Navigation – Plan du site

AccueilNuméros115Percussions Antiques. Organologie...Percussions et objets sonores dan...Percussion Music in Athenian Reli...

Percussions Antiques. Organologie – Perceptions – Polyvalence
Percussions et objets sonores dans les sociétés anciennes

Percussion Music in Athenian Religious Rituals and Festivals

Les instruments de musique à percussion dans les rituels et cérémonies religieuses athéniennes
Angeliki Liveri
p. 67-92

Résumés

Cet article analyse les représentations littéraires et visuelles des instruments à percussion et de leurs porteurs (cymbales, crotala et tympana) dans les rituels et les fêtes athéniens, notamment au-travers des vases peints. Il se concentre plus particulièrement sur les festivités en l'honneur d'Adonis (Adonia), Aphrodite (Aphrodisia, Ourania, Aphrodite dans les Jardins, Pandemos, Hetaira) et Dionysos (Lenaia, Anthesteria). Une sélection de représentations de ces événements, tirée de vases attiques pris dans une chronologie allant de l'époque archaïque à la période classique, sera ainsi présentée. Cette étude souhaite souligner les différents usages des instruments à percussion, leurs associations avec les divinités, leurs significations pour les dévots et plus généralement leur importance dans la vie religieuse et culturelle d'Athènes.

Haut de page

Texte intégral

  • 1 About percussion instruments see: Wegner, 1949, p. 62-68, figs. 15-18, pls. 28-29; West, 1992, p.  (...)
  • 2 The references are numerous. See selective: crotala and tympana related to Dionysos a) in Euripide (...)

1Percussion music1, produced mainly by cymbals, crotala and tympana, was associated with orgiastic cults. It was often used in rituals and festivals in honor of Aphrodite, Artemis, Demeter, Dionysos and the so-called “foreign” deities, imported from the East later (since the late 5th century BC), such as Adonis, the Mother of the Gods or Rhea-Cybele, her companions (Attis, Corybantes and Curetes) and Sabazius. Ancient texts2 mention these deities holding or playing one of these musical instruments or only enjoying their sounds of instruments played by their priestesses or worshippers that corresponds with visual representations. This paper presents selected vase-paintings of rituals or festivals, which were accompanied by percussion music, in honor of Adonis, Aphrodite and Dionysos, and interprets their significance for the worshippers-participants.

1. Festival for Adonis (Adonia, Gardens of Adonis)

  • 3 Deubner, 1932, p. 222 (generally from Orient); Soyez, 1977, p. 8-43 (Adonia in Byblos); Servais-So (...)
  • 4 Burn, 1987, p. 41, note 86 cf. and note 87 (Sappho’s fragments 140a and 168).
  • 5 Liveri, 2001, p. 69, figs. 8-9; cf. Detienne, 2000, p. 77-79; about the perfumes in the Greek Anti (...)
  • 6 Apollodorus, Library, 3.14.4.
  • 7 Apollodorus, Library, 3.14.4; Reitzammer, 2016, p. 12 (he mentions fr. 139. I found the reference (...)
  • 8 Apollodorus, Library, 3.14.3; see all theories in Franklin, 2016, ch. 12; cf. Romano, 2016, p. 47- (...)

2The cult and the rituals in honor of Adonis/Ἄδωνις (the Adonia/τά Ἀδώνια) are imported in Athens from the East3. Perhaps, they have a Syrian-Phoenician background, influenced by Chanaan and Sumerian traditions. The Adonis’cult is influenced by the story of the Near Eastern goddess Astarte (Ishtar, Inanna) and her lover Tammuz, originated by the Sumerian Dumuzi. The worship of the Mesopotamian Tammuz moved west, when the Assyrian domination spread from Mesopotamia to Syria/Palestine. Probably this “foreign” cult reached the Greek mainland through Cyprus and other Aegean islands, such as Lesbos, helped its diffusion, as show the first references of Adonis’ name in Sappho’s poetry4. Adonis is associated with vegetation, nature’s renewal and perfumes. He was celebrated as “the Perfumes’ God” by the Greeks in Classical times5; Ancient writers mention various persons as his parents: according to Panyasis, an epic poet, his mother was the Smyrna or Myrrha, who became a metamorphosis/metamorphosed into a myrrh-tree after her incestuous relationship with his father, the Assyrian king Thyas, Aphrodite’s descendant6. “Hesiod affirms that he was a son of Phoenix and Alphesiboea”7. Another version represents as Adonis’ parents the Cyprus’ king Kinyras and Smyrna or Myrrha8.

