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The Revenge of the Refugee: the Expulsion of Scholars in the Late Classical Period and the Power of their Reactions in Literature and Politics

La vengeance du réfugié: les expulsions des érudits au cours de la basse époque classique et la force de leurs réactions dans la littérature et la politique
Jason R. Harris
p. 265-287

Résumés

Une multitude de processus de mobilité à grande échelle (la colonisation, des déplacements forcés) altérèrent radicalement l’environnement sociopolitique du monde grec ancien. Les migrations à petite échelle, notamment la constitution des cours érudites et des communautés philosophiques en Sicile, rassemblèrent des intellectuels du bassin méditerranéen. Même si les cours des tyrans syracusains attirèrent de nombreux savants éminents, bon nombre d’entre eux furent finalement expulsés en raison de la jalousie et de la méfiance des tyrans à leur égard. Mais alors qu’ils se transformèrent en réfugiés politiques qui devaient connaître la rupture, la peur et le déshonneur, leur statut privilégié et leur accès aux réseaux de contacts leur permirent de changer l’équilibre de pouvoir entre eux et ces souverains. Ce chapitre examine les aventures de quatre érudits (Timée, Philoxène, Platon et Dion) pour identifier les effets de ces expériences traumatisantes sur leur production littéraire et leurs positions politiques. Par conséquent, leurs ripostes et leur capacité à influencer la littérature et la politique de leur temps leur permirent de passer d’identité de réfugiés impuissants à celle d’acteurs majeurs qui utilisèrent leur mobilité pour instaurer des changements qui remirent en question l’autorité des tyrans. 

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  • 1 I especially would like to thank Laura Loddo for allowing me to present these ideas at her conferen (...)
  • 2 For discussion of voluntary and involuntary migration, see Garland, 2014, especially p. 82-86 and V (...)
  • 3 For large-scale forced migration in Sicily, see Harris, 2018 and Lomas, 2006.
  • 4 Two poignant examples appear in Diod. Sic. 13.89 and 13.111.3-6, with the hasty departure of the in (...)
  • 5 For Clearchus and his relationship with scholars, see Harris, 2017.
  • 6 For networks of philosophers and their effects on society, see Haake, 2019.

1Throughout the annals of Greek history remain countless narratives of migration, as colonization, stasis, and warfare encouraged (or forced) Greeks to move throughout the Mediterranean.1 This often involuntary migration included large-scale mass migration, as thousands lost their homes, social status, and political rights.2 Classical Sicily was the locus of such mobility, as whole cities were uprooted and groups of exiles scattered abroad.3 While these migrants often appear pathetic, devoid of power and at the whim of fate,4 another category of travelers provides an interesting juxtaposition. Under the tyrants of Syracuse (e.g. Hieron and the Dionysii) the small-scale migration of scholars created courts with literary, philosophical, and political influence. Other leaders in the pre-Hellenistic Greek world (e.g. Philip II) employed small- and large-scale migration to combat external threats and to build their empires, while other tyrants (e.g. Clearchus of Heraclea Pontica) also expelled elites and scholars (two of whom, Chion and Leon, murdered him after spending time at the Academy).5 Yet no expulsions of court members had greater effect on literature and politics as those under Dionysius I (ruled 405-367 BC) and Dionysius II (ruled 367-357 and 346-344 BC). As analyzed below, these court members often were expelled under the tyrant’s anger or suspicion and suffered the same experiences of rupture, loss, and shame as other refugees. Yet even after their departure, these elite men still could access powerful social networks.6 While they lost their status at the court, they maintained their agency, as they gained support from their elite friends abroad. Their reactions regarding their expulsion, a rapid change from voluntary to involuntary migration, acted as an impetus for further action against the tyrant. In a volume dedicated to the political refugee, the refugee often becomes a victim and passive actor after a political event forces them from their community. What happens, however, when the elite political refugee uses his experience to become a political agent and to enact change?

  • 7 For these networks of philia, see Herman, 1987, especially p. 44-54. For Greek social networks in g (...)

2This article focuses on two main themes that answer this question: 1) the ways in which personal experiences of their expulsion affect the literary works of refugees and 2) the political ramifications of their reactions that directly derive from their access to social networks throughout the Greek Mediterranean.7 We will briefly evaluate four case studies of literati (Timaeus, Philoxenus, Plato, and Dion), although their stories are not the same. For example, Timaeus never spent time at a court of a Syracusan tyrant, Plato and Philoxenus had homes to which they could return after their expulsion, and Dion provides no extant literary works as evidence of his revenge against his enemies. Nevertheless, each of these examples could/did use their connections within the literary and philosophical communities to damage the reputation and political standing of the tyrant through their attacks on his character. By mining through the extant sources, we see that negative biases and various topoi about the tyrant (cruelty, sacrilege, barbarity) were common in literature, tropes that could distort the historical reliability of sources. Yet, as we discuss below, these damaging topoi were not random but were intentional creations by the very victims of expulsion in order to produce real political damage to the tyrant.

1. The view from Athens: the exile of Timaeus and his disgust for Agathocles

  • 8 Tauromenium had been repurposed as a garrison by Dionysius I after 392 BC (Diod. Sic. 14.96.4). For (...)
  • 9 The title was (Σικελικαὶ) Ἱστορίαι or Ἰταλικὰ καὶ Σικελικά; cf. Suda, s.v. Τίμαιος (= FGrH 566 T1). (...)
  • 10 Diod. Sic. 21.17.1 (= FGrH 566 T4a) notes that Timaeus was banished from Sicily by Agathocles (φυγα (...)
  • 11 Scholars have debated whether Timaeus left Sicily in the 330s or 310s. Brown, 1958, p. 1-10 argues (...)

3We begin our analysis with Timaeus, the influential Hellenistic historian. It may seem odd to begin with Timaeus, as he was not a court member and lived mainly later during the Hellenistic period. Nevertheless, as he was a refugee due to the actions of a tyrant and sought revenge through his writings, he provides useful comparisons with our other case studies. Timaeus was a Tauromenian by birth, as his father Andromachus had re-founded the city in 358/7 BC and remained as leader under Timoleon.8 Timaeus did not follow his father’s political career but wrote a substantial history of Sicily in thirty-eight books,9 while living abroad for fifty years in Athens, during and after Agathocles’ rule (317-289 BC).10 The chronology of Timaeus’ life and his fifty-year exile in Athens, perhaps beginning in c.315 after the taking of Tauromenium, has been debated by scholars,11 as has his possible return to Sicily before his death in the 260s. Regardless of the circumstances of his exile, the rule of Agathocles was the primary factor for Timaeus’ long exile.

  • 12 Polyb. 12.26b.4 (τοσαύτην ποιεῖται σπουδὴν περὶ τοῦ τὴν μὲν Σικελίαν μεγαλομερεστέραν ποιῆσαι τῆς σ (...)
  • 13 Diod. Sic. 5.3.1-3 (= FGrH 566 F164) for the rape of Persephone at Enna and Diod. Sic. 5.2.4 (= FGr (...)
  • 14 Polyb. 12.23.6-7 (= FGrH 566 F119a) famously complains that Timaeus vaunts the success of Timoleon, (...)
  • 15 Feeney, 2007, p. 44-52 analyzes synchronization in Timaeus and notes the theme of competition with (...)

4His identity as exile appears in several themes within his Histories, especially the preeminence given to Sicily, the island from which he was forced to flee. So great is this focus that Polybius categorizes Timaeus’ writings as a Lokalgeschichte that over-inflates the importance of Sicily’s history compared to Greece.12 Thus, Timaeus publicizes the transfer of the standard myth locations from mainland Greece to Sicily, including the rape of Persephone at Enna and the provision of grain by Demeter to the Sicilians before the Athenians.13 This pride in Sicily also appears in his positive portrayal of Sicilian leaders, especially Timoleon, whose kindness to Timaeus’ father was repaid through his characterization as a shrewd leader with rhetorical prowess.14 Finally, his use of synchronization between Sicilian and mainland Greek events stresses the competition between Sicily, the land of his birth, and Athens, the city of his exile.15 Although Timaeus was far from his homeland, his homeland was not far from his mind, as Sicily became the center of Timaeus’ works after he was de-centered from his homeland. This focus on Sicily reflects a type of nostalgia in an author whose nostos was long-delayed by his forced absence by Agathocles.

  • 16 One myth of Gelon concerning his rescue from death by a wolf as a child is repeated in Tzetz. Chil. (...)
  • 17 Brown, 1958, p. 75-79 evaluates Dionysius I in the works of Timaeus.
  • 18 The scholium to Aeschines 2, 10 (= FGrH 566 F29) notes ἀλάστωρ ἐστὶ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ ᾽Ιταλίας, καὶ (...)
  • 19 See Vattuone, 2002, p. 192-203 for an analysis of Agathocles’ portrayal in Timaeus.
  • 20 Diod. Sic. 21.17.1-3.
  • 21 Polyb. 12.15 (= FGrH 566 F124b) notes the glut of insults about Agathocles, cf. Baron, 2009.
  • 22 Diod. Sic. 15.35.2 (= FGrH 566 F124c).
  • 23 Diod. Sic. 19.3.1-2, cf. Just. Epit. 31.1.3-5.
  • 24 Diod. Sic. 19.7-8.

5Another effect of his exile appears in his negative treatment of tyranny and the Syracusan tyrants. While Gelon is portrayed as a great basileus and the defender of the Sicilian Greeks from the barbarian,16 the Dionysii receive a far more damning judgment in Timaeus. He subverts several synchronisms and omens concerning the birth of Dionysius I and his destiny as a strong leader that previously had been promulgated as positive propaganda by the historian Philistus to now reflect Dionysius’ barbarity and tyrannical nature.17 For example, the dream scene of a Himeran woman, which portrayed a red-haired giant shackled at the feet of Zeus, that originally showed Dionysius as a divinely destined conqueror of Italy and Sicily now identifies the tyrant as a rascally destroyer of the island.18 Most of Timaeus’ scorn, however, was heaped on Agathocles, the banisher and bane of his existence, who became the epitome of the debauched tyrant and the antithesis of the great basileus.19 So savage was the treatment of Agathocles that later historians scolded Timaeus for deliberately falsifying information to sully the reputation of the tyrant. Diodorus Siculus devotes part of his narrative to mentioning the biased nature of Timaeus’ Agathoclean narrative,20 and Polybius famously reproaches Timaeus for his pikria, or bitterness, that produced insults and lies due to his exile.21 This disparaging treatment of Agathocles begins from his birth, as Timaeus insults a) his low status as a potter that reflects his barbarism and unworthiness as leader,22 b) his sexual depravity through his prostitute-like relationship with the Syracusan noble Damas and his widow,23 and c) his extreme violence and cruelty when massacring his own citizens after seizing power.24 Although Agathocles wished to follow in the footsteps of Hellenistic kings by calling himself basileus, Timaeus portrays Agathocles as the antithesis of a lawful and just king.

