• 1 The Ottoman Empire conquered the region of Palestine in 1516 and ruled it for approximately 400 yea (...)
• 2 The mandate was intended, among other things, to assist the Jewish community in Palestine until it (...)

1In the beginning of the 20^th century, during the Ottoman rule in Palestine,1 a relatively large number of Zionist socialist immigrants from Eastern Europe began arriving to the region. Their influx ceased with the onset of World War I. In 1917 the British Army conquered Palestine, and in 1922 Britain received a mandate to rule it from the League of Nations.2 At the beginning of the 1920s, another wave of Zionist socialist immigrants arrived from Eastern Europe, with different views regarding the correct implementation of Zionist and socialist ideas in Palestine. Consequently, they formed various political organizations that were referred to as the “Jewish Labor Movement in Palestine” (hereafter: the Labor Movement). In 1920, all the political organizations associated with the Labor Movement came together to establish the Histadrut Haklalilt shell HaOvdim BeEretz Yisral, the General Organization of Workers in the Land of Israel (hereafter: the Histadrut), to create a central workers’ union and a Hebrew working class culture.

• 3 See Anita Shapira, Hamotivim Hadatiyim shel Tnu’at Ha’avoda [The Religious Themes of the Labor Move (...)
• 4 Mapai is an acronym for Mifleget Poalei Eretz Yisrael which translates to Workers’ Party of the Lan (...)

2The Histadrut aimed to develop the social and cultural scene by encouraging book publishing, creating a daily newspaper (Davar), establishing cultural centers, organizing communal sing along events and celebrating significant national and socialist dates, such as the holiday of Shavuot (Pentecost), the Balfour Declaration Day (the 2nd of November), and the 1^st of May. The Histadrut also supported artistic endeavors, including painting, sculpture, theater, and other art forms. In a short period, these social and cultural activities achieved wide public success, not only among the working-class people but also among most of the public in the Jewish community of Palestine.3 In the mid-1930s, the public success of Hebrew working class culture contributed to the creation and establishment of the political hegemony of the central Workers’ Party, Mapai, a hegemony that lasted for about four decades.4

• 5 James Riordan, “The Worker Sports Movement,” in Arnd Kruger, James Riordan (eds.), The Internationa (...)

3One of the most prominent social initiatives of the Histadrut was its support for sports, markedly influenced by burgeoning trends in Europe. At the latter part of the nineteenth century, distinctive sports clubs, tailored exclusively for the working class, surfaced across various European nations. These associations championed a unique approach to sport, founded on the principles of collective cooperation and communal solidarity. Unlike competitive sport, which was considered as primarily aiming for individual success in alignment with bourgeois values, workers’ sports associations focused on developing training methods that could accommodate the broad participation of workers. Their emphasis was on promoting the workers’ health and fostering solidarity within their ranks. In 1920, representatives of international workers’ sports associations from various countries in Europe organized and established an international organization under the German name: Sozialistische Arbeiter Sport International, commonly known by its acronym SASI. At its peak of activity in 1931, the SASI had approximately two million members across eighteen countries in four continents.5

• 6 In the book The Nationalization of the Masses, George Mosse illustrates how mass demonstrations and (...)

4In the first half of the twenties, socialist Zionist workers living in Palestine established sports associations similar to those in Europe. In May 1926, at the initiative of the Histadrut, a national framework was created to unite all associations under one roof: The Association for Physical Culture in the Land of Israel-Hapoel (hereafter referred to as Hapoel). In 1927, Hapoel was officially incorporated into the structure of SASI. However, this was not the first gymnastics and sports association to be established in the Jewish community in Palestine. The first one, established in 1906, was Rishon LeZion-Jaffa, which later became Maccabi Tel Aviv. In Jerusalem, an association called Shimshon was established in 1909, and in 1911 another association, Maccabi Jerusalem, was established in the city. In the course of 1912, additional Maccabi associations were established in the agricultural colonies throughout Palestine, and later that year Maccabi Israel was founded as a general framework for all Jewish sports and gymnastics associations in Palestine. This association declared itself politically neutral. However, the establishment of Hapoel association in 1926 created a political divide between the members of the two associations. Members of the Histadrut who were active in Maccabi left it and joined the Hapoel association. Those who chose to remain in Maccabi were automatically identified with the liberal, centrist camp. Other political divisions resulted in the creation of two additional associations: Beitar, which was the youth movement and sport association of the right wing, Revisionist Party, and Elitzur, the sport association of religious Zionists.
During the first half of the twentieth century, especially in the interwar period, mass sporting events emerged as a cultural and social phenomenon capable of uniting large audiences for collective experiences. Consequently, these events became indispensable and key instruments for mobilizing and organizing sizable, well-structured groups under the auspices of national leadership. This phenomenon was significant in countries that pursued paths of fascism or communism, as well as in those that adhered to democratic principles.6 Furthermore, international sporting events began to gain prominence, playing a pivotal role in shaping national identities. The most renowned fusion of sports and nationalism occurred with the establishment of the Olympic Games in 1896, organized by the International Olympic Committee, the IOC.