  • 9 Angelos Delivorrias and Lucilla Burn following Benjamin D. Merrit: Delivorrias, 1978, p. 20-21; Bu (...)
  • 10 Delivorrias, 1978, p. 18; Simon, following Travlos: Simon, 1983, p. 40, fig. 4; Rosenzweig, 2007, (...)
  • 11 Delivorrias, ibid.; Rosenzweig, ibid., p. 37, figs. 12, 22-26; cf. Pala, 2010, p. 195-216, figs. 1 (...)
  • 12 Deubner, 1932, p. 215.
  • 13 Angelos Delivorrias identified a fragment of the original cult statue Aphrodite’s: Delivorrias, 19 (...)
  • 14 Delivorrias, ibid., p. 18-19; Burn, 1987, p. 28, not. 10; Rosenzweig, ibid., p. 36-37, figs. 23-24 (...)
  • 15 Delivorrias, 2008, p. 110.
  • 16 The Painter of Athens 1454: Paris, Louvre CA 1679; Delivorrias, 1978, p. 11, pl. 13.1; Burn, 1987, (...)

3In Athens is not attested a specific cult-place for Adonis. Because of this reason some scholars assume that Adonis was worshipped together with Aphrodite and Eros in one open-air sanctuary in the north slope of the Acropolis, arguing of the common oriental origin both (Ourania-Aphrodite en Kepois/Οὐρανία Ἀφροδίτη ἐν Κήποις//in the Gardens and Adonis)9. The most scholars accept that there was a sanctuary of Aphrodite Ourania, protector of love and marriage, and Eros10. This is supported by rock-cut inscriptions and by the archaeological evidence, representing Aphrodite, Eros, marble phalloi etc.11. One inscription mentions the date of the spring festival of Eros taking place at the fourth day of Mounichion that corresponds with the months April and May12. Since there was no a temple-building, Aphrodite’s cult statue must have stood outside and a seated Aphrodite in the Olympias typus would be eminently suitable13. This hypothesis is supported by fragments of a perivolos wall, decorated with Erotes in relief, placed/moved in procession carrying cult paraphernalia such as phialai, thymiateria, oinochoai/ pitchers14. The proposal Delivorrias’ that they perhaps go toward a central scene, which is omitted, seems very convincing. Elsewhere, he mentions that Adonia perhaps were linked with all three Athenian sanctuaries of Aphrodite in the Gardens15. This proposal seems amazing, but cannot be proven yet. Some painters, as the Painter of Athens 1454, associated the seated woman in their Adonia paintings with the seated cult statue Aphrodite’s and with actual festivals held there16.

  • 17 Deubner, 1932, p. 220-222; Atallah, 1966; Servais-Soyez, 1981, p. 222-223, 228-229; Delivorrias et (...)
  • 18 Weil, 1966, p. 695-698; cf. Soyez, 1977, p. 44-75 (date of Adonia in Byblos).
  • 19 Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 387-398 (see text in note 2 above); Burn, 1987, p. 41, note 84.
  • 20 Cf. Detienne, 2000, p. 113-144; Reitzammer, 2016, p. 15-20.
  • 21 Reitzammer, ibid., p. 3: with more details in special chapters.
  • 22 Oakley, Sinos, 1993, p. 38-42, figs. 115-129; Liveri, 2014, p. 200-201, fig. 5a-b.

