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Women’s Safety Between Neo-Liberalization and Re-Writings of Public Spaces

Alina Dambrosio Clementelli
p. 61-75

Abstract

This contribution aims to understand the transformations and at the same time the production of public space through a strategic point of observation: women’s safety. Much research has focused on safety in public space through a gendered lens but without considering co-implications with domestic space. The literature on the relationship between women and safety has increasingly recognized the interactive nature of public and private spaces, and that this interaction is pivotal in understanding gendered social relations. Through a case study on Bolognina neighborhood in Bologna, Italy, the aim is to examine the re-configurations of spaces, looking at women’s practices. For this purpose, I draw on urban theories of social reproduction that keep private and public spaces together in everyday life. This approach shows, on the one hand, the spatialisation of women’s safety and, on the other, how women produce spaces differently and change their meanings.

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Testo integrale

1. Introduction

1In this paper, women’s safety is a strategic point of observation for the configurations of spaces in the context of the neoliberal urban processes and security discourses. The debate on women’s safety oscillates between surveys revealing gender differences perceptions and the integration of gender in planning practices. However, the first approach treats women’s unsafety as fear of crime in public spaces (Istat, 2018), considering women as a homogeneous group, while gender planning does not take into account the complexity of embodied lives and increases neoliberal urban processes (Kern, 2019). The aim is to look at the nexus between domestic and public spaces through the lens of social reproduction. This theory and method will enable to make a critical analysis of women’s safety that explores how safety and unsafety are produced in different ways, places, and scales, and seeks to understand women’s grounded experiences and perceptions on this issue, rather than relying on strategic political discourses of the media and the state.

2The literature on women’s safety has shown how gender affects the perceptions of safety in public space, because of sexual vulnerability and different socialization, which leads to incorporate prohibitions and bans on the female gender from childhood (Pain, 1991). This is a spatial expression of patriarchy also due to the public/private division in Western society as an ideological and power apparatus (Valentine, 1989). The Italian literature shows on the one hand women’s perceptions of insecurity reproduce racist and classist stereotypes (Pitch, Ventimiglia, 2001; Di Fraia, 2019) and focus just on public space. This understanding risks reinforcing the public and private dichotomy as unsafe/safe (Garreffa, 2010) and doesn’t consider how women’s fears are modified depending on their positioning, considering the intertwining of gender with other social categories (class, “race”, sexuality, etcetera) (Crenshaw, 1989).

3Some scholars (Peake, Rieker, 2013; Listerborn, 2016; Peake, 2016; Kern, 2022) have identified the need to expand our thinking to understand the impact of the imbrication of gender and neoliberalism on women’s lives. Therefore, this study frames the discourse of women’s safety in the light of urban changes and the adoption of gender mainstreaming policies to understand who these policies are addressed to, what effects they have on women’s lives and what processes produce unsafety. Through the case study of women’s safety in Bolognina neighbourhood in Bologna, Italy, this paper aims to examine the production of the spatialization of safety, redefining the meaning of safety and the re-configurations of public and private spaces. This neighborhood was selected due to the ongoing urban restructuring, which is leading to an increase in rents, calls from politicians to increase security and an increasingly negative media portrayal of the neighborhood due to its migrant population, who represent 25,5% of all residents (Municipality of Bologna, 2021). Taking into account the impact of wider processes of urban change on domestic lives, as well as the effects of women’s home-making practices on urban change, social reproduction enables to keeping public and private together in terms of a structural analysis of the gendered experiences of the everyday. Furthermore, adopting social reproduction in everyday life could be an epistemological strategy to provincialize (Butcher, Maclean, 2018) the urban theory and focus on analyzing how everyday experiences and practices affect urban change and urban theory.

2. Women’s safety within the neoliberal patriarchal city

2.1 The patriarchal nexus between public and private

4In outlining political and social definitions of public space, Semi (2020) distinguishes between two concepts: political public space and urban public space. Although not all theorisations postulate an overlap between the two terms (Amin, 2008), Habermas, ([1962] 1971) most successful theorization of the public sphere denotes a body of individuals who collectively discuss what is of common interest and accessible to all. The Habermasian concept of the public sphere underlines a social order that keeps the state and society separate and excludes anything considered non-rational. On a symbolic level, the public sphere contributes significantly to the definition of “citizenship” (Weber, 2003; Habermas, 2005), and although it does not directly overlap with the public sphere, it is established in opposition to the private sphere.

  • 1 This led to the identification of women with the home, with specific implications in the constructi (...)