  • 25 Diod. Sic. 19.2.2-8. Just. Epit. 22.1.6 notes that Agathocles received citizenship later. For analy (...)
  • 26 Diod. Sic. 19.4.1-2.
  • 27 Diod. Sic. 20.68-69, cf. Just. Epit. 22.8. For Timaean passages in the African campaign, see Pearso (...)

6Most strikingly, the passages filtered through Timaeus that appear in Diodorus Siculus and Justin capture the image of Agathocles as a refugee and migrant himself, who also involuntarily experienced exile or flight. Agathocles was the son of the exile Carcinus, who first traveled to Thermae (a “barbarian” city of the Carthaginians) and married a native woman who became pregnant with the tyrant. Because an omen brought by Carthaginian envoys from Delphi stated that the child would cause great misfortune to Sicily, he was exposed but taken in and raised in another home. Only later was he adopted by Carcinus and received Syracusan citizenship after moving there.25 In this narrative, extreme displacement and mobility are central themes of his childhood, movement echoed in his later life as a voluntary exile in Croton, who was then driven out to Tarentum and served as a mercenary.26 Even during his great military campaign in Africa, Agathocles is portrayed as slinking away at night and abandoning his sons to their death to flee from Libya, an absent figure when peace was made with the Carthaginians.27 Unlike Timaeus, the stable citizen from an elite family who stayed away from Sicily for honorable reasons as not to support a tyranny, Agathocles was shown either as a) a passive foreign migrant from lowly barbarian roots or b) an active participant in movement who willingly left his homeland to partake in unsavory activities. Thus, Timaeus sought revenge on Agathocles through his writings by portraying him as the antithesis of a noble and heroic king.

  • 28 Baron, 2013, p. 52-57 summarizes the use of Timaeus in various authors, including Athenaeus, Plutar (...)
  • 29 For contemporary and later sources concerning Agathocles that counter his barbaric image, see Conso (...)
  • 30 For the depiction of Timaeus as Ἐπιτίμαιος, see Ath. 6.103.272b and his entry in the Suda. Momiglia (...)
  • 31 For discussion of Polybius’ denigration of Timaeus, see Polyb. 12.25 and Sacks, 1981, p. 31-48.
  • 32 Baron, 2013, p. 113-137 argues that the polemical nature of scholarly research was common in Athens (...)

7While Timaeus successfully took his revenge for his exile in the literary realm, one wonders whether Timaeus affected the hegemony of Agathocles at that time. From a literary perspective, his depiction of Agathocles harmed the tyrant’s reputation and legacy. Parts of Timaeus’ work accepted as historical fact in later sources, including Diodorus Siculus, cemented the derogatory picture of Sicilian tyranny as epitomized by Agathocles.28 Nevertheless, contemporary authors (e.g. Duris of Samos) countered this wholly negative image,29 while Polybius even praised his rise to power and military success. From a political perspective, Timaeus was even less effective. This ineffectiveness stems from two causes, first from his lack of participation in Athenian sociopolitical networks. Judging from the testimonia, his pedantic and crabby behavior with other scholars earned him the pun-nickname Epitimaios (the fault-finder), and he seemingly avoided membership in any philosophical school.30 He also is censured for being out of touch with political and military affairs and for being an armchair historian who did not practice autopsia.31 While this assertion may stem from Polybius’ desire to replace Timaeus as the historian of Rome, no other ancient scholars come to Timaeus’ aid to combat this view. The view of Timaeus as totally isolated from public life and not integrated into Athens during his fifty-year sojourn may be extreme, as he certainly took part in the intellectual world of Athens.32 Nevertheless, his absence in influential sociopolitical networks during his exile would hamper his ability to harm Agathocles’ rule.

  • 33 For discussion of oligarchic and tyrannical rule in Athens during this time, see Habicht, 1997.
  • 34 For links between Athens and the West during this time, see Baron, 2013, p. 95-105.
  • 35 Diod. Sic. 20.40.1-4 and Consolo Langher, 1993, p. 346-352.
  • 36 Diod. Sic. 20.40.5-7 and Just. Epit. 22.7.4.
  • 37 Plut. Pyrrh. 10.7.
  • 38 Diod. Sic. 21.15 and 21.16.5, with Just. Epit. 23.2, for the guest exchange between Agathocles the (...)
  • 39 Diod. Sic. 21.17.1 (= FGrH 566 F124d) states: ζῶντα μὲν ἀμύνασθαι τὸν δυνάστην οὐκ ἴσχυσε.

8The second cause of ineffectiveness lies in the lack of continuous contact between the spheres of influence under Agathocles/Sicily and Hellenistic Athens. During Timaeus’ exile, Athens bounced between the leadership of Demetrius of Phalerum, the tyranny of Lachares, and a regime under Demetrius Poliorcetes, with the occasional appearance of democracy.33 During this period, due to Athens’ relationship with Carthage and due to the Sicilian grain trade with Athens, opportunities arose for economic and political relations between Athens and the Western Mediterranean.34 Nevertheless, within historiographical sources, direct political links between Sicily (i.e. Agathocles) and Athens rarely appear, except in two main instances. Ophellas, the leader of Cyrene, had approached Agathocles for an alliance c. 308 BC but became his victim after being tricked and murdered.35 This Ophellas had married an Athenian woman (Euthydice, daughter of Miltiades), had sought Athenian colonists for new colonies in Libya, and had conscripted Athenian mercenaries into his army (who then became soldiers of Agathocles).36 Second, near the end of his reign, Agathocles’ daughter Lanassa married Demetrius Poliorcetes in Athens during the Eleusinian Mysteries,37 and a guest exchange of court members was created between Agathocles and Demetrius.38 Even if Timaeus had influence in Athenian politics, little opportunity appeared for him to impact Athenian-Syracusan relations against the tyrant, as these events were few and far between. Diodorus’ quote thus was true: Timaeus could only defame Agathocles after his death, as he was powerless against the tyrant during his life.39 Although the historian made little political headway against the tyrant, the study of Timaeus allows us to clearly see the use of literature both as an expression of the refugee’s experience and as a weapon against his enemy, a theme we will view in the case studies below. Though absent in the case of Timaeus, we soon also will perceive the significance of strong personal networks in effecting socio-political changes.

2. Cyclopean analogies: the expulsion of Philoxenus as literary inspiration

  • 40 For a brief overview of the courts of Dionysius I and Dionysius II, see DeVoto, 2006. For philoi in (...)
  • 41 Diod. Sic. 15.6.
  • 42 For this relationship between social space and geographic space at the court, see Moyer, 2011, and (...)
  • 43 For social interactions, see Herman, 1997, p. 202-207. For social and geographic movement, see Moor (...)
  • 44 See especially Moatti, Van Damme, 2007 for this relationship between intellectual mobility, power, (...)

9To further analyze the efficacy of these sociopolitical networks in enacting revenge, we return to early fourth-century Syracuse. Dionysius the Elder had seized power in 406/5 BC after the Carthaginian invasion of the island and spent the next decade consolidating his power and extending his empire throughout eastern Sicily. With threats to his power decreased, Dionysius now concerned himself with the transformation of Syracuse into an intellectual center by inviting scholars from around the Mediterranean to join his court of scholars,40 in which he himself participated by writing tragedies (fragments of which are extant).41 The ‘court’ possessed an intellectual function and may be studied as a system of interconnected networks of power, yet the court very much was a physical space, as denoted by its most common term, the aulê. While the court was a locus of social interaction, redistribution, and reciprocity, it had entrances/exits or points of access to the tyrant that represented these interactions geographically.42 Social relations often were accompanied by corresponding physical actions, so that shifts up and down the social ladder directly correlated to movements closer or farther from the tyrant (or completely away from the court for those scholars expelled).43 Yet these movements were not random or without the agency of those involved, and they did not always render the scholar-refugee a victim. As we will analyze below, the mobility of intellectuals itself created a type of power that created innovative spaces and even changed society.44

  • 45 The most thorough recent work on the biography and fragments of Philoxenus is Fongoni, 2014. Philox (...)
  • 46 Plut. Mor. De vit. aer. 831f-832a states that Philoxenus was given a plot of land in Sicily. A scho (...)
  • 47 Ath. 1.11.6e-f.
  • 48 For treatment of this story, see Diod. Sic. 15.6, Cic. Att. 4.6.2, Plut. De Alex. fort. 334c, Plut. (...)
  • 49 For the joke of taking Philoxenus back to the quarries, see Stob Flor. 3.13.31 and Suda, s.v. εἰς λ (...)
  • 50 For Philoxenus and Galateia, see Ath. 1.11.6e-7a (= FGrH 1012 F2) and Ael. VH 12.44, with Muccioli, (...)
  • 51 For the reply to Dionysius, see Suda, s.v. Φιλοξένου γραμμάτιον.

10Within this new court of Dionysius, Philoxenus of Cythera became a core member during the late 390s.45 Having been integrated into the socio-economic environment of Syracuse (perhaps with land and a wife),46 Philoxenus frequently attended the tyrant’s banquets.47 The most famous episode between Philoxenus and Dionysius occurred in this symposiastic environment of poetic creation and intellectual dialogue. As Dionysius sought praise for his literary creations, members of the court acted as kolakes and parasitoi by praising the work of the tyrant enthusiastically. Philoxenus nevertheless did not play by the usual rules of patron-client relationships (i.e. money for praise) and completely disparaged his verses, a bouleversement that upended their power dynamic. As recompense for his honest and humiliating treatment of Dionysius’ verses, which he provided in the tyrant’s presence amongst other court members at dinner, he was sent off to the quarries, from which he received the nickname Doulon.48 After being released from the quarries and invited back to the court, upon again hearing the verses of Dionysius, he jokingly ordered that he be taken back to the quarries and later referred to Dionysius’ tragic verses as oiktra (a double entendre that they produced pity or were pitiful).49 An alternate reasoning for his exile to the quarries or total expulsion from Syracuse concerns his possible relationship with Galateia, the player of the aulos for Dionysius, a relationship that appears in his works discussed below.50 Regardless of these events, again threatened by Dionysius, Philoxenus likely made his final escape to Croton and the Pythagoreans or to Athens and rebuffed the tyrant from afar after Dionysius beseeched him to return.51 While these stories have an anecdotal quality (although punishment in the quarries is consistent with Dionysius’ behavior), they reflect some rupture between the two men, a gaping chasm that would result in Philoxenus’ banishment from the court to the quarries and then from Sicily. These scenes also represent a type of heroic agôn, first over the more temporary possession of Galateia and second over the more eternal kleos offered by literary prowess. In addition, this competition shows a crucial overlap of the political and literary spheres of influence, as Dionysius attempts to become a poet and Philoxenus asserts his own skill and dominance to lessen tyrannical political power.