4The Adonia or Adonis’ festival took place once a year in Athens in the late 5th and 4th century BC, to commemorate the death of Adonis, Aphrodite’s beloved17. The feast took place in the midsummer. According to Nicole Weill Adonia were celebrated between 23 and 27, in association with the appearance of Sirius, but after 432 at 20 July18. Although Adonia was a very popular feast, “it never attained the status of a state cult”. It was a private feast, celebrated in Athenian houses. The worshippers were both, male and female, but they were mostly women. According to Aristophanes men disliked the Adonia more than the other female festival in honor Demeter’s, the Thesmophoria19. During Adonia the women cultivated plants (e.g. fennel and lettuce) in broken pottery vessels, the so-called Gardens of Adonis (Κήποι Ἀδώνιδος)20. They carried them to rooftops, where the plants sprout quickly to wither just as quickly in the sun. Then the participants mourned the dead beautiful youth, Adonis. In Classical Athens, the Adonia are associated with social and cultural events (e.g. wedding, civic funeral oration and creation of philosophy)21. The ritual during Adonia was divided in two parts: the first part concerned lamentations for Adonis’ death according to the funerary tradition; in the second part the female worshippers celebrated Adonis’ resurrection with ecstatic dances and music of auloi and percussion instruments, such as cymbals, crotala and tympana. Perhaps in Athens, Adonia incorporate elements from the funerary and wedding rituals, especially Epaulia22.

2. Representations of Adonia with percussion music

  • 23 About lamentations for Adonis as ritual poetics and the relationship with Aphrodite and Kinyras cf (...)
  • 24 Reitzammer, 2016, p. 46-49; Goff, 2004, p. 231-247.

5We can see on Attic vase-paintings of the late 5th and 4th century BC representations of Adonia including music and dances. The main motif in all scenes is either a young beautiful woman, mostly identified as Aphrodite or a bride, or an Eros descending a ladder surrounded by other female figures or participants/worshippers. One of them offers them something in a lekanis or tray (incense or spices?) or the descending figure places something similar inside the vessel; sometimes a thymiaterion on high foot (incense burner) is also placed in the scene. Some worshippers play music, others dance and probably all sing lamentations23 or, according to Laurialan Reitzammer, also wedding songs (e.g. Sappho’s epithalamia)24. We have selected some examples representing Adonia; the next three are attributed to the Apollonia Group (360-350 BC):

  • 25 London, British Museum, no. E2 41, /or 1856,1001.16; BAPD, no. 230493; Servais-Soyez, 1981, p. 228 (...)

6In the first example auloi and crotala sounds are combined. It is an Attic red-figure hydria in the British Museum, excavated in Cyrenaica25. In the middle of the scene is placed a woman in profile descending a ladder, turned to another woman standing to the left either offering her something in a lekanis or bowl (incense?) or she dropps/sprinkles incense and spices into the bowl for dedication to Aphrodite and Adonis. Behind her stand a double-auloi player and a “mantle-dancer” (a dancer wrapped in her mantle/himation). Two other female performers are visible to the ladder’s right: a “mantle-dancer” and another woman dancing playing crotala. Between them a flying Eros is playing double-auloi. At the left corner of the vessel is depicted a diminutive figure of a bearded Pan, with goat’s legs and horns, participating at the feast dancing on his right leg to right; his right hand is placed on his hip, while from the left his nebris hangs.

  • 26 St. Petersburg, State Hermitage Museum, no. 2024; BAPD, no. 230498; Krauskopf, 2005, p. 214, 221, (...)
  • 27 See a reconstruction in Gouache in Brussels, Musée Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire: Massar, 2008, p. 20 (...)