• 7 James Riordan, “The Worker Sports Movement,” art. cit., p. 109-113.
• 8 Uriel Simri, “Hapoel: Israel’s worker sport organization,” in Arnd Kruger, James Riordan (eds.), Th (...)

6During the interwar period, the International Workers Olympics were organized by SASI, and held for three times: in Frankfurt (1925), Vienna (1931), and Antwerp (1937). These games were just as impressive as the Olympic Games7 and delegations of athletes representing Hapoel and the Jewish community in Palestine participated in the Workers Olympics in Vienna and Antwerp. SASI’s activities stopped during World War II, but after the war, in 1946, representatives of international workers’ sport organizations from eleven countries in Central and Western Europe, as well as representatives of Hapoel, established a new organizational framework. This time, the organization was named in French: Conseil Sportif International du Travail, known by its initials, CSIT. Until the mid-1990s, Hapoel was considered one of the largest organizations in CSIT in terms of its membership, and its representatives held senior positions in the organization’s leadership.8 Thus, during the British Mandate period, two major sport games were founded in Palestine: the class based Hapoel games, which were held according to the SASI doctrine of the international working class sports, and the ethnic based Maccabiah games, which included only Jews, and were held according to the principles of Olympic games. In Israel, until the mid-1990s, the two games continued to exist side by side because of their different political characteristics.

• 9 The Histadrut created an economic system called the “Workers’ Society.” This system was based on th (...)

9Since the mid-1980s, the Labor Party did no longer present itself as a socialist party, and highlighted its identity as a political-left party in terms of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Party leaders Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin, during their respective terms as Prime Minister (Peres from 1984-1986 and Rabin from 1992-1995), initiated political actions such as the IDF withdrawal from Lebanon in 1985 and the signing of the peace accords with the Palestinian Authority in 1993. However, they also brought about changes in the structure of the Israeli economy, aligning it with the principles of a capitalist economy in its neoliberal form. In the beginning of 1994, the Histadrut was still controlled by the Labor Party. In addition to being a professional association, it was also one of the strongest organizations of the Israeli economy, owning factories and assets that accounted for about one-fifth of the local economy. In May 1994, the Labor Party lost in the Histadrut council elections. Ironically, the victors were members of the Israeli Parliament from the Labor Party, who had established an independent party for the Histadrut elections with a neo-liberal platform.9 The goal of the winners was to privatize the Histadrut, separating it from its economic, social, and cultural assets and transforming it into a purely professional association. Within a year of the leadership change in the Histadrut, the privatization process was completed. It is essential to note that the very existence of the Histadrut as an economic and social body controlled by the Labor Party was the last barrier preventing the completion of the transition to a full capitalist economy in Israel. Symbolically, in 1995, the Hapoel games were held for the last time, serving as a farewell to the working-class culture that the Histadrut had fostered. Indeed, over the years, the format of the games and the societal goals they aimed to promote have underwent several transformations. These changes mirrored the ideological evolution of Mapai and its successors, initially emphasizing socialist principles as the cornerstone of their political endeavors, and later moving away from – even erasing – the party’s socialist position.