  • 52 Ath. 1.11.6e (= FGrH 1012 F13) notes that the play of Philoxenus represented himself as Odysseus, t (...)
  • 53 Fongoni, 2014, p. 15-19 and p. 97-99 discusses the text (= Page, PMG 815-821). The play had been pr (...)
  • 54 Ath. 1.11.7a (= Page, PMG 816) argues that the Cyclops was court satire. The scholium of Tzet. in A (...)
  • 55 For a description of earlier versions of the Polyphemus myth, see Sancho Royo, 1983.
  • 56 For this analysis of the similarities between Odysseus and Philoxenus, see LeVen, 2014, p. 131-134.
  • 57 For the Sicilian connections of Polyphemus, see Anello, 1984, p. 35-39.

11As with Timaeus, the logistics of his expulsion are unknown, and his status as a famous poet afforded him opportunities for assistance that other refugees did not have. After Philoxenus sought asylum abroad, he took advantage of this support to enact his revenge. Although parrhêsia was suppressed in the court of Dionysius, he now freely expressed his opinion of the tyrant. Philoxenus thus composed a satirical play that compared himself to Odysseus and Dionysius to the hero’s famous foe, the Cyclops Polyphemus. Through ancient references, we learn various facts concerning the plot and major themes, especially the ways in which Philoxenus mocked the tyrant within the plot.52 The title (perhaps Cyclops and Galateia), place of composition (Croton, Cythera, or Athens), place of production (likely Athens), and performance type (drama with actors or dithyramb) are debated, although the production date of pre-388 BC is almost certain.53 The relationship between Dionysius and Philoxenus and the latter’s desire for revenge also were central themes.54 Philoxenus drew on earlier versions of the myth/Polyphemus, including Homer and Euripides.55 While the plot likely mirrored the Odyssey, new elements were added (e.g. the aulos player Galateia). From the vestiges of the remaining plot, we ascertain some subjects of the play that place Dionysius in a negative light. Philoxenus played the perfect Odysseus: also born on an island, having traveled to the West, and having experienced a lack of xenia from his host by being trapped in a cave (i.e. the quarries).56 Dionysius also played the perfect Polyphemus: Sicilian (as the Cyclopes were associated with Mount Aetna) and an abuser of power.57

  • 58 For comparisons between the figure of the Cyclops and men in power, beginning with Dionysius I, see (...)
  • 59 The fragments of Dionysius are collected in TGF 76. His most famous work, The Ransom of Hector won (...)
  • 60 See Duncan, 2012, p. 149-154 for his representation as just king in his tragedies, cf. TGF 76 F4 an (...)
  • 61 Although perhaps anecdotal, many sources refer to his Persian behavior (Ath. 12.50.535e-f for kingl (...)
  • 62 Plut. De Alex. fort. 338c refers to the naming of his daughters.

12Polyphemus always represented the atavistic creature far at the margins of civilization, the personification of physis (brute nature).58 He lived alone on an island, devoid of a polis, and preferred the company of sheep rather than men. In this battle between physis and nomos (law) within Philoxenus’ analogy of Dionysius as Cyclops, the tyrant represented the former: law-less, constitution-less, and god-less (certainly shunning Zeus Xenios in his treatment of his guests). Unlike other tyrants and kings who fostered courts, Dionysius himself actively fought against this Polyphemic persona by constructing an image of nomos through his own poetic compositions, which made him both consumer and producer of court poetry. Numerous fragments of Dionysius reflect a repertoire of traditional myths re-interpreted for contemporary audiences.59 Through the remaining fragments, the texts of Dionysius attempt to portray himself as a type of righteous basileus, a type of Theseus who respects the gods and treats his citizens with respect and protection (e.g. from the Carthaginians).60 While this theatricality of Dionysius as great monarch perhaps was reflected in his dress and behavior,61 it certainly appeared in his actions and his writings. He famously named his three daughters Aretê, Dikaiosynê, and Sophrosynê in his constant attempt to portray his rule as the triumph of nomos over physis.62 Yet these attempts to re-fashion his persona often left him open for more ridicule.

  • 63 For analysis of the dance of the Cyclops, see Pagni, 2013, p. 290-295. The terms θρεττανελό and παρ (...)

13Thus, the fragments of the poem suggest that Dionysius-Polyphemus appeared as a scorned lover who bemoans his love for Galateia by wandering around singing alone on the beach, drunkenly dancing, and playing his kithara, as re-enacted by the slave Cremilus in Aristophanes’ Wealth.63 The tyrant thus becomes a pathetic figure, whose unrequited love for Galateia makes him appear unhappy. Thus, just like Philoxenus in the quarries, Dionysius too has become passive and powerless. On the one hand, the ability of the Cyclops to play a musical instrument and participate in other civilized activities (the text also suggests the building of a temple by Polyphemus for Galateia) may bode well for Dionysius. On the other, this farcical picture of a musician and architect Cyclops makes a strong point, as he is as ridiculous as Dionysius, a tyrant who attempts to become a poet. Thus, this depiction was also a warning for Dionysius, who decided to cross over from the world of politics to the world of drama. Unfortunately for him, Philoxenus seemingly did a better job at crossing over from the world of drama to make a political point about the deficiencies of Dionysius as composer and ruler.

  • 64 Diod. Sic. 15.6.3.
  • 65 Wealth was produced in Athens c. 388. The reference to Philoxenus is found in line 550, while lines (...)
  • 66 The inscription, dated to 393/2 BC, is IG II2 18.
  • 67 For this term, see PCG F9. For the daughters of Dionysius, see Cic. Tusc. 5.58.
  • 68 Ath. 11.64.482d (= PCG F16).
  • 69 Dionysius was said to have loved the tragedies of Euripides and Aeschylus and purchased their memor (...)
  • 70 For Philoxenus’ portrayal of the Cyclops continuing into the Hellenistic period (Theocritus and Pos (...)
  • 71 For the performance of the Cyclops at the court of Philip II, see Page, PMG 840. For the later perf (...)
  • 72 For an overview of the representation of Dionysius in these plays, see Duncan, 2012, p. 138-141, We (...)

14This belittling portrayal of Dionysius as a tyrant and no-talent poet was not confined to Philoxenus’ works but soon appeared within the literary community. As discussed in the remainder of this article, the importance of community and networks among scholars was a powerful tool not only for the creation of new literary works but also for navigating their way through political dangers. Thus, when Philoxenus was first sent to the quarries by Dionysius, his friends at the court petitioned the tyrant to grant him pardon.64 In the following years, this depiction of Dionysius as Cyclops would encourage further derogatory comments that questioned his legitimacy. This Cyclops is referenced in the nearly contemporaneous work of Aristophanes’ Wealth, along with Dionysius himself.65 Strattis’ comedy Kinesias ridicules the play’s namesake for his flattery after proposing an Athenian decree in honor of Dionysius in 393 BC,66 and his Zopyrus Perikaiomenos calls upon a tradition that shows the paranoia and fear of assassination by Dionysius, namely his refusal to allow barbers to shave his beard and his requirement that his daughters singe it.67 The Homoioi of Ephippus jokes that one’s worst enemy should be required to learn the awful verses of Dionysius,68 while the Dionysius of Eubulus ridicules the flattery of the tyrant and refers to his lack of poetic talent by claiming that the only remnant of Euripides in the verses of Dionysius is his love of sigma.69 By creating an influential work, Philoxenus created the trope of the tyrant-Cyclops that became a standard part of the comic repertoire in the coming centuries,70 performed in Macedon for Philip II and part of Arcadian performances and the Dionysiakoi technitai in the second century BC.71 Through these many examples,72 we see several ways through which the reputation of Dionysius was sullied both during and after his life in literature.

  • 73 For the honorary inscription, see IG II² 18. Lys. 19.19 mentions the approach of the Athenians thro (...)
  • 74 These men included Isocrates, Plato, Xenophon and Andocides. The latter was perhaps the first Athen (...)
  • 75 Vaglio, 2001 and Muccioli, 2004, p. 134-140 discuss Galateia and Polyphemus in light of politics wi (...)

15Yet equally (or more crucially), this sullying of Dionysius harmed his reputation in contemporary politics. The early 380s BC was not a good period for Dionysius. Only a few years before, Athens had encouraged collaboration with Dionysius when attempting to create an alliance with the tyrant through his xenia with the Athenian Eunomus, which resulted in honors for the tyrant and his family in 393 BC.73 In addition, a pro-Dionysian faction in Athens was composed of men against Athenian democracy.74 His rejection of Philoxenus and production of the Cyclops at Athens altered this positive trajectory by encouraging the questioning of his leadership. As Aristophanes had referenced both Dionysius and the Cyclops in his comedy at that time, the work obviously had made an impact in Athens. The presence of Galateia (whose sons with Polyphemus were Keltos, Illyrios, and Galas) also may have represented problems in internal politics within the empire of Dionysius, due to his alliances with the non-Greek Celts and Illyrians, as well as internal problems with his family and court.75 As these sentiments concerning Dionysius were picked up and expressed by other writers, the ridicule of Dionysius as both poet and leader multiplied in Athens. This derision transferred into scorn in the diplomatic sphere and had an effect on political developments between the two powers. Thus, the signing of the Peace of Antalcidas in 387 in the aftermath of these events re-negotiated boundaries and alliances of the Greek world and again tied Dionysius to Sparta. Linked to Athens’ traditional enemy and anti-Carthage (an ally of Athens), Dionysius was no longer seen as a viable ally. While other factors certainly may have affected the relationships amongst the most powerful poleis, growing discontent against Dionysius and his supporters in Athens, as reflected in the aforementioned examples, also played a major role.

3. Failed philosopher-kings: the rejection of Plato and the wretchedness of the tyrant

  • 76 Although all of the Platonic Epistles may be forgeries, I believe that the longest and most importa (...)
  • 77 See Riginos, 1976, p. 60-69 for the travels of Plato. Montiglio, 2005, p. 155-163 discusses learnin (...)
  • 78 For the first visit of Plato to Syracuse, see Diod. Sic. 15.7 and Nep. Dion 2.2, as well as Sanders (...)
  • 79 In addition to those in the note above, passages mentioning their conversations also include Diog. (...)
  • 80 The story is made more plausible by the fact that both Sparta and Aegina were hostile to Athens at (...)
  • 81 Riginos, 1976, p. 86-92 gives a complete rundown of all sources describing Plato’s sale into slaver (...)

