1The process of conversion, often simplistically perceived as a mere shift from one religious belief to another, reveals a profound intricacy when examined closely. The study of conversion in the Indian context has garnered considerable attention from scholars over the years, with a focus on historical, sociological, and anthropological perspectives. Historians (Fischer-Tine and Mann 2004; Porter 2004; Watt and Mann 2011) have extensively explored the intricate relationship between missionary organizations and the colonial state, shedding light on how missions and the empire mutually reinforced each other, thus contributing to the consolidation of colonial rule.

2On the other hand, sociologists and anthropologists, exemplified by the works of Chris Fuller (1976; [1992] 2004) and David Mosse (2012), have delved into the implications of conversion for caste dynamics and identity formation. They have posed critical questions regarding the transformation of caste systems and the complexities involved in the shaping of post-conversion identities.

3However, it is worth noting that while anthropological studies have tackled caste-related issues, theoretical examinations of conversion have been comparatively scarce. Exceptions include the works of Robinson (2003) and Robinson and Clarke (2003), who have explored themes of continuity, rupture, and modernity within the context of conversion.

4This collective volume seeks to bridge this gap by offering both theoretical frameworks and empirical insights into conversion, examining it through various lenses, such as protest, modernity, and ethical transformation. By drawing on diverse case studies from different regions of India, the contributors aim to provide a nuanced understanding of conversion dynamics at micro, meso, and macro levels of society, touching upon questions of caste, identity, continuity, rupture, and modernity.

5In the pages of this insightful book, the scholars have come to a consensus, likening conversion to a journey along a road, coining the term “Godroads” in the process. Much like a physical road that embodies the concepts of movement, change, and transformation, these “Godroads” become an apt metaphor for unraveling the intricate nature of religious conversion.

7This exploration of conversion primarily centers on Christianity, but also delves into the intricacies of conversion between and across various religious traditions, such as Islamic Reform, Hinduism, and indigenous beliefs.

8The book unfolds with an introduction followed by ten empirical chapters, each dissecting a unique facet of conversion in India. The introduction by Berger and Sahoo provides a comparative perspective on conversion, linking the Indian situation to global contexts. It offers an overview of conversion research in India, advances theoretical reflections, discusses analytical tools, and includes insights from theorists like Pierre Bourdieu, Joel Robbins, and Marshall Sahlins. Sahoo and Berger synthesize Bourdieu’s notion of habitus which examines how individuals navigate social fields, adopting new dispositions and belief during conversion. They explore the cultural motivation underlying conversion, drawing on Robbins’s insight into the cultural framework guiding religious practices and beliefs, highlighting how conversion reflects individuals’ attempt to align with cultural norms and meanings. Sahoo and Berger also draw heavily on Sahlins’ work in order to understand how conversion serves as a transformative moment when individuals symbolically reposition themselves within their social and cultural worlds, marking a shift in their religious identity.

9The book commences with a historical analysis of conversion, traversing the complexities that arose in contemporary times and addressing the challenges faced today. In chapter 1, Geoffrey Oddie explores Shudra and other conversion movements toward Christianity in Hyderabad from 1925-1947, shedding light on the gradual and intricate nature of the conversion process. Oddie also dissects the impact of missionary policies and political turmoil on the rate of conversion.

10Throughout the book, the scholars shed light on the contradictions within conversion processes. Ashok Kumar Mocherla’s analysis in chapter 2 provides a unique perspective on conversion by delving into the intersection of communism and religious transformation in India. He focuses on coastal Andhra Pradesh, demonstrating how both caste and communist ideologies, alongside contemporary religious practices, can produce and strengthen syncretic religious beliefs. This chapter serves as a powerful reminder that conversion is not limited to religious transformation. It highlights the broader societal and political forces that can influence and shape the conversion experience. Mocherla’s exploration challenges the notion that conversion is solely a religious process, emphasizing that it is entwined with various facets of life.