• 10 Roland Barthes, “Rhetoric of the Image”, in id., Image, Music Text, translated by Stephen Heath, Ne (...)
• 11 See Eliq Mishaori, Shuru Ha’bitu Vereu: Ikonot veSmalim Hazotiyim baTarbout haYisra’elit [Lo and Be (...)
• 12 Shlomo Shaaltiel (ed), Omanut B’sherut Ra’ayon. Hashomer Hatzair 1937-1967 [Art in the Service of I (...)

11To demonstrate how changes in the nature of the games reflected ideological shifts in the history of the Mapai and the Labor Party, I will present eight posters published as promotion for the games over the years. In my analysis, I will follow the French critic Roland Barthes’ methodological approach, which involves dividing visual interpretation into two stages: denotative and connotative. Denotation refers to the literal or surface meaning of the visual elements within the image, identifying and describing the visible objects, people, and actions depicted in the image. Connotation refers to the secondary or symbolic meanings associated with the elements in the image. It explores the cultural, social, and historical context in which the image exists and how it communicates ideas, values, and emotions beyond its literal content10. Through this interpretation, we will better understand how ideology and political intent were integrated within the visual images of the posters. From the early days of Zionist settlement in Palestine up until the mid-1990s in the State of Israel, posters played a pivotal role in disseminating political messages.11 Numerous organizations, including labor unions and other political parties, linked to the labor movement, extensively employed posters as a powerful medium.12 The Labor Movement also established a distinct genre of posters, explicitly crafted to mobilize the public for social events related to working class culture, such as the Hapoel games.

• 13 Yaakov Goldstein, Yaakov Shavit, Lelo Pesharot: Heskem Ben-Gurion-Z’butinski VeKshelono [Without Co (...)

13The founding of the Revisionist Zionist Party in 1925 marked the emergence of a far-right ideological faction within the Zionist movement. This event sparked a significant ideological conflict between the Revisionist party adherents and those aligned with the Labor movement, who represented also opposing political cultures. This schism was further exacerbated by the broader “Right” versus “Left” ideological struggle prevalent in Europe during that period.13 By the late 1920s, the political conflict had escalated into violent clashes within the Jewish community in Palestine.

• 14 The inspiration for the establishment of HaSadran was the European workers’ movements defense force (...)

14Hapoel played a significant role in this period by engaging in political violence. In the late 1920s, under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion, the secretary-general of the Histadrut and a prominent figure in Mapai, an organization called HaSadran (The Guardian) was established. Its primary objective was to physically defend the Labor movement people from the members of the Revisionist movement.14 HaSadran operated within the existing structure of Hapoel and recruited members from its ranks. By late 1932, violent incidents had escalated between HaSadran members and Revisionist Party members. It was during this period that the Hapoel games took place. Consequently, the inaugural poster in the history of the games predominantly conveys the message that Hapoel members are at the forefront of the labor movement, actively engaged in a struggle against the Revisionist movement.

• 15 Reuven Dayan (Rudi Deutsch), much like many immigrants arriving in Israel, chose to adopt a Hebrew (...)
• 16 Rudi Deutsch (1905-2005) was a graphic designer and educator. Deutsch was educated in German and Ce (...)

15The graphic artist Reuven Dayan (Rudi Deutsch)15, designed the poster announcing the 1932 Games.16 It presents a resolute Hapoel member who takes center stage, boldly hoisting a blazing torch high above his head. The sweeping motion of his arm mirrors a triumphant salute, while the torch emits long, fiery crimson flames. The figure’s open mouth evokes a rallying battle cry, and its unwavering gaze is fixed ahead. In the background, a procession of fellow members follows suit, appearing as smaller yet equally determined iterations of the central character.

• 17 On Socialist Realism style, see Matthew C. Bowm, Socialist Realist Painting, New Haven-London, Yale (...)
• 18 Ibid. The emblem was originally designed by the designer Jan Le Witt (1907-1991). In 1967, it was r (...)