16Philoxenus was not the only scholar rejected by Dionysius. Plato three times traveled to the Syracusan courts of Dionysius I and Dionysius II and three times departed involuntarily. While the validity of the authorship of the Platonic Epistles has frequently been questioned,76 Plato’s voyages to Sicily seem nearly certain, as various strands of historical and philosophical sources (pro- and anti-Academy) attest to these events. In addition, from the Archaic period, elite Greeks traveled across the Mediterranean to form bonds of xenia and philia for economic, political, and military benefits. Thus, after the death of Socrates, Plato traveled to various locations (e.g. Magna Graecia and the Pythagoreans) to learn about other philosophies and to influence leaders (including the Dionysii) by lobbying for the implementation of his own ideas.77 His first visit to Syracuse occurred in 388 BC, perhaps in the aftermath of the Philoxenus affair at the behest of the tyrant (and perhaps with the encouragement of Dion, Dionysius I’s brother-in-law).78 For Dionysius, the presence of a distinguished philosopher added to the prestige of his court as an intellectual center, while Plato could realize his goal of transforming the tyranny of Dionysius to a milder constitution. Extant sources note that Plato’s first stay at the court was very short, due to his failure to legitimize the rule of Dionysius.79 Diodorus vaguely states that, just as Philoxenus freely opined on the inferior quality of Dionysius’ verses, Plato also angered the tyrant with his parrhêsia and made offensive statements. Plutarch claims that, during discussion on andreia and dikaiosynê, the tyrant was insulted in front of an audience after Plato insinuated that the tyrant was lacking in both. Sources state that Plato was handed over by Dionysius to Pollis the Spartan, taken to the slave market at Aegina or Syracuse, and ransomed by Anniceris of Cyrene or Archytas of Tarentum before his sale.80 With its many varied iterations, this event is of dubious authenticity,81 as the biographies of Plato and his Epistles are silent about this event (although these pro-Plato sources likely would have suppressed this humiliation, and the selling of enemy citizens into slavery was a common practice in antiquity). Regardless, some rupture between the two men resulted in the sudden expulsion of Plato from Syracuse.

  • 82 For these effects of wandering, see Montiglio, 2005, p. 35-37.
  • 83 See Campbell, 1984 for fourth-century intellectuals and the reasons behind their mobility.
  • 84 For a full list of these sources, see Riginos, 1976, p. 70-74. Jazdzewska, 2013 also analyzes the r (...)
  • 85 For the reference to Plato as parasite and dog of the Dionysii, see Diog. Laert. 6.40 and Ael. VH 1 (...)
  • 86 Moatti, Van Damme, 2007, while discussing the links in antiquity between the transmission of knowle (...)
  • 87 For his opinion of his travels, see Pl. Ep. 7.345d-e and 7.350c-d, as well as Montiglio, 2000, p. 9 (...)
  • 88 Aelius Aristides, who denigrates Plato’s travels to Sicily, describes Plato as commiserating with t (...)

17While Plato was not exactly a typical refugee, as he had wealth and a home in Athens, this expulsion and experience were traumatic and depicted negatively by the philosopher and others. Although mobility was frequent in ancient Greek culture, too much travel or time spent in other cities could result in loss of polis identity, community acceptance, and suspicion of loyalty.82 As discussed below, the fourth century saw Academy members and other philosophers no longer tied to one polis but traveling around to enlighten other cities concerning higher ideas of wisdom and justice,83 yet this absence from home may have made him unpopular in Athens. Plato’s ties to Socrates and his new ties to tyrants were not welcome in a democracy and Plato’s own reputation suffered. Numerous anecdotes record the derision of Plato by other philosophers as just another flatterer of the Dionysii who used philosophy to live a life of luxury.84 Diogenes the Cynic referred to him as a parasite and dog of the tyrants and famously claimed that, if Plato would have been content to spend his life washing vegetables, he would not have debased himself.85 This affiliation with the tyrants and his failure to influence them appears in his works, and (just as with Philoxenus) this planê against his will, resulting from his expulsions from the court, plays a role in his own works.86 He thus regretted his voyages to Sicily and categorized them as Odyssean, a type of wandering that was dangerous and forced, as he traversed the dangers of Scylla and Charybdis three times.87 Such an analogy is particularly striking in view of the above discussion on the Cyclops and Galateia of Philoxenus.88 In both instances, the scholar becomes Odysseus, who managed to escape the clutches of the angry Cyclopean tyrant.

  • 89 Pl. Resp. 9.577a (συνῳκηκότος δὲ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ καὶ παραγεγονότος ἔν τε ταῖς κατ᾽ οἰκίαν πράξεσιν).
  • 90 Debt abolition and new land division: Pl. Resp. 8.566a and 8.566d-e; the elite as the enemy: Pl. Re (...)
  • 91 Pl. Resp. 8.565e-566a and 8.567b (ὑπεξαιρεῖν δὴ τούτους πάντας δεῖ τὸν τύραννον, εἰ μέλλει ἄρξειν, (...)
  • 92 Pl. Resp. 9.577c-578a.
  • 93 Pl. Resp. 9.578a-c for the misery of the tyrant; cf. Pl. Ep. 7.332c for Dionysius as poor in loyal (...)
  • 94 Pl. Resp. 9.578e-579a.

18After his failure with Dionysius I (and two failures under Dionysius II), we also observe effects on the content of his works, as the optimistic philosopher-king and Kallipolis found in the Republic give way in later works (e.g. the Laws) to a more tempered governmental blueprint for Greek poleis. Sicily always remains in the background of his dialogues, with the setting for the Republic the house of Lysias’ father, a metic from Syracuse, and the main interlocutors for the Timaeus and Critias as Sicilians and Italians. We also see echoes in the Republic, traditionally dated to his second period of dialogues (c. 370s BC). Although he does not stoop to insulting Dionysius by name in his works, Plato leaves hints for his readers not only regarding his disappointment at his rejection but his disdain for tyranny and Dionysius. Plato states that the man who knows best about tyranny is he who lived with the tyrant and witnessed his actions in his own home, an obvious nod to his own experience in Syracuse.89 The quintessential tyrant in the Republic perfectly reflects Dionysius: the tyrant abolishes debts and partitions the land, becomes the leader against the elite, always stirs up war (e.g. with Carthage), sets slaves free (thus creating new supporters), and takes a bodyguard to suppress the citizens, all actions taken especially by Sicilian tyrants and particularly Dionysius in the years before Plato’s visit.90 A central theme within his definition of tyranny are the many processes of refugee-producing mobility that allow for its continuation. Thus, the tyrant banishes his enemies and eventually sends away those closest to him under suspicion.91 Yet these actions bring no peace and security. On the contrary, the tyrant and his citizens live their miserable lives in terror.92 The tyrant himself remains barbaric, miserable, without friends, and a slave.93 While these descriptions are meant to show the pathetic life of the tyrant, they bear a striking resemblance to traits of another group: the refugee. Thus, the tyrant himself remains a stranger in his own city, with no network of friends, just as a refugee arriving in a new home. The tyrant has the same feelings - fear, alarm, misery - often ascribed to wretched people on the move. The tyrant is a slave to outside forces and has lost the agency he so desperately tries to maintain, just as the migrant. Plato even creates an analogy in which the tyrant is removed from his city and left to the whim of his slaves to be destroyed, only saved if he resorts to flattery and groveling.94

  • 95 Farenga, 1981, p. 6-10 analyzes Book 8 of the Republic as considering the degeneration of the city (...)
  • 96 Pl. Resp. 9.568b-c. Monoson, 2012, p. 160-165 analyzes the reception of tragedy in Plato’s Republic

19We also see the reappearance of another theme: the tyrant as barbarian ruler, as with Dionysius’ portrayal in the Cyclops of Philoxenus. Within the Republic, Plato describes the polis under the tyrant as a place that has lost all boundaries: where wrong has become right, free has become slave, and citizen has become foreigner.95 The metamorphosis of the polis to a-polis mirrors the world of Polyphemus-Dionysius, in which the tyrant also is devoid of friends, separated from society, and is a slave to his desires. This “dramatic” world of the Republic appears when Plato ties the practice of tyranny to tragedy and identifies tragedy as a great danger to Kallipolis that should be exiled from its borders, as it praises tyrants.96 Again, Plato notes the importance of movement, as tragedians travel from city to city praising tyranny and act as threats whose immigration into the city must be barred. In addition, readers of the Republic likely understood the unwritten connections between Dionysius, tragedy, and tyranny. After the expulsion of Philoxenus and Dionysius’ debacle at the Olympic Games of 388 (discussed below), the Athenians were well-aware of the tyrant’s activities as an author himself. Through these connotations, Plato showed the tyrant, especially Dionysius, as a rare example of a tyrant-tragedian and a double threat to any city. Just as Philoxenus had combined his mistreatment and his criticism of Dionysius to fashion his Cyclops, so too could Plato use his experiences under Dionysius to take revenge on the tyrant by attacking him where he was most prideful and vulnerable, namely the identification as the epitome of physis and the damage caused by his poor writings.

  • 97 Diod. Sic. 14.109.
  • 98 Lys. 33 and Dion. Hal. Lys. 28-29.
  • 99 Lys. 33,1 and 3 (πολλὰς δὲ πόλεις ὑπὸ τυράννων ἀναστάτους γεγενημένας), and 33.6 (τοὺς δὲ τυράννους (...)
  • 100 Diod. Sic. 15.6.3.

20This combination of Dionysius as poet and tyrant, and his failure to hide his true physis, came to a head in 388 (or 384) BC, when he sent an embassy with professional rhapsodes to recite his verses at the Olympic Games. Surrounded by sumptuous tents representing his wealth and power, the crowd was so disgusted by the inferior quality of his writings that they caused a riot and tore down the set pieces.97 Encouraged by this rejection of the tyrant, the orator Lysias (whose family home was the setting for the dialogue in Plato’s Republic) then gave his Olympic Oration, in which he compared Dionysius to a barbarian that was threatening the freedom of all Greeks.98 The language of the surviving text focuses on tyranny: that Heracles crushed despotism, that Greece had been ravaged by despots, and that despots needed to be dispelled as their ancestors had done.99 Dionysius here is lumped together with the Persian king as men who hold great empires. With his appearance at the Olympic Games, Dionysius I wished to show himself as a winner in agônes within both the literary and political spheres. With the failure of his verses and the speech of Lysias, which encouraged the Greeks to turn Dionysius and all other tyrants into refugees, his kleos quickly turned into aischunê in both worlds. Rather than aiming his dramatic activities inward to other members of the court, the tyrant here directed his accomplishments outward as a public display of his (lack of) talent. The consequences of these failed interactions with scholars and at Olympia were extreme paranoia and the mass expulsion and murder of his philoi.100 This loss of prestige and counsel, together with his treatment by Plato, did not directly threaten his hegemony in Syracuse, yet it would be twenty years before he again would ally himself with Athens at the end of his reign.