5However, gender analysis has shown that public space is not neutral (Fraser, 1990; Rose, 1993; Massey, 1994) and has demonstrated how it produces and is a product of specific social meanings and dynamics (Borghi, Rondinone, 2009), such as racialised and gendered power asymmetries. The dichotomy between public and private is at the origin of the structuration of a patriarchal city in the Western context and manifests itself in a symbolic dimension as well as in its material spatial organization. The “naturalization” of this division has defined the subordinate role of women and the idea that the female body in public space is “out of place” (McDowell, 1983). According to Pain (1991; 2001), this attempt to confine women to the domestic sphere can be interpreted as a specific spatial and social control to maintain the subordination of women. Consequently, the characterisation of public space as a space of fear can be considered a spatial expression of patriarchy (Valentine, 1989). Therefore, spaces are not only gendered but also reflect and influence the way in which gender1 is constructed.

6Moreover, as noted by Fraser (1990), the Halberstamian concept of the public sphere is an abstract and homogeneous model that ignores power relations and differences. According to her view, the oscillation between the physical and material space and the political arena creates ambiguities. While this distinction could provide some analytical insights to highlight processes and transformations, it is not so at the conceptual level, because the space is the result of structural processes that affect both political space and urban space since they not only co-implicate but also overlap and/or conflict with each other. In other words, there is a connection between power and spatial organisation, but because space is always political, it is also contestable. In this regard, Castelli (2019) overcomes this duality and points to the spatiality of politics. This understanding takes distance from the Habermas conception of the public sphere and emphasises the relational and affective dimension, gendered and material nature of bodies, looking at collective practises. Indeed, feminist struggles and reflection have questioned the public and private dichotomy of making personal political, and have re-signified what means political (Dominijanni, 2009). Through the re-definition of politics, the public space emerges as plural and embodied.

  • 2 The feminization of work describes not only the composition of force-labour but also how the produc (...)

7However, neoliberalism has reconfigured the private-public dichotomy, producing also the privatization of public space through security policies and commercialization. On the other hand, the feminization2 of work (Morini, 2010) made the household also a productive place and the city a place of reproductive work in terms of externalized and privatized services. Indeed, according to the geographer Massey’s (1994) conceptualization of space, it is a social geometry of power and meaning that is constantly changing, never given or resolved. This perspective suggests that there are multiple levels that simultaneously intersect or are antagonistic, and space is experienced and interpreted differently by those who occupy different positions within them due to social relations. For this reason, understanding public spaces requires situating them within their socio-political context to comprehend how they have changed. For this purpose, looking at the safety of women could be a strategic point of observation.

2.2 Neoliberalization of safety

8Some scholars (Helms et al., 2007) point out an increasing intertwining of social policy and urban programs as well as an urban policy permeated with policies of security, governance, social regulation and the containment of disorder. They argue that one of the consequences of this approach has been to homogenize certain spaces and to commodify security, with fear becoming a driver of urban renewal (Smith, 1996). These processes of urban regeneration tend to increase the attractiveness of neighbourhoods and cities, rather than to reduce inequalities. The term “domestication”, as conied by Zukin (1998), refers to the process by which some spaces with various economic and social issues are transformed into more habitable and attractive areas through redevelopment interventions. Therefore, it also refers to the process of corrosion of the public nature through the policies of security and control, social homogenization, commercialization and restricted access (Mazzette, 2014).

9Feminist scholarship on geographies of fear have shown as women’s fear becomes an integral part of neoliberal urban programs that seek to improve the safety of some groups, expelling “others” (Curran, 2004; Pain, 2009; Kern, 2022). According to Kern (2010), implementing security features in urban areas considered dangerous could attract investments while promoting a commodified and privatised lifestyle for women, but Verloo (2005) suggests that this approach risks reducing gender to a depoliticised category. As a result, fear and unsafety are turned into products that are used to serve processes of capitalist appropriation which often reintegrate women’s experience of fear.

10At the same time, women’s safety is becoming an aim in European plans, also due to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development elaborated by the Un. As a result, gender mainstreaming policies, such as gender planning or the development of safety applications, are increasingly being adopted in the planning of public spaces. However, critics of gender mainstreaming question about the meaning of gender and who is included or excluded from the strategy, and whether gender equality is reduced to including of women in continuing previous policies (Eveline, Bacchi, 2005; Custodi et al., 2020).