16From a stylistic perspective, the poster bears the unmistakable influence of Socialist Realism, the official artistic style of the Soviet Union renowned for its adept conveyance of socialist and communist ideals.17 The poster exhibits five motifs of this style: 1) The Hapoel emblem appears twice in the illustration, on the central figure’s chest and on a banner held by a member on the left side of the marching crowd. The emblem combines the figure of an athlete (a boxer) with tools – a hammer and a sickle – that are also communist symbols. The hammer represents the industrial-urban proletarians, while the sickle represents the agricultural workers – both, together, symbolize the alliance of the urban and rural workers;18 2) The color Red prominently features in the poster: in the flame of the torch, the outlines of figures, and the lettering. The association between the red color and the working class had appeared already in France during the 1830s, when a red flag was hoisted on barricades during working class insurrections. Since then, it has become closely associated with left-wing parties and socialist workers’ movements globally; 3) The marching crowd emphasizes the solidarity of the working class. In the poster, the masses march together in unison, representing a single ideologically motivated entity. They follow the central figure, who holds the torch high, resolutely leading them toward their noble objective – establishing an independent workers’ society; 4) The raised fist holding a torch symbolizes unity and strength in the struggle of the working class. In the local context, it signifies a readiness for violent confrontation with members of the Revisionist movement; 5) The flame of the torch represents the human energy accumulated within the raised fist, indicating a willingness to act violently against opponents/enemies of the working class.

• 19 Anita Shapira, Berl, vol. 2, Tel Aviv, Am Oved, 1981, p. 392.

17Between 1932 and 1934 there was a rise in violent incidents within the Jewish community in Palestine, which was linked to the activities of HaSadran. Historian Anita Shapira argued that a minor civil war occurred within the Jewish community during this period.19 However, by 1935 the activities of HaSadran had stopped, and acts of violence against the Revisionists had ended. This was a result of a shift in David Ben-Gurion’s policy that took place in 1934. In the 1933 elections for the 18th Zionist Congress, the Labor Party (Mapai) emerged as the largest party within the Zionist movement. This led to appointing its representatives to key leadership positions, with Ben-Gurion the leader of Mapai becoming the leader of the movement. Consequently, he resigned from his role as the chairman of the Histadrut, and changed his political outlook. Instead of being a militant workers’ leader, he embraced the position of a national leader responsible for the fate of the Jewish people. As a result, he abandoned the use of violence as a means of inner political struggle, and ended HaSadran activity.

• 20 Anita Shapira, Dmuto Shel Manhig [Ben-Gurion: Portrait of a Leader], Tel Aviv, Am Oved, 2015, p. 85 (...)

18Furthermore, Mapai representatives sought to be perceived as legitimate leaders of a national movement rather than revolutionary workers’ leaders. To achieve this, Ben-Gurion, in partnership with Berl Katznelson, his colleague in the party leadership – who was a spiritual leader and the editor of Davar – initiated a process of reducing the socialist aspect and highlighting the national dimension of their party’s activities.20

• 21 In the two decades following World War II, the United States admitted approximately four million im (...)

21This is a distinctive period, different from both the preceding and subsequent decades. Therefore, the two Hapoel games held in 1952 and 1956 represent a unique chronological segment in the history of the games. After Israel became a sovereign nation on May 14, 1948, following the declaration of Israel Independence, the new nation was invaded and attacked by five Arab states – Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq. The armed conflict lasted until the summer of 1949, and after its termination the state faced the challenge of absorbing massive wave of Jewish immigrants, numbering in the hundreds of thousands, mainly from Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East. The Jewish population in Palestine in 1948 was about 650,000, but within the next three years, by the end of 1951, almost 700,000 immigrants had arrived, effectively doubling the population of the state. In the first ten years of its existence, Israel welcomed over one million immigrants, which was an unprecedented demographic surge in world history.21

• 22 Maoz Azriahu, Pholkhaney Ha’Medina. Hagigot Ha’atzma’ut VeHanitzchat Ha’noflim 1948-1956 [The Rites (...)

25With the establishment of the state of Israel came the creation of political institutions, such as the Israeli parliament, the Knesset, which were the expression of the nation’s sovereignty. However, this societal and political process could only succeed with widespread approval from the majority of the population. Therefore, in the early years of the state, David Ben-Gurion, the first Prime Minister and the head of Mapai (the Labor Party), led the efforts to garner political consent and to convey the message that the new state and its institutions represented the Jewish nation. Consequently, leaders of Mapai and the state emphasized the symbols of the new nation and its institutions in all public events, thereby aiming to solidify national unity and bolster the state’s authority.22

• 23 The aviation sport within Hapoel encompassed three branches: aviation, gliding, and parachuting. Th (...)
• 24 Israel has a long coastline, which has been the site of water sports since the 1920s. These activit (...)