4. Closest counselor or worst foe: philosophical networks and political change under Dion

  • 101 For a comprehensive discussion of the figure of Dion, see Sanders, 2008, especially Chapter 4.
  • 102 For the marriage of Dionysius to Aristomache, see Plut. Dion 3-4, 1 and Diod. Sic. 14.44.8; cf. Dio (...)
  • 103 Plut. Dion 6-10.
  • 104 Pl. Ep. 7.329c-330b and Plut. Dion 16 for the first visit; Pl. Ep. 7.350a-b and Plut. Dion 18-20 fo (...)
  • 105 Helicon of Cyzicus, Aristippus of Cyrene, Aeschines of Sphettus, and the tragedian Carcinus, famous (...)
  • 106 For the Dionysiokolakes, see Ath. 6.55.249e-f; cf. Ath. 10.46.435e.
  • 107 Plut. Dion 11.2-12 and 14.1-2.
  • 108 Plut. Dion 14.3-5. Diod. Sic. 15.6.4 is vague concerning the reason for exile.
  • 109 Diod. Sic. 14.5-15.3 and Plut. Dion 15.1.

21We turn finally to Dion, a figure tied closely to both Plato and Dionysius.101 Unlike our first three examples, we have no first-person literature that describes his personal experiences. As a student of the Academy, however, he was a scholar who underwent the same refugee experiences as the previous examples. He represents the best example of the refugee whose ability to use his mobility to enact regime change derives from his previous political influence and networks. Dion was the Syracusan brother-in-law of Dionysius I who served as his philos and advisor,102 especially after he was persuaded by the teachings of Plato during his first visit. After the death of Dionysius I in 367 BC, he became the primary advisor of Dionysius II and encouraged him to follow Platonic ideals.103 Plato would make two more trips to Syracuse in 367 and 361, although the first ended with Plato apparently in house arrest and the second with Plato imprisoned, only freed with the help of Tarentine friends.104 The failure of Plato and Dion was partially due to Dionysius II’s jealousy of their relationship but also to factions within the philoi of the tyrant, who were divided on whether the purpose of the court was to maintain tyranny and its benefits or to change its structure. Dionysius II had maintained the court of his father, with many scholars present in the first decade of his rule,105 but the presence of many flatterers gave the tyrant the reputation as a partying drunkard.106 The jealousy of the anti-Dion faction resulted in the recall of Philistus from exile and further insinuations that Dion was undermining the authority of Dionysius.107 This tension came to a head when Dionysius got hold of a letter between the Carthaginians and Dion planning a détente behind the tyrant’s back, with the result that Dion was shipped away from Syracuse.108 The scene of exile is portrayed in tragic terms, with much weeping, although Dionysius gave Dion boats and many luxury goods to assuage the anger of the demos.109 As Dionysius certainly had reason to suspect the motives behind Dion’s relations with Carthage and Plato, Dionysius believed that this tragic peripeteia of Dion from advisor to refugee and his exile from Syracuse would ensure the safety of his reign.

  • 110 Diod. Sic. 15.7.3-4 (= FGrH 556 T5b), cf. Aen. Tact. 10.20-21 for the exile of Leptines.
  • 111 Diod. Sic. 14.102. For the political and military importance of Leptines, see Sabattini, 1989.
  • 112 Aen. Tact. 10.21 also notes his popularity with the Syracusans.
  • 113 Diod. Sic. 15.7.4 for Thurii and the marriage to Dikaiosynê upon his return. Diod. Sic. 15.17.1 for (...)

22With this action, Dionysius was following the example of his father, who had exiled his two closest advisers, Leptines (his brother and naval commander) and Philistus (his right-hand advisor) during the aforementioned purge of c.386 BC.110 Leptines had fallen under the suspicion of Dionysius for his diplomacy with warring Italian factions in 390 BC (which was not approved and for which he lost his generalship111), and both men angered the tyrant when Leptines had given his daughter in marriage to Philistus without his assent. Leptines’ exile perhaps originally occurred due to Dionysius’ fear that Leptines was becoming popular (through his relations with the Italians and Syracusans) and powerful (by creating a marriage alliance with Philistus), i.e. a rival who threatened to destabilize his hegemony.112 Both seem first to have sought refuge in Thurii, although Leptines returned, was married off to Dikaiosynê, the daughter of Dionysius, and perished while fighting against Carthage at the Battle of Cronium.113 Dionysius later would realize that having one’s possible enemies closer was better and married Leptines off to his daughter, thereby cutting off Leptines’ access to any external networks of support that he might have received while in exile.

  • 114 Philistus was a youth and spectator during the campaign of Gylippus (Plut. Nic. 19 = FGrH 556 T2). (...)
  • 115 For Philistus as philotyrannos, see Nep. Dion 3.1-3 (= FGrH 556 T5d) and Diod. Sic. 14.8.5 (= FGrH (...)
  • 116 For the exile of Philistus (which perhaps occurred at the same time as the exile/murder of other co (...)
  • 117 Plut. Dion 11.3-4 (= FGrH 556 T5c) notes that Philistus spent his exile in Adria, Plut. De exil. 60 (...)
  • 118 For the idea of Philistus’ history as an attempt to return to Syracuse, see Paus. 1.13.9 (= FGrH T1 (...)
  • 119 Note that Diod. Sic. 15.7.3 refers only to the banishment of Philistus. Book 15 of Diodorus thus ha (...)
  • 120 Plut. Dion 11.4-7 (= FGrH 556 T5c).

23The exile of the historian Philistus also did not damage the rule of either Dionysius. Born c.430 and dying in 356, he was a syngenês of Dionysius and served as his most trusted philos and advisor from the start of his rule.114 Described as philotyrannos, Philistus wrote a long history, the second part of which acted as pro-Dionysian propaganda.115 Although Dionysius’ greatest supporter, Philistus fell under the suspicion of Dionysius after his marriage alliance with Leptines and was sent into exile.116 The return of Philistus is conflated with Leptines in Diodorus Siculus (i.e. several years later), although other sources note his return only after Dionysius’ I death. Sources suggest various locations for his final destination, including the Adriatic, Epirus, or northern Italy,117 where he wrote his history (perhaps to gain pardon through his positive portrayal of Dionysius118). While the idea existed that Philistus perhaps traveled to the Adriatic in a role as administrator, he seems to have been thoroughly separated from court life, as evidenced by the near lack of information concerning the reign of Dionysius post-384.119 While Philistus would return, incorporated into Dionysius II’s court at the behest of the anti-Platonic faction120, he never enacted revenge on Dionysius I. Leptines and Philistus always remained ideologically (although not geographically) close to Dionysius I, dependent on him for their source or power and unable (or unwilling) to foster networks that could challenge the tyrant’s hegemony.

  • 121 For the relationship between the elites and tyrants in Sicily, see Collin Bouffier, 2010.
  • 122 Diod. Sic. 15.17.1-2.
  • 123 Diod. Sic. 15.17.4-5.
  • 124 Diod. Sic. 15.17.4 for Sparta; Diod. Sic. 16.6.4-5 and Nep. Dion 4.1 and 5.1 for Corinth; Marasco, (...)

24Why was Dion’s exile more dangerous to the rule of Dionysius II? In addition to the ideological differences between Dionysius II and Dion, the former underestimated the power of elite networks and the ability of the elite refugee to rescue his own agency.121 The next few years saw Dion travel around mainland Greece forging official friendships with various cities. Dion lived in central Athens with Callippus and maintained a home in the Attic chôra (which suggests a grant of enktêsis). He also became good friends with Plato’s nephew Speusippus and apparently provided a dramatic chorêgia to win the goodwill of the Athenians.122 While the Athenians never provided military help to Dion, the welcome and refuge provided to Dion allowed him to regroup and to begin building relationships for support, including with Ptoeodorus of Megara.123 Sparta also likely made him a citizen (although they had a prior treaty with the Dionysii, who became of little use to them), and Corinth also supported Dion in gathering troops due to their natural dislike of tyranny.124

  • 125 Plut. Dion 4.2-3 for Dion’s life of virtue; Pl. Ep. 7.327a-328a for Plato’s early philosophical edu (...)
  • 126 Plut. Dion 10 for Dion’s education of Dionysius II; Plut. Dion 11.1-2 for the reasons behind Plato’ (...)
  • 127 Monoson, 2000 for the role of the Seventh Letter and the ways in which it explains the role of Plat (...)
  • 128 Pl. Ep. 7.330d-332d and 332e-333a respectively.
  • 129 Pl. Ep. 7.350c-d. For the role of Plato in the attack, see Galvagno, 2000, p. 129-136 and p. 170-17 (...)

25Regarding Athens, what was the role of Plato and the Academy in the campaign of Dion to seize control of Syracuse? The early interactions and visits of Plato to Sicily (especially in 388 BC) certainly seemed more philosophical in nature, as Dion wished to live a life of virtue (although the sources are rather biased).125 This philosophical learning then was passed on from Dion to Dionysius II after he took power, and the first visit of Plato to Dionysius II seemed to stem from the tyrant’s desire to learn philosophy.126 Within the Seventh Letter, the apologia of Plato (or a writer who understood Plato’s reasoning) concerning his involvement with the Dionysii, Plato always couches political actions in philosophical terms by tying the empire of Dionysius with his spiritual development.127 This close link between the bios theoretikos and bios praktikos appears when Plato is represented as teaching Dionysius that harmony within the self produces harmony within the state or that his empire could outrank his father’s only if he should follow a moderate course in life.128 Yet what was the true political role of the Academy and Plato in the attack? A passage from the Seventh Letter suggests that Plato and Dion met at the Olympic Games when Dion was ready to attack and that Plato did not give his blessing or encourage reconciliation,129 but we have here a meeting of two men who suffered expulsion under Dionysius II weighing the political future of Syracuse. Thus, was the foundation of Dion’s campaign higher philosophical ideals or merely a personal vendetta between the scorner and scorned? Regardless of any subsequent propaganda that exonerates Plato from Dion’s attack, as discussed below, Plato obviously allowed his students to support Dion, especially since his nephew Speusippus, who had traveled with his uncle to Sicily, was equally disgusted by Dionysius’ behavior.

  • 130 Diog. Laert. 3.23 and Plut. Prin. Inerudit. 779d. Other examples include Menedemus to Pyrrha and Ph (...)
  • 131 Aristotle founded a new branch of the Academy in Assos; cf. Diog. Laert. 3.46 and Strabo 13.608.
  • 132 See Ath. 11.119.508f-509b and Diog. Laert. 3.46 for a list of Academic tyrants. See Ar. Pol. 5.1311 (...)
  • 133 For Clearchus of Heraclea and Chion, see Harris, 2017. For an overview of all relations within the (...)