11Drawing on a critical criminological approach, a second strand of research highlights the link between security policies and women’s unsafety (Simone, 2010; Peroni, 2018; Fusco, 2021; Pitch, 2022), showing how gender becomes central to the process of criminalising migrants to justify security policies (Simone, 2010), while perceptions of women’s unsafety also reproduce racist and classist stereotypes (Pitch, Ventimiglia, 2001; Di Fraia, 2019). This issue arises from the interpretation of gender-based violence as a matter of “public order”, which provokes the implementation of Cctv and lighting systems that reinforce control and contribute to mechanisms of women’s self-exclusion from spaces (Koskela, 2002; Macchi, 2006; Garreffa, 2010). According to Garreffa (2010), these policies pursue specific objectives that, aim to on the one hand strengthen the link between security and public order, on the other hand, identify a greater risk in the behaviour of women and, consequently, to attribute blame to them. As noted by Pitch (2022), this tendency is due to the individualization of risk within the neoliberal government which obscures the social bond and creates the perfect victim figure, overlapping with the female gender, in the name of which securitarian measures are promoted. On the other hand, some researchers (Belingardi et al., 2019; 2020; Bonu Rosenkranz et al., 2023) point out how some feminist practices upset the security discourse and at the same time turned into some urban emotions, such as fear or unsafety, in political one through repossession of public spaces and creating space of self-determination (Belingardi et al., 2020).

12However, focusing exclusively on public space risks reinforcing the public/private dichotomy of unsafe versus safe, and fails to consider how women’s fears are modified by their positioning, given the intertwining of gender with other social categories (class, “race”, sexuality, etc.) (Crenshaw, 1989). Indeed, recent literature on the relationship between women and safety acknowledges the interplay between public and private spaces and highlights its significance in shaping gendered social relations (Listerborn, 2016; Blunt, Sheringham, 2019). For this reason, I will utilise the lens of social reproduction that could emphasize social ontology as something shaped and reshaped in everyday life (Ruddick et al., 2017). The focus on everyday life as a site of social reproduction and shaped by the praxis of the subjectivities enables us to keep private and public together and at the same how women produce space differently in everyday life.

3. Describing Bolognina neighborhood

13Bolognina was a semi-central district in the medium-sized city of Bologna in north-central Italy. It was a former working-class district, both in terms of its demographic composition and the presence of several metal-working industries.

14During the 1980s, the tertiarisation of the economy, deindustrialisation and migratory flows profoundly changed the composition of the population, causing a shift from homogeneity to heterogeneity (Scandurra, 2016). Bolognina had a left-wing political tradition, reinforced and re-signified by several grassroots political experiences, such as a socio-cultural centre, XM24, and housing squats, now completely evicted. Moreover, 20.4% of residential buildings are public housing, and according to a 2018 study (Nomisma, 2021), the highest number of requests for public housing, 8,3%, are located in the Navile district, which comprehends Bolognina.

15Since the 2000s, Bolognina has been at the centre of a redevelopment project to extend the city centre to a semi-central area (Bazzoli, 2018), reinforced by the “Rigenerazione Bolognina” project3 funded by Pnrr4. In 2008, these urban changes became more visible: the new building of the municipality and then, in 2013, the implementation of the high-speed railway also changed the urban users of the district. In addition, two “luxury” student residences opened in the district in recent years, such as The Student Hotel in 2020 and Beyoo in 2022, and the opening of the “Public Housing Museum” was planned as part of the wider “City of Knowledge” project (Municipality of Bologna, 2022). The neighbourhood was also at the top of the political agenda for security issues, reinforced by an “Integrated Security Pact” agreement. Through an analysis of local online newspapers on the occasion of the 2021 municipal elections, a media narrative of Bolognina depicts neighbourhood as an unsafe place due to the drug trafficking and robberies. Parallel to this narrative, another one emerged describing new cultural events and initiatives in the neighbourhood, especially around the redevelopment area.

16In addition, in 2017, the centre-left government of Bologna promoted the mapping of “safe” areas and streets for women, in collaboration with the app Wher, based on crowdsourcing mapping. The idea was for areas of the city to be rated by the app’s users according to the following specific indicators: perception of safety, brightness, crowd of people and risk of harassment. The presentation of the map reproduced a media narrative and fixed the neighbourhoods as a map of fear. Comments from app users focus on the presence or absence of specific undesirable/desirable categories, with the ethnic component being central (Dambrosio Clementelli, forthcoming).