11The book employs a diverse array of research methodologies, encompassing archival research and ethnographic fieldwork. For instance, in chapter 3, Fernande Pool’s in-depth ethnographic research in Joyram, a village in West Bengal, offers valuable insight into how conversion can be motivated by the idea of purification within the same religious tradition. Pool discusses the conversion of nominal Muslims to a more pious and reformist form of Islam. Contrary to to scholarship portrays reformist Islam as the “anti-modern antithesis” (p. 12) to liberal, secular modernity, Pool argues that Reformism itself is inherently modern. What makes Pool’s chapter particularly relevant is that, in her view, conversion is not about religious change from one tradition to another. Rather, it is about ethical transformation within the same religious tradition, and it is primarily aimed at cultivating both a religious and secular self to bring about a “holistic transformation of society” (p. 13). Meanwhile, in Chapter 4, Frank Heidemann delves into the historical records of early Badaga conversions in South India (1845-1915). More than factors such as material progress, utilitarian factors, and social mobility, Badaga contends that conversions to Christianity were largely motivated by a strong desire for “forgiveness of Sin” (p. 121), and such desires were cultivated over time through the Badagas’ continuous contact with the British. These chapters underscore that conversion is not solely about changes in religious beliefs as part of a quest for material prosperity and equal rights, but that it is also influenced by an increased individualized notion of self, personhood, and rationalization.

12Chapter 5 serves as a pivotal contribution to the study of conversion—particularly within the distinctive context of Northeast India, which is characterized by its rich cultural and religious diversity—and presents a unique landscape for the dynamics of conversion. Iliyana Angelova explores the transformation of religious identity among the Sumi Naga, one of the major ethnic groups in Nagaland. She argues that religious transformation among the Sumi is the product of a historical process underpinned by the simultaneous and complex interplay between utilitarian and intellectualist motivations throughout the first few decades of the twentieth century. The Sumi Naga community’s experience, as explored by Angelova, is situated within the historical and regional context of Nagaland, which has undergone significant religious and political transformations over the years. Understanding this context is crucial for comprehending the dynamics of conversion, as well as the broader implications it holds for communities and regions with complex histories. This chapter is important within the book, as it expands the discourse on conversion by demonstrating its far-reaching impact beyond religious boundaries.

13Chapter 6 continues this journey across the northeast by providing a deeper examination of conversion within various communities. This chapter is especially significant because it delves into the transformation of indigenous beliefs and practices. Vibha Joshi discusses the impact of conversion, particularly to Christianity, on the cultural and social fabric of the region. Joshi argues that a distinctive wider feature of Naga conversion to Christianity is that unlike converts in other parts of mainland India, such as Odisha, the Nagas have not faced attacks from a hegemonic upper caste or predation by external forces. They have also remained the sole owners of their land. However, they struggled with first the British colonialists and later the Indian government to retain and enhance their sovereignty. Their conversion to Christianity, as opposed to another religion, may be interpreted as an expression of their collective wish to assert their sociocultural and ethnolinguistic distinctiveness and separateness from the rest of India. Presently, Naga are increasingly united in their adoption of Christianity, notwithstanding differences among various sects. Tensions between converts and animists have historically been strong and continue to permeate social relationships today, including in the realm of healing. This theme of healing among Naga is the connecting thread that runs through the historical and contemporary role of Christianity and its continued importance in the shift from one individual to collective healing.In the beginning, missionaries in Nagaland aimed to break away from what they saw as heathen beliefs and practices, including the local animist religion, which encompassed significant traditional healing methods. Early missionaries introduced Western biomedicine, which was enthusiastically embraced by the local Naga people. At first both missionaries and local Naga thought that traditional healing and biomedicine were incompatible, but it did not lead to any straightforward conflict between them. Although many animistic practices were successfully banished or marginalized by the missionaries, many traditional healers acknowledged the evident success of modern biomedical healing. Rather than opposing this new mode of healing, they inserted themselves and a selection of their traditional practices into Christianity by becoming Christian themselves (p. 156). As a result, healing as a general idiom quickly became an inextricable part of Naga Christianity alongside an increasingly rapid rate of conversion.

14In chapter 7, Arun Jones critically examines the role of American Evangelical missionaries in shaping the conversion narrative in North India during the nineteenth century. This chapter delves into the transformation of religious and cultural narratives within the context of missionary activities and also underscores the significant influence of these missionaries in redefining and adapting the conversion narrative to the Indian cultural and social milieu. It highlights the complex interactions between missionaries and local communities, resulting in a nuanced understanding of the conversion process. Additionally, this chapter contributes to the broader discourse on the impact of Western missionary activities in non-Western regions and how missionaries adapted their approaches to connect with local populations.