26Even if Plato appears neutral, the networks of the Academy during this period were not. By the mid-fourth century, the Academy firmly followed in the footsteps of the Pythagoreans by combining philosophy and legal reformation, as Plato perhaps did for Cyrene and Megalopolis.130 Practical action developed as the Academy began to form mobile networks when its members traveled throughout the Mediterranean founding new branches of the Academy to overthrow democracies and tyrannies alike.131 Such reformations led to a strange dichotomy, as the Academy was seen as a breeding ground both for tyrants and tyrant-killers. Thus, the despots Chairon of Pellene, Timolaus of Cyzicus, and Euaion of Lampsacus were members of the Academy, while the Odrysian king Cotys was murdered by two brothers and students of Plato, Python and Heraclides.132 Even more oddly, both Clearchus, tyrant of Heraclea Pontica, and his murderer Chion were associated with the Academy, while Hermias, the father-in-law of Aristotle and despot of Atarneus, and those sent to reform his rule, Erastus and Coriscus, were all members.133 As the overthrower of Dionysius II, Dion not only perfectly fit this modus operandi but also had a network of like-minded members willing and able to support his endeavors.

  • 134 Plut. Dion 12.5 notes 800 mercenaries, while Diod. Sic. 16.9.5 states 1,000.
  • 135 Plut. Dion 22.1-2.
  • 136 Plut. Dion 22.3-4 and 23.2.
  • 137 Plut. Dion 25 (Synalus) and Diod. Sic. 16.9.4 (Paralus) for this episode. Plut. Dion 5.8 and Nep. D (...)
  • 138 For Callippus and his family, see Dem. 36.53 and 50.47-52, with IG II2 1609, 5408, 5432, 5433, and (...)
  • 139 Plut. Dion 17.2 and 54.1, Ath. 11.119.508e-f, Diog. Laert. 3.46, and Pl. Ep. 7.333e for their relat (...)
  • 140 Plut. Dion 28.3 and 54.1.
  • 141 Plut. Dion 57, Nep. Dion 9, and Pl. Ep. 7.334a.

27These networks constructed by Dion abroad and on Sicily would become crucial in his attempt to strip Dionysius II of power. His time in the Peloponnese had served him well, as he was able to use his relationships with xenologoi to gather a small number of experienced mercenaries.134 Interestingly, this passage in Plutarch notes a large number of exiles (1,000), of whom only 25 took part. Due to fear or for another reason, their experiences as a refugee did not produce the same action demonstrated by Dion and his mercenaries. The Academy would take the leading role in ideological support, as Speusippus had laid the groundwork while in Syracuse by canvassing the citizens for their support of Dion.135 Other Academics quickly joined the ranks, including Eudemus of Cyprus, Miltas the Thessalian, Alcimenes the Achaean, and Timonides of Leucas (who was a first-hand source for Plutarch about the expedition).136 After departing from Zacynthus, the fleet was buffeted by storms but eventually landed at Heraclea Minoa, a Carthaginian city where Dion’s networks again proved fruitful. Dion had previously been an ambassador to Carthage and had a guest-friendship with Synalus/Paralus.137 In his role of xenos, the Carthaginian leader provided much needed supplies and transport to Dion’s campaign. Most Academy members faded into the background during the military campaign, except for the Athenian Callippus. As an elite Athenian citizen and public figure,138 he became an important hetairos and xenos during Dion’s life as a refugee by initiating him into the Mysteries and housing him in Athens.139 He then played a key role in the battle as the captain of the mercenaries and was rewarded by entering at the front of the triumph crowned with garlands.140 Although Dionysius would not give up power easily, he eventually capitulated and ironically went into exile himself to Locri Epizephyrii. The relationship of the two Academics would eventually sour, with Callippus the major player in the execution of Dion several years later,141 this victory in Sicily shows the power of networks created abroad. Indeed, without his expulsion, Dion may have never have accessed these relationships external to the polis to overthrow Dionysius. Thus, the exile and the mobility themselves were the main reason for Dion’s success, and this exile meant to weaken him actually strengthened him far more than if he merely had remained at the court.

Conclusion

  • 142 For relations between politics and philosophers in the Hellenistic period, see especially Haake, 20 (...)

28In this study, we have analyzed the ways in which scholars reacted to their expulsions and their experiences as refugees. Although it may seem odd to have begun with Timaeus, who was chronologically later than the subsequent three case studies, his inability to harm the Syracusan tyrant Agathocles politically after his exile provides a useful juxtaposition with the ability of Philoxenus, Plato, and Dion to harm Dionysius I and Dionysius II. Perhaps part of this inability on Timaeus’ part was due to the general cultural trends of the early Hellenistic period, when the worlds of politics and scholarship began to disentwine, just as the political comedy of Aristophanes gave way to the universal comedy of Menander or as the Athenian-loving Socrates yielded to more cosmopolitan philosophers (although the growth of the court system among Hellenistic kings and relations between scholars / philosophers and leaders, such as Menander / Theophrastus with Demetrius of Phalerum, certainly showed continued relations between the two worlds142). Even if Timaeus was active within the Athenian intellectual community, his lack of political might, coupled with only the occasional foray of Agathocles into the Athenian political world, allowed Timaeus to damage the reputation of the tyrant only within the pages of his literary works.

29The final three case studies demonstrated a more powerful response in both the contemporary literary and political realms. While their expulsions at first created a rupture in their lives and left them temporarily victims, their elite status and networks of friendship and diplomacy allowed them to convert their status as passive bystanders to active responders. As ‘political refugees’, Philoxenus, Plato, and Dion became agents of political change by successfully employing this process of mobility to their advantage. Their expulsions first acted as fodder for literary output, as Philoxenus and Plato created narratives both to provoke sympathy for their plight and to denigrate the object of their wrath, namely the tyrant. In addition, this movement away from Syracuse encouraged the creation of new networks that offered them new ways to access power. The fact that both Dionysii attempted to be scholars and philosophers opened them up to further danger. As these scholarly, diplomatic, and political networks often were shared with the tyrant, these exiled scholar could inflict further damage on the reputation and (occasionally) the hegemony of the tyrant. Thus, although the tyrant believed that expulsion from the court would ensure that the scholar would no longer affect his socio-political status because of this geographic break, these refugees would use this experience as a catalyst to enact the changes that they could not make in the presence of the tyrant.

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Notes

1 I especially would like to thank Laura Loddo for allowing me to present these ideas at her conference in Aix-en-Provence, as well as for her patience and kindness while I wrestled this article into publishable form. I also am grateful to the two anonymous readers for their extremely precise and helpful comments. Special thanks also to Harvard’s Center for Hellenic Studies for their research support.

2 For discussion of voluntary and involuntary migration, see Garland, 2014, especially p. 82-86 and Vlassopoulos, 2007, p. 98-100.

3 For large-scale forced migration in Sicily, see Harris, 2018 and Lomas, 2006.

4 Two poignant examples appear in Diod. Sic. 13.89 and 13.111.3-6, with the hasty departure of the inhabitants of Acragas and Camarina in the wake of the Carthaginian invasion of 406-405 BC.

5 For Clearchus and his relationship with scholars, see Harris, 2017.

6 For networks of philosophers and their effects on society, see Haake, 2019.

7 For these networks of philia, see Herman, 1987, especially p. 44-54. For Greek social networks in general, see Malkin et al., 2009.

8 Tauromenium had been repurposed as a garrison by Dionysius I after 392 BC (Diod. Sic. 14.96.4). For the re-foundation of the city under Andromachus, see Diod. Sic. 16.7.1 (= FGrH 566 T3a). For the welcome of Timoleon by Andromachus, see Plut. Tim. 10.6-9 (= FGrH 566 T3b).

9 The title was (Σικελικαὶ) Ἱστορίαι or Ἰταλικὰ καὶ Σικελικά; cf. Suda, s.v. Τίμαιος (= FGrH 566 T1). Books 13-33 recounted the reigns of the Dionysii and Timoleon, while books 34-38 focused on Agathocles. For an overview of the work of Timaeus, see Baron, 2013, p. 28-38 and Vattuone, 2002, p. 178-181.

10 Diod. Sic. 21.17.1 (= FGrH 566 T4a) notes that Timaeus was banished from Sicily by Agathocles (φυγαδευθεὶς γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ᾽Αγαθοκλέους ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας). Regarding his exile, Polyb. 12.25h.1 (= FGrH 566 T4b) states: πεντήκοντα συνεχῶς ἔτη διατρίψας ᾽Αθήνησι ξενιτεύων. See Plut. De exil. 605c for the general exile of scholars in antiquity.

11 Scholars have debated whether Timaeus left Sicily in the 330s or 310s. Brown, 1958, p. 1-10 argues for the earlier date (i.e. Timaeus studied in Athens but could not return). Meister, 1970 argues for c. 315 (i.e. after Agathocles’ accession to power and taking of Tauromenium, cf. Diod. Sic. 19.65), with a possible return in the 260s, a view also argued for by Baron, 2013, p. 17-22.

12 Polyb. 12.26b.4 (τοσαύτην ποιεῖται σπουδὴν περὶ τοῦ τὴν μὲν Σικελίαν μεγαλομερεστέραν ποιῆσαι τῆς συμπάσης ῾Ελλάδος). See Vattuone, 2005, p. 102-109 for the Histories as Lokalgeschichte. Jacoby also includes Timaeus as an “Autor über einzelne Städte (Länder)”.

13 Diod. Sic. 5.3.1-3 (= FGrH 566 F164) for the rape of Persephone at Enna and Diod. Sic. 5.2.4 (= FGrH 566 F164) for the provision of grain by Demeter to the Sicilians.

14 Polyb. 12.23.6-7 (= FGrH 566 F119a) famously complains that Timaeus vaunts the success of Timoleon, who sought glory in the “saucer” of Sicily (ἐν ὀξυβάφωι) to make his own works appear greater.

15 Feeney, 2007, p. 44-52 analyzes synchronization in Timaeus and notes the theme of competition with Greece.

16 One myth of Gelon concerning his rescue from death by a wolf as a child is repeated in Tzetz. Chil. 4.266 (= FGrH 566 F95). The Timaean synchronization between the victory of Gelon over the Carthaginians at Himera and the Greeks at Thermopylae is found in Diod. Sic. 11.24.1.

17 Brown, 1958, p. 75-79 evaluates Dionysius I in the works of Timaeus.

18 The scholium to Aeschines 2, 10 (= FGrH 566 F29) notes ἀλάστωρ ἐστὶ τῆς Σικελίας καὶ ᾽Ιταλίας, καὶ ἐάνπερ ἀφεθῆι, τὰς χώρας διαφθερεῖ.