26The poster for the 1952 Hapoel games prominently displays symbols of the newly established state and its institutions. At the top, two large flags are proudly shown: one bearing the emblem of Hapoel and the other, behind it, is the national flag. In addition to presenting the symbol of the new state, this poster underscores the principles of solidarity and socioeconomic equality through the collective march of athletes. Visually, there is no distinction among the figures parading on the field; all are clad in identical white athletic attire, which was the standard attire for gymnastics and sports in Israel. It was important for the Hapoel association to emphasize two areas of sports in the game’s poster: water sports, including sailing and rowing, and air sports, gliding. In the upper left corner, a small plane symbolizes aviation sports,23 while three sailboats with unfurled sails represent water sports.24 Both of these sports were central to the Hapoel association and were highlighted in the background of the poster.

• 25 For further reading about the reasons for Israel’s alignment with the Western Bloc during the Cold (...)
• 26 The “Mixed Economy” was divided into three kinds of ownership: the private sector (approximately 60 (...)
• 27 On the influence of Western and American culture on Israeli society, see Anat Helman, Bigdei HaAret (...)

29In the first two years of statehood, the government adhered to the principle of neutrality in the Cold War. However, in 1950, the principle of neutrality was abandoned when the government announced its support for the Western forces in the Korean War. From then on, Israel gradually integrated into the Western community, drawing closer to the United States. This decision was made for various reasons,25 mainly the financial assistance provided by the American government and American Jews, which contributed significantly to the country’s development. This assistance led Mapai’s leadership to recognize the importance of private capital in the country’s development, promoting a “mixed economy” policy.26 Consequently, local culture became more open to the West, particularly to American culture.27

• 28 Anita Shapira, The Religious Motivations of the Labor Movement, op. cit., p. 152.
• 29 Yochanan Simon (1905-1976) was born in Berlin. In 1936, when he immigrated to Israel, he was alread (...)

30During the period in question, socialist values were still prevalent in public discourse, but they were gradually losing ground among the Israeli population, which started to embrace Western and capitalist values. As historian Anita Shapira pointed out, conflicting messages existed side by side in this period because of “the time that elapsed between the revolutionary process and the awareness of its consequences.”28 These dynamics were well-reflected in the 1956 Games poster, designed by Yochanan Simon.29

• 30 Out of the approximately one million immigrants who arrived in Israel during its first decade, just (...)
• 31 Discussions regarding changing the emblem of Hapoel took place over many years within the leadershi (...)

31In the poster’s center there is an athlete wearing short pants, a singlet, and athletic shoes. The athlete has a muscular and powerful physique and appears exhausted after crossing the finish line of a running race. He is gazing upwards with a weary expression. His left hand is raised, while his right is stretched backward, giving the impression that he is tearing apart two ribbons of the national blue and working-class red. In the background, one can see the number six encircle him, representing the number of games, and behind it, human faces watching the sport competition. The athlete in the poster has a Middle Eastern feature, with dark and wavy hair. The poster was created during the massive waves of immigration to Israel from Islamic countries. Many of these immigrants joined the Hapoel association, which explains the appearances of the athlete.30 Four visual elements in the poster suggest that during this period the influence of capitalist values was increasing at the expense of socialist values within Israeli society: the primary color in the poster is the national blue color, while the secondary color is the proletarian red; previous posters emphasized the marching crowd, expressing collective-socialist values, whereas in this poster the focus is on an individual athlete, highlighting his success; the poster does not feature the emblem of the Hapoel association, neither the communist hammer and sickle;31 the stylistic choice of Novecento Italiano that emphasizes movement and severity in the figure of the athlete.

• 32 The peak achievement in sports competitions was established in 1961 when the American weightlifter (...)

