in Bowen, Lincoln and Rigby (eds.), The Worlds of the East India Company, p. 121. For more on the VOC’s cartographic policies and official map production in the EIC after the Jacobean era, see Richard L. Kagan and Benjamin Schmidt, “Maps and the Early Modern State: Official Cartography” in Harley and Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, vol. 3.

750 Ferrar Papers, FP_463.

751 John Smith in Arber (ed.), Travels and Works, p. 622.

752 Thomas R. Smith, “Manuscript and Printed Sea Charts in 17th century London: the case of the Thames School” in Norman Thrower (ed.), The Compleat Plattmaker.

753 Samuel Purchas, “A briefe Discourse of the probabilitie of a passage to the Westerne or South Sea, illustrated with testimonies: and a briefe Treatise and Mappe by Master BRIGGES”, Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol 3, p. 848.

754 A “Mappe following of that thrice learned (and in this argument three times thrice industrious) Mathematician, Master Brigges”, in Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. 3, p. 848.

755 Catherine Bécasse, “‘Not now believed’: the textual fate of the Baffin and Bylot expeditions (1615-16)” in Regard (ed.), The Quest for the Northwest Passage.

756 William Strachey, Historie of Travell into Virginia Britannia, p. 49.

757 Ibid, p. 50.

758 Ferrar Papers, FP_463.

759 Walter W. Woodward, “Captain John Smith and the Campaign for New England: A Study in Early Modern Identity and Promotion”, p. 116.

760 Peter Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt and the Visual World of Early Modern Travel Narratives” in Carey and Jowitt (eds.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe, p. 89.

761 In the Elizabethan era, this was also practiced by the English. Drake’s maps, for example, were not made public. See latter part of John Brian Harley’s “Silences and Secrecy”.

762 Richard Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, vol. 7, p. 116.

763 Anthony Payne, “Hakluyt’s London: Discovery and Overseas Trade”, in Carey and Jowitt (eds.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe.

764 John Smith, “The Generall Historie”, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 401

765 Nicholas Canny, “England’s New World and the Old, 1480s-1630s”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 149.

766 John Smith, in Barbour (ed.), Complete Works, vol. 2, p. 442

767 See the section “promotional literature” in the bibliography.

768 Anthony Payne, “Hakluyt’s London: Discovery and Overseas Trade”, in Carey and Jowitt (eds.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe, p. 18.

769 Nicholas Canny, “England’s New World and the Old, 1480s-1630s”, in Nicholas Canny (ed.), The Origins of Empire, p. 164.

770 FP_463.

771 For more on the power of print and the transmission of information in 17th-century Britain, see “The Guises of Dissemination in Early 17th Century England” in Dooley and Baron (eds.), The Politics of Information in Early Modern Europe (London: Routledge, 2001); quote p. 18.

772 John Brian Harley, “Silences and Secrecy”.

773 Philip Barbour (ed.), The Jamestown Voyages, vol. 1, pp. 53-54.

774 Loren Pennington, “The Amerindian in English Promotional Literature, 1575-1625” in Kenneth Andrews Nicholas Canny, and P. E.H. Hair (eds.), The Westward Enterprise.

775 Benjamin Schmidt, “Mapping an Empire: Cartographic and Colonial Rivalry in Seventeenth-Century Dutch and English North America” (in The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 54, No. 3, 1997), pp. 549-578.

776 For more on the Virginea Pars MS, see Paul Hulton’s “Images of the New World: Jacques le Moyne de Morgues and John White” in Kenneth Andrews Nicholas Canny, and P. E.H. Hair (eds.), The Westward Enterprise.

777 Coolie Verner, The First Maps of Virginia, 1590-1673 (in The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 58, No. 1, 1950), pp. 3- 15.

778 According to a note given by Alexander Brown (ed.), in The Genesis of the United-States, vol. 1, p. 330.

779 Peter Barber, “Mapmaking in England, ca. 1470-1650”, in Harley and Woodward (eds.), History of Cartography, p. 1608.

780 Peter Mancall, “Richard Hakluyt and the Visual World of Early Modern Travel Narratives” in Carey and Jowitt (eds.), Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe, p. 87.

781 John Brian Harley, “Maps, Knowledge and Power” in Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (eds.), The Iconography of Landscape, p. 278.

782 “Self-Made Spectacles: the Look of Maps and Cartographic Visualcy” in Martin Brückner, The Social life of maps in America, 1750-1860, p. 202.

783 Loren Pennington, “The Amerindian in English promotional literature, 1575-1625” in Kenneth Andrews Nicholas Canny, and P. E.H. Hair (eds.), The Westward Enterprise, p. 177.

784 Lisa Blansett, “John Smith Maps Virginia” in Robert Appelbaum and John Sweet (eds.), Envisioning and English Empire, p. 90.

785 John Smith, A Map of Virginia, p. 10.

786 John Brian Harley, “Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography”, in Sarah Tyacke (ed.) English Map-Making 1500 – 1650, p. 26.

787 Ken MacMillan, “Sovereignty “More Plainly Described”: Early English Maps of North America, 1580–1625”.

788 John Smith, A Map of Virginia, p. 36.

789 This was an option for the recipients of these journals and letters, if provided with the map as well. Recipients of Roe’s letters usually included the EIC as an institution, its members, but also investors and backers.

790 Mary B. Campbell, “The Illustrated Travel Book and the Birth of Ethnography: Part I of De Bry’s America” in David Allen and Robert White (eds.) The Work of Dissimilitude, p. 181.

791 Jas Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubiés, in Elsner and Rubiés (eds.), Voyages and Visions: Towards a Cultural History of Travel, p. 30.

792 David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance. Continuity and Change” in Harley and Woodward (eds.), History of Cartography, vol. 3, p. 24.

793 Quoted in Koeman, Schilder, Van Egmond and Van Der Krogt, “Commercial Cartography and Map Production in the Low Countries, 1500- ca. 1672” in Harley and Woodward (eds.), History of Cartography, vol. 3.