7The second example is an Attic red-figure squat lekythos, from Apollonia in Bulgaria, now in Hermitage26. In the Adonia scene depicted on its surface is visible a woman holding a great tympanon participating at the festival. Unfortunately, her upper body and a part of the instrument are damaged, but we can reconstruct the beautiful scene27: a winged Eros descends the ladder holding a small vessel/bowl, a thymiaterion perhaps. Left, a standing woman repeats the same ritual practice offering him something in a vessel or Eros leaves something in it, probably incenses or spices. Behind her are depicted two women: one seated on a diphros and at the scene’s end another woman standing with both arms raised; a bird flies over the seated woman. To the right of the ladder, a woman with a naked upper body seated on a chair (klismos) is occupied with a thymiaterion; beside her a small kneeling winged Eros underlines the erotic ambience. Perhaps she is Aphrodite or the bride. The seated tympanon-player with naked upper body is placed above Eros. The last woman is bent over a calyx-crater. It is a calm scene. There is not dancing. It is not clear whether the woman with the raised arms on the left performs a dance movement or she prays.

Fig. 1a et b. Attic red-figure squat lekythos (b. 4th c. BC). Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, no. V. I. 3248. © Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz (Phot. Johannes Laurentius).

Fig. 1a et b. Attic red-figure squat lekythos (b. 4th c. BC). Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, no. V. I. 3248. © Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz (Phot. Johannes Laurentius).
  • 28 Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, no. V.I. 3248: BA (...)
  • 29 Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen/Albertinum, no. Z V798: BAPD, no. 230495.
  • 30 Liveri, 2014, p. 201, fig. 5a-b.

8The third example of the Apollonia Group, which represents an Adonia scene, is a red-figure squat lekythos (beg. 4th c. BC) in Berlin (fig. 1a, b), excavated in Apollonia in Bulgaria28.The scene’s central motif is similar to the one on the hydria in London, but with some differences: a woman (Aphrodite?) descends a ladder and to the left a standing woman either offers her something in a vessel (incense?) or she (the woman or Aphrodite) leaves something inside it (incense or spices?). Between these central figures on the left is placed a thymiaterion, above the bowl which holds the standing woman. This perhaps indicates that the descending woman holds incense from the bowl and put it into the incense burner. Over the standing woman a small Eros flies towards Aphrodite (?), while behind her stands a woman holding cymbals in her raised arms. The last woman left is seated, nude in her upper body, trying to hold an edge of her coat that has fallen behind her. A small kneeling Eros arranges her shoes, a motif that appears in bride’s preparations scenes. To the ladder’s right side a woman seated on a diphros with footstool plays a double-aulos; behind her are a standing woman holding a great tympanon and two female dancers: a “mantle-dancer” and another wearing a sleeveless chiton and holding crotala. It is also worth noting that the “mantle-dancer” has covered her under face part, so that are visible only her eyes. This motif appears in other depictions of the Apollonia Group, as in a ritual scene on a red-figure hydria in Dresden29, where the left maenad dances wrapped in her himation under the sounds of a tympanon playing by another dancing maenad and one double-aulos playing by Eros, and generally in other examples, such as in a Epaulia scene on a volute-crater in Copenhagen30, more often in the 2nd half of the 4th century BC. All women are very elegant; they wear beautiful garments, richly jewelry (necklaces, bracelets and earrings), elaborate hairstyles, decorated with ribbons and flowers. Vegetations motifs (anthemia, a tree and flowers) and a goose, (the holy animal Aphrodite’s) complete the scene. Among the Apollonia Group vases the squat lekythos in Berlin is the one with the most percussion instruments (cymbals, tympanon and crotala) in the Adonia scene.

Fig. 2a, b, c. Attic red-figure skyphos or kotyle (mid. 4th c. BC). Athens, New Acropolis Museum, no. NA 1960-NAK 222. © New Acropolis Museum (Phot. Socrates Mavromatis).

Fig. 2a, b, c. Attic red-figure skyphos or kotyle (mid. 4th c. BC). Athens, New Acropolis Museum, no. NA 1960-NAK 222. © New Acropolis Museum (Phot. Socrates Mavromatis).
  • 31 Athens, New Acropolis Museum, no. NA 1960-NAK 222: Kaltsas, Shapiro, 2008, p. 262-263, no. 121 (N. (...)