19 See Vattuone, 2002, p. 192-203 for an analysis of Agathocles’ portrayal in Timaeus.

20 Diod. Sic. 21.17.1-3.

21 Polyb. 12.15 (= FGrH 566 F124b) notes the glut of insults about Agathocles, cf. Baron, 2009.

22 Diod. Sic. 15.35.2 (= FGrH 566 F124c).

23 Diod. Sic. 19.3.1-2, cf. Just. Epit. 31.1.3-5.

24 Diod. Sic. 19.7-8.

25 Diod. Sic. 19.2.2-8. Just. Epit. 22.1.6 notes that Agathocles received citizenship later. For analysis of this birth story, see Vattuone, 1983, especially p. 4-15.

26 Diod. Sic. 19.4.1-2.

27 Diod. Sic. 20.68-69, cf. Just. Epit. 22.8. For Timaean passages in the African campaign, see Pearson, 1987, p. 238-255.

28 Baron, 2013, p. 52-57 summarizes the use of Timaeus in various authors, including Athenaeus, Plutarch, Cicero, Varro and Justin.

29 For contemporary and later sources concerning Agathocles that counter his barbaric image, see Consolo Langher, 2005, p. 165-172.

30 For the depiction of Timaeus as Ἐπιτίμαιος, see Ath. 6.103.272b and his entry in the Suda. Momigliano, 2012, p. 37-41 discusses the ancient portrayal of Timaeus.

31 For discussion of Polybius’ denigration of Timaeus, see Polyb. 12.25 and Sacks, 1981, p. 31-48.

32 Baron, 2013, p. 113-137 argues that the polemical nature of scholarly research was common in Athens and for the participation of Timaeus in Athenian intellectual life.

33 For discussion of oligarchic and tyrannical rule in Athens during this time, see Habicht, 1997.

34 For links between Athens and the West during this time, see Baron, 2013, p. 95-105.

35 Diod. Sic. 20.40.1-4 and Consolo Langher, 1993, p. 346-352.

36 Diod. Sic. 20.40.5-7 and Just. Epit. 22.7.4.

37 Plut. Pyrrh. 10.7.

38 Diod. Sic. 21.15 and 21.16.5, with Just. Epit. 23.2, for the guest exchange between Agathocles the Younger and Oxythemis of Larisa, who was present in Syracuse at the time of Agathocles’ death.

39 Diod. Sic. 21.17.1 (= FGrH 566 F124d) states: ζῶντα μὲν ἀμύνασθαι τὸν δυνάστην οὐκ ἴσχυσε.

40 For a brief overview of the courts of Dionysius I and Dionysius II, see DeVoto, 2006. For philoi in the Syracusan courts, see Sordi, 2008.

41 Diod. Sic. 15.6.

42 For this relationship between social space and geographic space at the court, see Moyer, 2011, and more generally the volume on court relations in which it is found.

43 For social interactions, see Herman, 1997, p. 202-207. For social and geographic movement, see Mooren, 1985.

44 See especially Moatti, Van Damme, 2007 for this relationship between intellectual mobility, power, and change.

45 The most thorough recent work on the biography and fragments of Philoxenus is Fongoni, 2014. Philoxenus must have escaped Syracuse sometime before 390, when his satirical play Cyclops was produced at Athens. Diod. Sic. 15.6 suggests that Philoxenus returned again in 386/5, although the Suda suggests that he never came back.

46 Plut. Mor. De vit. aer. 831f-832a states that Philoxenus was given a plot of land in Sicily. A scholium to Ar. Plut. 179c-d notes that Dionysius gave to Philoxenus Laïs, the daughter of Timander of Hykkara, as wife.

47 Ath. 1.11.6e-f.

48 For treatment of this story, see Diod. Sic. 15.6, Cic. Att. 4.6.2, Plut. De Alex. fort. 334c, Plut. De tranq. anim. 471e, Lucian. Ind. 15, Ael. VH 12.44, Amm. Marc. 15.5.37, Tzetz. Chil. 5.23 and 10.358, cf. Grandolini, 2006, p. 81-90 and the testimonia in Fongoni, 2014. For Doulon as the nickname of Philoxenus, see the entry in Hesychius (s.v. Δούλωνα) and Fongoni, 2014, p. 14-15 for analysis.

49 For the joke of taking Philoxenus back to the quarries, see Stob Flor. 3.13.31 and Suda, s.v. εἰς λατομίας and Ἄπαγέ με εἰς τὰς λατομίας.

50 For Philoxenus and Galateia, see Ath. 1.11.6e-7a (= FGrH 1012 F2) and Ael. VH 12.44, with Muccioli, 2004, p. 124-126.

51 For the reply to Dionysius, see Suda, s.v. Φιλοξένου γραμμάτιον.

52 Ath. 1.11.6e (= FGrH 1012 F13) notes that the play of Philoxenus represented himself as Odysseus, the aulos player as the nymph Galateia, and the tyrant as Dionysius. A scholium to Aristophanes’ Wealth notes that the poor eyesight of Dionysius was equated to that of Polyphemus.

53 Fongoni, 2014, p. 15-19 and p. 97-99 discusses the text (= Page, PMG 815-821). The play had been produced by the time of Aristophanes’ Wealth, as the latter mentions the twanging of a lyre and bag of vegetables, references to the text of Philoxenus. For discussion of the genre of the Cyclops, see Hordern, 1999 and Sutton, 1983. Ath. 13.17.564e (= Page, PMG 821) also suggests that it was a drama with singers and parts.

54 Ath. 1.11.7a (= Page, PMG 816) argues that the Cyclops was court satire. The scholium of Tzet. in Ar. Plut. 290 also suggests that the mistreatment of Philoxenus was the main cause for the Cyclops. Hordern, 1999 and Power, 2013 suggest that this work may have parodied contemporary works or kitharoidoi and not Dionysius.

55 For a description of earlier versions of the Polyphemus myth, see Sancho Royo, 1983.

56 For this analysis of the similarities between Odysseus and Philoxenus, see LeVen, 2014, p. 131-134.

57 For the Sicilian connections of Polyphemus, see Anello, 1984, p. 35-39.

58 For comparisons between the figure of the Cyclops and men in power, beginning with Dionysius I, see the first chapter of Muccioli, 2018.

59 The fragments of Dionysius are collected in TGF 76. His most famous work, The Ransom of Hector won first prize at the Lenaea of 367. Duncan, 2012, p. 143-149 discusses his talent and innovations in tragedy.

60 See Duncan, 2012, p. 149-154 for his representation as just king in his tragedies, cf. TGF 76 F4 and 5. Lysias 6.4-6 and Polyb. 15.35.4 refer to Dionysius as a king. Oost, 1976, p. 232-236 argues that Dionysius took the title basileus, but his title more likely was stratêgos autokratôr or archôn, cf. IG II² 18, 103, and 105.

61 Although perhaps anecdotal, many sources refer to his Persian behavior (Ath. 12.50.535e-f for kingly dress, Ath. 6.59.251e-f (= FGrH 268 F4) and Livy 24.5.4 for purple robes, and Ath. 12.50.535e-536a (= FGrH 76 F14) for his crown). See Pownall, 2017 for further discussion.

62 Plut. De Alex. fort. 338c refers to the naming of his daughters.

63 For analysis of the dance of the Cyclops, see Pagni, 2013, p. 290-295. The terms θρεττανελό and παρενσαλεύων represent strumming and drunken dancing respectively. See Theoc. Id. 6 and 11 for the theme of the lovesick Cyclops, as well as Plut. [De Mus.] 1142a, which all likely derive from the portrayal in Philoxenus. For further discussion of these sources, see Hordern, 2004.

64 Diod. Sic. 15.6.3.

65 Wealth was produced in Athens c. 388. The reference to Philoxenus is found in line 550, while lines 290-295 likely reference the Cyclops portrayed by Philoxenus, cf. Pagni, 2013 and Webster, 1970, p. 20-22.

66 The inscription, dated to 393/2 BC, is IG II2 18.

67 For this term, see PCG F9. For the daughters of Dionysius, see Cic. Tusc. 5.58.

68 Ath. 11.64.482d (= PCG F16).

69 Dionysius was said to have loved the tragedies of Euripides and Aeschylus and purchased their memorabilia. See TGF 76 T19 and Lucian. Ind. 15. Eubulus’ Spartans or Leda may also have parodied the Leda of Dionysius.

70 For Philoxenus’ portrayal of the Cyclops continuing into the Hellenistic period (Theocritus and Posidippus) and even the fifth century AD, see Hordern, 2004.

71 For the performance of the Cyclops at the court of Philip II, see Page, PMG 840. For the later performances of the Cyclops, see Polyb. 4.20.8-9 and Fongoni, 2005, p. 97-98.

72 For an overview of the representation of Dionysius in these plays, see Duncan, 2012, p. 138-141, Webster, 1970, p. 28-30, Sanders, 1979-1980, p. 72-77, and Sanders, 1979, p. 214-217.

73 For the honorary inscription, see IG II² 18. Lys. 19.19 mentions the approach of the Athenians through Eunomus for a marriage between Dionysius and the daughter of the Cypriot king to create an alliance between the three powers and to turn Dionysius away from his alliance with Sparta. Eubulus’ Geryon perhaps attacked this alliance.

74 These men included Isocrates, Plato, Xenophon and Andocides. The latter was perhaps the first Athenian to visit Dionysius during his exile between 405-402 (Lys. 6.6-7), cf. Sanders, 1979-1980, p. 66-70.

75 Vaglio, 2001 and Muccioli, 2004, p. 134-140 discuss Galateia and Polyphemus in light of politics within Dionysius’ empire.

76 Although all of the Platonic Epistles may be forgeries, I believe that the longest and most important of them (the Seventh), if not written by Plato, likely was written by a contemporary with an intimate knowledge of Plato and the Academy. See Burnyeat-Frede, 2015 for recent criticism of the authenticity of the Seventh Letter. For general recent discussion on the Seventh Letter, see the edited volume of Reid and Ralkowski, 2019.

77 See Riginos, 1976, p. 60-69 for the travels of Plato. Montiglio, 2005, p. 155-163 discusses learning as one primary reason for the travels of Plato, cf. Cic. Fin. 5.19 and Diog. Laert. 3.6.

78 For the first visit of Plato to Syracuse, see Diod. Sic. 15.7 and Nep. Dion 2.2, as well as Sanders, 1979. Canfora, 2002 also analyzes this visit in the context of the philosopher-lawmaker, cf. Pl. Ep. 7.328a-c.

79 In addition to those in the note above, passages mentioning their conversations also include Diog. Laert. 3.18-20 and Plut. Dion 5.1-5. Riginos, 1976, p. 74-79 provides an overview and list of other sources for this episode.