17Recently, the Municipality has announced that it will implement gender-sensitive planning5 in a slow-moving part of Bologna as part of a larger project, “Bologna Climate Action and Urban Regeneration”6, financed by the Eib to the tune of 50 million in the fields of transport, urban development and education. The Eib has played a key role in Bologna’s urban development since the 1990s. indeed, Bologna was the first city to receive indeed a loan from the Eib for urban development (Carbonaro, Pancotti, 2019).

4. Methodology

18Methodologically, I drew on home-city geographies (Blunt, 2019) that pointed out the porosity of boundaries between home and the city and the mutually constitutive nature of both. Rather than focus either on the domestic sphere or the city as home, this approach investigates the mutually constitutive, differentiated and often precarious spaces and experiences of home on different scales. For this reason, I used different tools that grasp women’s points of view and employed mobile research tools such as walking interviews and mapping exercises to investigate daily routines and paths (Elliot, Urry, 2010; Kinney, 2017). Specifically, I conducted in-depth interviews with 22 women, all cis-gender, ranging in age from 20 to 60 years old. Among the participants, seven had migration backgrounds. Moreover, taking inspiration from Baxter and colleagues (2021) who employed a hybrid mapping technique, I incorporated mapping into the production of photographs taken by the participants themselves in this study to analyze visual data. My research was shaped by my personal experiences in Bolognina. Nonetheless, I encountered challenges in recruiting Black and migrant women for interviews, attributed in part to their restricted working hours and my whiteness.

19Moreover, to address the issue of proximity and focus on the utilization of public space, I combined interviews and ethnographic observations as data triangulation. The observation involved identifying who is visible in public areas, when and where.

20All interviews were in Italian and were transcribed by me. The data analysis was conducted using NVivo and followed an inductive approach through thematic analysis to identify recurring themes and discursive strategies. The analysis entailed coding each interview for identified themes and utilizing participant-proximal codes. Subsequently, common categories were identified among the interviews according to a higher level of abstraction, in line with theoretical perspectives. Then, the maps of the women were analysed in comparison to those of Wher, considering areas of overlap and discrepancy, focusing on interviewees’ discourses.

5. Re-writing maps

21The analysis of women dwellers in Bolognina showed how women’s maps emerged differently according to the positionality of subjectivities and material conditions. These maps facilitated a biographical narrative that redefined unsafety by linking it with precariousness, as evidenced by rising rents, limited housing accessibility, and a lack of public policies for mothers, especially those experiencing job loss.

22The study on women’s daily lives highlighted the changes in maps concerning diachronic aspects, including day and night and life stages, alterations of spatial perceptions, and racialization processes. The absence of community relationships exacerbated unsafe perceptions and reinforced the notion of home as a safe space.

I don’t hang out with people from the neighborhood, sometimes I talk to neighbors in the flat, but I’ve never managed to build relationships with the people I see every day in the dog area. Let’s say I haven’t been able to meet people – let’s say – nice people who are willing to create a dialogue […] I think for every person, before the neighborhood or the city, it’s the home first … It has to be a place that gives you safety. I mean, it’s the first feeling you get when you enter the house, that is, if you can feel good in your house. Home for me is safety. I think it is very important how you feel at home, inside. When you close the door and go in. At least in that moment you can be yourself (K17_34).

23Home becomes a personal space free of social expectations, as opposed to the male gaze that objectifies female bodies and makes them “out of place” in public spaces.

24On the other hand, the visibility of Black women redefined the female subject from an object to be protected to an “undesirable” object to be controlled, especially by the police. The process of racialisation of the black body revealed power relations in which the assumption of gender appeared to be exclusively limited.

I remember this episode. My white friends were walking and I called out to them and they turned around. The police let them pass even though they were checking people on foot. My friends stopped with me and we wanted to pass, of course they stopped us, I think because I was there. Well, they asked for our papers and said: “Ah, but where’s your residence permit? I said: “Look at my identity card – I’m Italian – Let’s see if I need a residence permit’. So the policeman says: “What have we got to do with that? My friend didn’t have any papers, but she was Italian, there was this other one who looked Italian, but she was Serbian and she didn’t have any papers. Policeman says: «Ah, but you’re not Italian, then we have to take you home, I mean your black friend is Italian, you don’t have citizenship» (C22_31).

25Looking at different positionalities, unsafety was also linked to displacement as a result of the loss of social, cultural and emotional landmarks. Ahmed (1999, 343) underlined that «what migration narratives involve, then, is a spatial reconfiguration of an embodied self because of a spatial and temporal dislocation» but involved also a ri-territorialisation of the subject through the creation of a transnational affective map which meant subjectivation.