9On the other hand, the Adonia representation (fig. 2a, b, c) on a red-figure skyphos or kotyle in Athens, dated at the middle of the 4th century BC, excavated at the south slope of the Acropolis, displayed in the New Acropolis Museum is the one with the smallest number of figures31. It is much damaged. We can see that the decoration’s program includes three parts/scenes: on the surface a winged Eros-ephebos, naked, but wreathed, descends the ladder and offers something in a vessel, held by a standing woman to the left. The two figures are surrounded by anthemia and antithetic spirals. The second scene shows two women dancing vividly wearing richly folded long chitons: the right moves more ecstatically holding crotala in each hand. Between them flies a dove, Aphrodite’s holy bird. The third scene is damaged and is visible a fragmentary Aphrodite riding a swan with upswept wings, flanked by two winged Erotes.

  • 32 Florence, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, nos. 81947, 81948: On the first hydria there is not percus (...)
  • 33 Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 387-396. He has written also a comedy with the title Αδωνιάζουσαι, which (...)
  • 34 London, British Museum, no. E 721: Reitzammer, 2016, p. 53, fig. 10.

10The two Attic red-figure hydriai in Florence, attributed to Meidias Painter (ca. 415 BC), are also associated with the Adonis’ and Aphrodite’s cult32. These vases are decorated with scenes representing Adonis, Aphrodite and other figures, but not Adonia. However, they are indirectly associated with this festival, especially the hydria, no. 81948. It includes in its decoration Adonis and Aphrodite surrounded by women and a small Eros. The women are female personifications, who also symbolize the participants at the festival of Adonis dancing and playing music; in this case a tympanon is held by Pannychis, the personification of the all-night feast. Aristophanes also confirms the use of tympana at Adonia33. The consumption of wine was also involved during the celebrations, while the aromas emphasized the erotic ambience, as show the depictions of thymiateria in the scenes, sometimes carried by Erotes, as on a red-figure lekythos in London34.

  • 35 Wegner, 1949, p. 66-67, fig. 18; West, 1992, p. 126-128, fig. 33; cf. representations in wedding r (...)
  • 36 Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli, no. H 3256: Delivorrias et al., 1984, p. 134, no.  (...)

11In the Greek colonies of South Italy and Sicily, mainly in Apulia, except the above mentioned percussion instruments, were also used the xylophone or psithyra or “Apulian rattle or sistrum” at Adonia or in other rituals, related with Aphrodite’s cult and wedding rituals35. This ladder like instrument became Aphrodite’s attribute, sometimes holded by her, as on an Apulian red-figure crater in Naples, attributed to Dareios Painter36.

3. Rituals or Festivals in Aphrodite’s Honor

  • 37 About Aphrodite see: Delivorrias et al., 1984; Pirenne-Delforge, 1994; Simon, 1998, p. 202-221; De (...)
  • 38 Burn, 1987, p. 31; Rosenzweig, 2007, p. 14-15, fig. 1-4 (Pandemos); Delivorrias, ibid., figs. 1, 2 (...)
  • 39 Rosenzweig, ibid., p. 35-38, figs. 1, no. 4 (after Travlos), 21; Delivorrias, 2008, p. 109.
  • 40 Rosenzweig, ibid., p. 31-33, fig. 17, no. 2 (after Travlos); Delivorrias, ibid., p. 108-109.
  • 41 Rosenzweig, 2007, p. 40-44, figs. 28-29; Delivorrias, 2008, p. 110, fig. 3.
  • 42 Delivorrias, ibid., p. 111.
  • 43 Delivorrias, ibid. , p. 112
  • 44 Delivorrias, ibid., p. 110-111, fig. 5 (a roman copy of an Aphrodite’s statue in the type of the D (...)
  • 45 IG. II2, 2798; Rosenzweig, 2007, p. 26-28, fig.14; Delivorrias, 2008, p. 111-112.
  • 46 The Athenian Hetairai celebrated also the Aphrodisia; on this festival see Pirenne-Delforge, 2007, (...)
  • 47 Deubner, 1932, p. 215-216; Simon, 1983, p. 43-44 (Arrephoria, a festival for Athena and Aphrodite (...)