80 The story is made more plausible by the fact that both Sparta and Aegina were hostile to Athens at this time. Those sources following this version include Diog. Laer. 3.19-20, Ael. Arist. Or. 46.232-234, and Olympiod. In Alcib. 2.121-126.

81 Riginos, 1976, p. 86-92 gives a complete rundown of all sources describing Plato’s sale into slavery. Sources include Diod. Sic. 15.7.1, Plut. De tranq. anim. 471e-f and Tzetz. Chil. 5.138-151, 5.174-177, and 10.862-878. The expulsion of Plato and his capture by enemies of Athens on the high sea also may have been conflated into one event.

82 For these effects of wandering, see Montiglio, 2005, p. 35-37.

83 See Campbell, 1984 for fourth-century intellectuals and the reasons behind their mobility.

84 For a full list of these sources, see Riginos, 1976, p. 70-74. Jazdzewska, 2013 also analyzes the reaction to his Sicilian voyages.

85 For the reference to Plato as parasite and dog of the Dionysii, see Diog. Laert. 6.40 and Ael. VH 14.33. For the episode with the vegetables, see Diog. Laert. 6.58.

86 Moatti, Van Damme, 2007, while discussing the links in antiquity between the transmission of knowledge and the mobility of scholars, stress the importance of self-reflexivity in their writings, as they discuss their own experiences and movements.

87 For his opinion of his travels, see Pl. Ep. 7.345d-e and 7.350c-d, as well as Montiglio, 2000, p. 96-98 and Jazdzewska, 2013.

88 Aelius Aristides, who denigrates Plato’s travels to Sicily, describes Plato as commiserating with the Cyclops in Def. Quat. 389, cf. Def. Or. 280 and Def. Quat. 306 for his wanderings.

89 Pl. Resp. 9.577a (συνῳκηκότος δὲ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ καὶ παραγεγονότος ἔν τε ταῖς κατ᾽ οἰκίαν πράξεσιν).

90 Debt abolition and new land division: Pl. Resp. 8.566a and 8.566d-e; the elite as the enemy: Pl. Resp. 8.566a; stirring up wars: Pl. Resp. 8.566e; slaves as citizens: Pl. Resp. 8.567e; bodyguard: Pl. Resp. 8.566b.

91 Pl. Resp. 8.565e-566a and 8.567b (ὑπεξαιρεῖν δὴ τούτους πάντας δεῖ τὸν τύραννον, εἰ μέλλει ἄρξειν, ἕως ἂν μήτε φίλων μήτ᾽ ἐχθρῶν λίπῃ μηδένα ὅτου τι ὄφελος).

92 Pl. Resp. 9.577c-578a.

93 Pl. Resp. 9.578a-c for the misery of the tyrant; cf. Pl. Ep. 7.332c for Dionysius as poor in loyal friends (πένης γὰρ ἦν ἀνδρῶν φίλων καὶ πιστῶν). See Monoson, 2012 for an overview of the miserable life of the tyrant in the Republic.

94 Pl. Resp. 9.578e-579a.

95 Farenga, 1981, p. 6-10 analyzes Book 8 of the Republic as considering the degeneration of the city under the tyrant and the change of oppositions in the city under tyranny (e.g. free and slave).

96 Pl. Resp. 9.568b-c. Monoson, 2012, p. 160-165 analyzes the reception of tragedy in Plato’s Republic.

97 Diod. Sic. 14.109.

98 Lys. 33 and Dion. Hal. Lys. 28-29.

99 Lys. 33,1 and 3 (πολλὰς δὲ πόλεις ὑπὸ τυράννων ἀναστάτους γεγενημένας), and 33.6 (τοὺς δὲ τυράννους ἐξελάσαντες κοινὴν ἅπασι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν κατέστησαν).

100 Diod. Sic. 15.6.3.

101 For a comprehensive discussion of the figure of Dion, see Sanders, 2008, especially Chapter 4.

102 For the marriage of Dionysius to Aristomache, see Plut. Dion 3-4, 1 and Diod. Sic. 14.44.8; cf. Diod. Sic. 16.6.3.

103 Plut. Dion 6-10.

104 Pl. Ep. 7.329c-330b and Plut. Dion 16 for the first visit; Pl. Ep. 7.350a-b and Plut. Dion 18-20 for the second.

105 Helicon of Cyzicus, Aristippus of Cyrene, Aeschines of Sphettus, and the tragedian Carcinus, famously lampooned in Aristophanes’ Wasps, were all members.

106 For the Dionysiokolakes, see Ath. 6.55.249e-f; cf. Ath. 10.46.435e.

107 Plut. Dion 11.2-12 and 14.1-2.

108 Plut. Dion 14.3-5. Diod. Sic. 15.6.4 is vague concerning the reason for exile.

109 Diod. Sic. 14.5-15.3 and Plut. Dion 15.1.

110 Diod. Sic. 15.7.3-4 (= FGrH 556 T5b), cf. Aen. Tact. 10.20-21 for the exile of Leptines.

111 Diod. Sic. 14.102. For the political and military importance of Leptines, see Sabattini, 1989.

112 Aen. Tact. 10.21 also notes his popularity with the Syracusans.

113 Diod. Sic. 15.7.4 for Thurii and the marriage to Dikaiosynê upon his return. Diod. Sic. 15.17.1 for the battle at Cronium and his death. Aen. Tact. 10.21 provides an alternate exile for Leptines at Himera as head of a garrison.

114 Philistus was a youth and spectator during the campaign of Gylippus (Plut. Nic. 19 = FGrH 556 T2). For Philistus as a syngenês of Dionysius, see Suda, s.v. Φίλιστος (= FGrH 556 T1). Philistus paid a fine for Dionysius (Diod. Sic. 13.91.4 = FGrH 556 T3), so that the future tyrant could continue to stir up the crowd to follow him, and he famously appears early in Dionysius’ reign as the main supporter when Dionysius’ reign is challenged by internal revolt (Diod. Sic. 14.8).

115 For Philistus as philotyrannos, see Nep. Dion 3.1-3 (= FGrH 556 T5d) and Diod. Sic. 14.8.5 (= FGrH 556 T4). For an overview of Philistus’ work as propaganda, see Sordi, 1990.

116 For the exile of Philistus (which perhaps occurred at the same time as the exile/murder of other court members), see Diod. Sic. 15.7.3-4 (= FGrH 556 T5b).

117 Plut. Dion 11.3-4 (= FGrH 556 T5c) notes that Philistus spent his exile in Adria, Plut. De exil. 605c (= FGrH 556 T5a) suggests Epirus, and Plin. HN 3.120-121 (= FGrH 556 T8) ties him to the Po river valley.

118 For the idea of Philistus’ history as an attempt to return to Syracuse, see Paus. 1.13.9 (= FGrH T13a).

119 Note that Diod. Sic. 15.7.3 refers only to the banishment of Philistus. Book 15 of Diodorus thus has very little information for the final seventeen years of Dionysius’ reign.

120 Plut. Dion 11.4-7 (= FGrH 556 T5c).

121 For the relationship between the elites and tyrants in Sicily, see Collin Bouffier, 2010.

122 Diod. Sic. 15.17.1-2.

123 Diod. Sic. 15.17.4-5.

124 Diod. Sic. 15.17.4 for Sparta; Diod. Sic. 16.6.4-5 and Nep. Dion 4.1 and 5.1 for Corinth; Marasco, 1982, p. 163-172 for foreign support of Dion.

125 Plut. Dion 4.2-3 for Dion’s life of virtue; Pl. Ep. 7.327a-328a for Plato’s early philosophical education of Dion.

126 Plut. Dion 10 for Dion’s education of Dionysius II; Plut. Dion 11.1-2 for the reasons behind Plato’s visit.

127 Monoson, 2000 for the role of the Seventh Letter and the ways in which it explains the role of Plato.

128 Pl. Ep. 7.330d-332d and 332e-333a respectively.

129 Pl. Ep. 7.350c-d. For the role of Plato in the attack, see Galvagno, 2000, p. 129-136 and p. 170-174.

130 Diog. Laert. 3.23 and Plut. Prin. Inerudit. 779d. Other examples include Menedemus to Pyrrha and Phormion to Elis (Plut. Prae. ger. reip. 10.15).

131 Aristotle founded a new branch of the Academy in Assos; cf. Diog. Laert. 3.46 and Strabo 13.608.

132 See Ath. 11.119.508f-509b and Diog. Laert. 3.46 for a list of Academic tyrants. See Ar. Pol. 5.1311b and Dem. 23.119 for the murder of Kotys.

133 For Clearchus of Heraclea and Chion, see Harris, 2017. For an overview of all relations within the Academy, see Vatai, 1984, p. 63-98 and Isnardi Parente, 1979.

134 Plut. Dion 12.5 notes 800 mercenaries, while Diod. Sic. 16.9.5 states 1,000.

135 Plut. Dion 22.1-2.

136 Plut. Dion 22.3-4 and 23.2.

137 Plut. Dion 25 (Synalus) and Diod. Sic. 16.9.4 (Paralus) for this episode. Plut. Dion 5.8 and Nep. Dion 1.5 for Dion as ambassador. Note that Dion was exile under suspicion of secret contact with Carthage (Plut. Dion 14.4-5 = FGrH 566 F113).

138 For Callippus and his family, see Dem. 36.53 and 50.47-52, with IG II2 1609, 5408, 5432, 5433, and 5450. See Marchiandi, 2007 for his life and political importance.

139 Plut. Dion 17.2 and 54.1, Ath. 11.119.508e-f, Diog. Laert. 3.46, and Pl. Ep. 7.333e for their relationship.

140 Plut. Dion 28.3 and 54.1.

141 Plut. Dion 57, Nep. Dion 9, and Pl. Ep. 7.334a.

142 For relations between politics and philosophers in the Hellenistic period, see especially Haake, 2007.

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Jason R. Harris, « The Revenge of the Refugee: the Expulsion of Scholars in the Late Classical Period and the Power of their Reactions in Literature and Politics »Pallas, 112 | 2020, 265-287.

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Jason R. Harris, « The Revenge of the Refugee: the Expulsion of Scholars in the Late Classical Period and the Power of their Reactions in Literature and Politics »Pallas [En ligne], 112 | 2020, mis en ligne le 01 juillet 2022, consulté le 23 mai 2024. URL : http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/pallas/21875 ; DOI : https://0-doi-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/10.4000/pallas.21875

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Jason R. Harris

Vanderbilt University, Nashville

Fellow, Center for Hellenic Studies, and Senior Lecturer,
Vanderbilt University, Nashville - USA
jason-richard.harris[at]gmail.com

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