I remembered that image when I had just arrived […] with that feeling of disorientation, the lack of landmarks […] I remember leaving long audios to my friends, my point was still there … but not only there in Brazil, so that feeling of unsafety, not knowing where to lean, with no ties, places where I could recognise myself[…] So it was all kind of … so to build. I wasn’t scared of a mugging, but I felt uncertain about where I was and who I am. I mean, I knew what I wanted to do, but now here, what can I do? Uncertainty about where I am, who I am, and what I want to do. I mean, I knew what I wanted to do, but now here, what can I do? (R21_47).

26As this quote showed, the redrawing of maps of affect, made up of places, and moments of sociability allows women to remake their subjectivity. A comparison of the women’s maps confirmed the idea of home as a safe place, but its meaning was different. In this regard, the notion of safety overlapped with that of home, in terms of “belonging to” or “being at home”, it didn’t oppose public space and challenged the traditional notion of home as a fixed concept, while home emerged as a mobile concept that went beyond the domestic boundaries. In other words, home was the result of territorialisation processes that consisted of inhabiting the territory (a temporisation of space), and at the same time, rearticulated the affective relations transnationally (Macgregor Wise, 2000).

6. Home-making practices

27Everyday and routine habits played a role in shaping social and relational geographies, ultimately leading to the re-signification of the neighbourhood as a place, creating new narratives on the neighbourhood and acting as “counter-maps” to the administrative boundaries of it. As some women ironically claimed, Bolognina syndrome indicated the deep-rooted lives of those in Bolognina.

I’ve never felt unsafe going out at night to be… on the contrary, I mean, Bolognina is really home […] You have to know that those who live in Bolognina hardly ever cross Ponte Matteotti. We are … here [indicates Matteotti bridge] it’s as if there was a gate, [laughs] we don’t move. Then in winter, it’s almost impossible for you to cross the bridge at all. We are very, very sectoral (G3_37).

28Indeed, Bolognina was represented as a “home”, understood as an affective and relational space (Ahmed, 1999). In this sense, home and family overlap, yet their significance aligns with the neighbourhood, where women’s everyday lives created affective maps of other intimacies, friendships or political communities. As shown in the following quote:

I picked these locations as they’re places I usually visit. I’m illustrating a triangle that connects my home, our home, and two friends’ homes. My extended family often meet in Parco della Zucca, a small but interesting park that reflects the neighborhood (B2_46).

29The relationship between “feeling at home” and the “family” metaphor revealed a concept of home as a place of family. However, the boundaries of definitions of “family” and “home” were extended beyond traditional ties and produced different kinships. Indeed, the creation of affective space was a pivotal element in the perceptions of safety despite the presence of male spaces at the same time was based on social capital that facilitates mutual-aid. In this way, the notion of safety was linked to the idea of “home-making”, which was influenced by emotional networks, meaning that the physical location was intertwined with the social dimension. Furthermore, in the face of prescribed spatial planning and management, everyday practices changed their utility value. As an example, the reopening of Tettoia Nervi was covered by the media and launched as a new square in the neighborhood. The square was located between the new town hall and the former fruit and vegetable market and was planned to host cultural events during the summer. The socialising of a portion of child care in a public square subverted the patriarchal dichotomy between domestic and private spaces, not only in terms of the visibility of an activity that “belonged” to the private sphere, but also in terms of opposing the collective dimension to the privatised one, and also made it possible to strengthen relations in the neighborhood. Thus, instead of the concept of “home”, these practices were focused on “home-making” and producing what Giddens (1984) called “ontological security” while also creating counter-public spaces (Fraser, 1990). These practices redefined the conventional gendered role of motherhood and resisted the privatisation of arenas used for commercial cultural events, as the quote argued:

30We are mothers from Bolognina who visit the Nervi Tettoia space with our children. Together with the children of the area, we have created paths of friendship and solidarity, and we work with various organisations in the area to promote good practices in community life. Unfortunately, we were upset by the absence of washrooms, bins, and a drinking fountain. Therefore, what is the aim of this operation to restore access to the Nervi Tettoia? If this area was truly a public square, then the council should provide the necessary community infrastructure for our popular neighbourhood, instead of wasting resources on ornamental additions such as olive trees, neon lights, and even centrifuges.