15Chapter 8, authored by Rajalakshmi Nadadur Kannan, breaks away from the traditional understanding of conversion solely as a shift in religious belief and instead delves into the broader sociocultural and political dimensions of conversion, particularly in early twentieth-century South India. Kannan’s exploration of how South Indian nationalism conflated Hindu identity with national identity and its consequences is a critical departure from the common discourse on conversion. By dissecting the intricate ways in which religion, gender, language, and performance arts were utilized in the process of creating an upper-caste hegemonic Hindu identity, the chapter highlights the sociopolitical complexities surrounding conversion. It emphasizes that the impact of conversion extends far beyond religious boundaries and infiltrates various facets of society, shaping cultural identities, language, and art forms.

16This fresh perspective underscores how marginalized communities and their practices are often overlooked and marginalized in the pursuit of a dominant religious identity. By exposing the hierarchies and exclusions embedded in these processes, Kannan’s chapter contributes to a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the intricate interplay between conversion, cultural identity, and political dynamics within the Indian context. She examines the historical evolution of South India and its nationalist movements in the early twentieth century in order to explore how the sanctification of performance arts served to sanctify the nation, while the sacralization of aesthetic preferences was employed to establish a gendered pan-Indian identity. In doing so, the chapter moves beyond the conventional understanding of conversion and raises the more pertinent question of whether the sacralization of Hindu identity and Indian culture through the sacralization of performance arts can be considered as a process of conversion? Kannan answers this question as she concludes part of her chapter and suggests that the nationalist movements’ deliberate shaping of cultural and religious identity through the arts indeed resembles a form of ideological conversion. By transforming performance arts into religious arts and infusing Hindu nationalist ideologies, these movements sought to unify and redefine cultural identity, which is akin to a conversion process.

17Chapter 9 sheds light on contemporary contestations and violence surrounding conversion in India. Authored by Sahoo, this chapter breaks new ground by focusing on the underreported and often overlooked everyday conflict between Hindu and Christian communities. What makes this chapter highly interesting is its contemporary relevance. While many studies of conversion primarily concentrate on historical or theoretical aspects, chapter 9 takes a bold step by addressing the current and pressing issues surrounding conversion. It emphasizes the growing violence, tensions, and clashes between different religious communities, often fueled by political and social factors. By investigating the distinct contexts of Odisha and Rajasthan, Sahoo highlights that the factors leading to violence and conflict vary significantly between regions. In Odisha, the politics of reservation play a prominent role in the strife between communities, whereas in Rajasthan, debates often revolve around religious freedom and allegation of fraud. This chapter stresses that conversion is not merely an individual’s spiritual journey; it is intricately woven into the sociopolitical fabric of India. It shows how religious conversion is not a static or isolated process, but a dynamic force that can result in societal tensions, discrimination, and violence. This perspective offers a real-time understanding of how conversion can have complex and sometimes troubling implications in contemporary India.

18Chapter 10, “Rupture and Resilience,” by Peter Berger provides a reflective synthesis of the book’s overarching themes, illustrating how conversion acts as both a rupture with past beliefs and a testament to the resilience of faith and identity. This chapter not only reinforces the complexities of the conversion experience but also insists that the process transcends mere changes in religious affiliations, representing broader societal shifts and personal transformations. It thus reaffirms the multifaceted nature of conversion, tying together the book’s diverse insights into a cohesive understanding of this profound phenomenon.

19Broadly spekaing, this is an indispensable book, especially in the current climate of political and social discourse surrounding conversion in India. At a time when debates and controversies over conversion have become increasingly charged, this book is highly significant and relevant, as it transcends the simplistic narrative of religious shifts and delves deep into the sociocultural, historical, and political intricacies that shape the conversion experience. Moreover, the book’s contextualization of conversion within specific regions of India highlights the regional variations in the conversion experience. This provides insights into the localized factors that impact conversion processes, shedding light on why debates over conversion differ between states. This book is not just a valuable academic contribution; it is a critical resource for policymakers, scholars, and anyone seeking to grasp the intricate interplay between religion, culture, and politics within the context of conversion in India.