32The games of this period hosted national and international athletes, the latter coming from dozens of countries worldwide. The number of guest athletes increased over the years. For instance, around 600 athletes from 31 countries participated in the 1961 games, while approximately 1700 athletes from 40 countries participated in the last games held in 1995. The guest athletes were divided into two categories: working-class and other athletes. From 1961 to 1995, the Hapoel games became the main event of the CSIT. During the year of the Hapoel Games, the CSIT championships were held in the games instead of in various countries in Western Europe. As a result, hundreds of CSIT European athletes attended the games in Israel, laying the foundation for the international dimension of the games. In fact, the Hapoel games held a special standing within the CSIT, attracting many athletes. The participation of CSIT athletes played a significant role in encouraging other, non-working-class athletes from around the world to come to Israel and take part in the games, including some world-class athletes. The IOC upheld the principle of amateurism, which prevented professional athletes from participating in the Olympic Games. As a result, the organizers of the Hapoel games did not offer financial rewards for the athletes’ participation. This led to some sports competitions being held at a high international level, leading the Israeli media to refer to the games as “Mini Olympics”.32

• 33 Since 1973, the Hapoel Games have been included in the events calendar of the international sports (...)

33Between 1961 and the mid-1980s, six Hapoel games were held in Israel, with the first three occurring every five years (1961, 1966, and 1971). After the third game, it was decided to have the games every four years (1975, 1979, and 1983) in order to make them more appealing. In the Hapoel games of 1971, it became evident that the number of visiting athletes had significantly increased because many of them had come to Israel to begin their preparations for the upcoming Olympic Games, scheduled to take place in Munich a year later. Therefore, it was decided that in the future, the Hapoel games would be held every four years as a pre-Olympic event. Indeed, in the following years, the Hapoel games established themselves as a well-known pre-Olympic event.33

• 34 Since 2005, pro-Palestinian organizations have led the BDS (Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions) mov (...)

34The international organization of the games also held both diplomatic and sport-related significance for Israel. From its early days, Israel faced the danger of diplomatic isolation, as Arab countries refused to acknowledge its existence and implemented a general boycott policy known as the Arab League boycott against Israel.34 As part of this policy, the Arab League also boycotted sports competitions involving Israeli athletes and attempted to isolate Israeli sports within international organizations. In the 1950s and 1960s, Israeli sports were part of Asian sports institutions, but Israel was expelled from these institutions in the mid-1970s due to Arab League pressure. Attempts to integrate into European sports institutions as an alternative failed, as Eastern European countries, which had severed ties with Israel during the Cold War, refused to accept Israel. Israeli athletes also faced threats of terrorism, notably the tragic murder of eleven athletes at the 1972 Munich Olympics, leading many countries to hesitate in inviting Israeli athletes to international competitions. The participation of hundreds of athletes from around the world in the Hapoel games was therefore not only a show of support for Israel but also a crucial opportunity for Israeli athletes to compete internationally. The fall of communist regimes in Eastern Europe led to the restoration of diplomatic relations with many countries, allowing Israeli sports to re-enter European sport institutions and marking a shift in Israel’s international sports relations.

• 35 Miriam Kroli (1925-1994) immigrated to Israel in 1939 with her family from Austria. Kroli designed (...)

38The poster for the 1961 games which, like the poster for the 1956 games, aimed to promote the event domestically and internationally, was designed by Miriam Kroli.35

• 36 Until the 1968 Olympic Games, high jump competitors used two jumping styles: the “scissors” style, (...)

39At its center, it features an athlete performing a high jump.36 He is dressed in sports attire and painted red, the color associated with Hapoel and the CSIT. However, since red is not the dominant color in the poster, it should be regarded as a visual element with minor symbolic significance. Moreover, the poster highlights the achievement of an individual athlete, contrary to the collective and egalitarian ideas that previously guided the activities of Hapoel. In the background, a graphical element of four circles represents a stadium. On the poster, the number 7 refers to the game number, and the inscription Hapoel Games stands out on the left side. Various international flags are displayed at the bottom, with the CSIT flag positioned in the center. This visual element serves to highlight the international nature of the games.

• 37 Gabriel (1909-1992) and Maxim (1910-1990) Shpetlovitch were graphic designers who emigrated from La (...)

40The poster of the 1966 Hapoel Games was designed by two brothers, Gabriel, and Maxim Shamir.37 It features an abstract representation of a red sprinter, serving as a subtle symbolic element. In the backdrop, the number eight refers to the game number. Within the two circles comprising this number, two images emerge: a globe and a stadium, emblematic of the games’ international character.