31The use of ontological security was based on the reinterpretation of Giddens’ concept of space by Helbrecht and colleagues (2021), which provided a spatial understanding. The sense of belonging was associated with the production of affective spaces and home-making, which was not directly related to physical place, but home referred to the meaning of well-being. For the authors, the feeling and the geographical imagination were closely linked to ontological security, because «what it requires is a subject who feels emotionally attached to their environment- the subject has to “occupy” this place both physically and mentally» (ivi, 7). On the other hand, they challenged public space as a square but produced public space materially and politically. Following Fraser’s concept of the public sphere arising from social conflict, mothers of Bolognina simultaneously created alternative public spaces and counter-publics. This concept highlighted the process of subjectification of those groups historically excluded from the public sphere, who invented and circulated counter-discourses that allowed them to express their identities, interests and needs. Therefore, the public space was never a pacified space, but always contested due to the involvement of multiple actors.

7. Conclusion

32These maps are the result of multiple layers that assemble emotions, experiences, narratives and images about the neighborhood and the spaces they inhabit, from which emerge the practices of home-making as part of public space and vice versa. Furthermore, studying the affective space allows us to interpret the production of safety in Bolognina in a way that takes into account the diversity and multiplicity of subjective experiences and the way public and private life are intertwined.

33The spatialisation of safety through social reproduction demonstrates a connection between the nationalistic discourse on safety and its neoliberalisation as distinct modes of social hierarchy production. In this framework, the securitarian logic identifies the home – as homeland – as the safe space and specularly creates the figure of the “threat”, such as migrants and racialised people, reinforcing pre-established gender roles and a division between public and private space, while gender mainstreaming doesn’t take different positionalities into account. The securitarian logic is intertwined with gender mainstreaming policies that target a specific interlocutor: the white, cis-gendered, able-bodied, maternal, upper-middle-class woman.

34As Gago (2021) notes, neoliberalism redefines gender-based violence as unsafety, deploying responses that demand greater control, thus framing violence as a general issue of unsafety and reinforcing racist, sexist and class hierarchies. However, the perception of safety is based on a feeling of “at-homeness,” which is related to multiple spatialities (occasional and durational) that reframe traditional spatial boundaries.

35Overall, the study shows that the connection between spaces and everyday practices plays a role in shaping safety as a practice. When public spaces are prioritized for profit-driven purposes, women’s safety is commodified and targeted. Recognising the intertwined factors that shape both perceptions and material dimensions in urban areas therefore leads to a complex notion of safety, taking into account the role of gendered hierarchies, systemic violence and neoliberalism in creating unequal power dynamics. Women challenge dominant discourses and reshape the significance and worth of public spaces through counter-public spaces and home-making practices, establishing places of belonging. On the other hand, looking at the relationships between spaces and practices leads to a critical examination of the ways in which our urban spaces affect different women. Finally, in this study, public spaces emerge from the dialectics between securitarian and neoliberal logics that reproduce hierarchies, and collective and grounded interventions that generate co-creation, mutual support and belonging. As Kern (2019, 289) argues «There are little feminist cities sprouting up in neighbourhoods all over the place […] The feminist city is an ongoing experiment in living differently, living better, and living more justly in an urban world».

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Note

1 This led to the identification of women with the home, with specific implications in the construction of the meaning of women and public space as a place of politics, of production, of the masculine.

2 The feminization of work describes not only the composition of force-labour but also how the productive sphere is based on the reproductive one compressing the distinction of time of work and life and assigning gendered characteristics to the whole social organization (Morini, 2010).

3 http://www.comune.bologna.it/media/files/bolognina_trasformazioni_lug2017_def.pdf (consulted on 4/01/2023).

4 Pnrr is the National Recovery and Resilience Plan, a government instrument which uses Next Generation Europe funds that aims to make Italy more equitable, sustainable and inclusive after Covid-19 pandemic crisis.

5 http://comunicatistampa.comune.bologna.it/2023/8-marzo-bologna-sperimenta-urbanistica-di-genere(consulted 9/03/2023).

6 https://www.eib.org/en/projects/pipelines/all/20210394 (consulted 14/03/2023).

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Notizia bibliografica

Alina Dambrosio Clementelli, «Women’s Safety Between Neo-Liberalization and Re-Writings of Public Spaces»Quaderni di Sociologia, 91 - LXVII | 2023, 61-75.

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Alina Dambrosio Clementelli, «Women’s Safety Between Neo-Liberalization and Re-Writings of Public Spaces»Quaderni di Sociologia [Online], 91 - LXVII | 2023, online dal 01 avril 2024, consultato il 23 juin 2024. URL: http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/qds/6803; DOI: https://0-doi-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/10.4000/qds.6803

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Alina Dambrosio Clementelli

Department of Social and Political Sciences - University of Milan

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