• 38 Amir Ben Porat, How Israel Became Capitalist, op. cit., p. 13-20.

42In 1977, the Labor Party lost the elections to the Likud Party, shifting the political power to the right. Before the elections, the Likud Party promised that if it came to power it would change the economic policy previously shaped by Mapai and would further advance free market economy. However, apart from minor changes, the Likud governments continued implementing the mixed economic policy inherited from the Mapai government. Paradoxically, during the ten years that Labor Party leaders held the position of Prime Minister (Shimon Peres from 1984 to 1986, in the framework of a national union government; Yitzhak Rabin from 1992 to 1995), significant changes in the economic policy were made, turning Israel into a state with a more neo-liberal economic policy.38

• 39 Neo-liberalism is a concept used to describe an ideological perspective within capitalist thought. (...)
• 40 The term “Americanization” refers to the spread of American ideas and values in various countries. (...)

43The first dramatic change in the economic policy occurred in July 1985 when Shimon Peres, the Prime Minister, and Labor Party leader, announced an economic reform called the “Economic Stabilization Plan.” In the context of a growing inflation, this reform adopted the principles of capitalist economics in their neo-liberal version.39 The change in the economic structure deepened the Americanization of Israeli society, with television being its central tool.40 Starting in 1968, the broadcasts of the state television channel – the single one, until 1992 – were extremely popular. The most watched programs included American series like Dallas and Love Boat, as well as a local adaptation of the American children’s series, Sesame Street, renamed in Hebrew Rehov Sumsum.

• 41 The children’s TV series Sesame Street had been broadcast in the United States since 1969. In the 1 (...)

44Due to the need to increase the budget to host top international athletes, Hapoel, decided to take a fresh approach to marketing and promoting the games. The organization thus acquired the rights to use the main character of the series Rehov Sumsum, Kippi Ben Kippod (Kippi the Hedgehog), as the symbol and mascot of the games.41 This decision assumed that the figure of Kippi, whom children and young adults adored, would encourage them to attend the sporting events, ultimately increasing ticket sales.

• 42 Avner Katz (1939-2020) was a painter, illustrator of books and album covers, and a writer.

45The artist Avner Katz, who had created Kippi the Hedgehog for Rehov Sumsum )Sesame Street(, designed also the poster for Hapoel Games of 1987, which depicted Kippi as it engaged in various sports activities.42 Notably, at the bottom-right corner of the poster, there was an image of Kippi running while holding a torch, symbolizing the torch relay, inspired by the Olympic Games, and incorporated into the games for the first time. The torch itself was ceremoniously ignited at David Ben-Gurion’s gravesite in Sde Boker and then carried by a relay of 360 runners until it reached the Ramat Gan Stadium for the opening ceremony. The inclusion of the torch relay was part of a deliberate strategy to enhance public interest in the games: through the Olympic-like ritual, it suggested that the Hapoel games constituted a local Olympics. While the opening ceremonies of the games in the past had included local variations of elements of the Olympic Games, such as raising the flags and the delegation parade, adopting the rituals of the torch race, and lighting the fire of the games was part of a new marketing strategy. The goal was to send a message to the Israeli public that Hapoel games have entered the professional era in sports and were held at an Olympic level. This contrasts with the past in which the games were presented to the public as an international championship of the sport of working class. Another example of the new marketing of the games was a running competition called the “Golden Mile” that took place in the State Square in Tel Aviv. For the first time, sums of money were publicly promised in dollars to the winners of the competition. The men’s competition was won by the famous American runner, Steve Scott.

• 43 For further reading about the transformation of Zionist rituals see: Avner Ben-Amos, “Zionist Civic (...)

49A social ritual, like the Hapoel games, has a dynamic dimension that responds to larger social and political changes. Such rituals are vehicles that reflect the values of a community but can also introduce new messages and symbols, which often-become part of the community’s discourse. As a result, long-lasting social rituals may serve as efficient historical markers of social and political changes. In this article, I used the messages conveyed by promotional posters of the games to demonstrate changes in the games themselves, as well as changes in the history of the Zionist movement and the state of Israel in general, and of the labor movement in particular.43