12Aphrodite was very popular in Athens, compared only to that of Athena, the polis patron37. Her cult reached Attica through the Phoenicians either through Cyprus or Cythera. The city worshipped her in numerous sanctuaries, temples and statues in a variety of names and symbolisms/aspects38: as Aphrodite Ourania, in the Gardens in three sanctuaries (on the north slope of the Acropolis with Eros39, at Ilissos40 and at Daphni with Peitho (Persuasion), along the Sacred way to Eleusis)41, as Aphrodite Pandemos together with Peitho on the south-west slope of Acropolis42 and near there were the sanctuary of Aphrodite ἐφ’ Ἱππολύτω43 and the most official temple of all in honor of Aphrodite Ourania44, close to that of Hephaistos in the Agora. According to the dedication’s inscription Aphrodite Hegemone shared an altar with Demos and the Charites in the Agora45. In the same location (Agora) may have been a temple or shrine of Aphrodite Hetaira46. Aphrodite was the protector of numerous different societies and types of people. Various rituals and festivals (Aphrodisia) in her honor took place in Athens47.

  • 48 Euripides, Helen, 1346-1353; Voelke, 1996, p. 284-290, esp. 289-295; Zschätzsch, 2002, p. 73; Cast (...)

13In written sources, Aphrodite is associated with tympanon and with the aition of its invention. Euripides associates Aphrodite with tympanon and auloi48. The chorus describes Demeter’s search for her daughter: Zeus calls on the Graces and the Muses to chase Demeter’s grief with shouting, dancing and singing:

χαλκο͂υ δ’ αθδάν χθονίαν τύμπανά τα’ έλαβε βυρσοτενή καλλίστα τότε πρώτα μακάρων Κύπρις. Γέλασέν τε θεά δέχατο τα’ εις χέρας βαρύβρομον αυλόν τερφθείς αλαλαγμώ.

“For the underground sound of the ore then took the beautiful Kypris as the first of the blessed, the leather-covered tympana. However, the goddess [Demeter] laughed and took the melancholy aulos hands full of joy to the cheers”.

  • 49 Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 1-3; Voelke, 1996, p. 293, not. 52-53; Castaldo, ibid., p. 294; on her s (...)
  • 50 Ζschäzsch, 2002, p. 73-74, 76; Liveri, 2013, p. 1105-1106 (the goddess with tympana or cymbals).
  • 51 Ζschäzsch, ibid., p. 73, 75, 76, pl. 8a; cf. notes 35-36 above about xylophone.

14Aristophanes mentions female rituals for Aphrodite Colias and Genetyllis accompanied by tympana to invoke the goddess’ favor for fertility and motherhood49. It seems that in both cases the symbolism and the purpose was the same. Aphrodite also appears on vase-paintings holding or in association with a percussion musical instrument, mostly a tympanon, after the 2nd half of the 4th century BC50. On vase-paintings of South Italy, mainly from Apulia, she is also represented with cithara and a ladder like instrument or xylophone, as has already been mentioned51.

4. Representations of Percussion’s Instruments in Aphrodite’s Worship Scenes

  • 52 Burn,1987, p. 32; cf. for Aphrodite, perfumes and cosmetics Liveri, 2001, p. 63, 65; cf. note 5 ab (...)

15Around the last two decades of the 5th century BC Aphrodite became a very popular motif also among the vase-painters. Especially Meidias and his circle prefer to depict her, very successfully. We can agree with Lucilla Burn that this popularity “may be connected with the increased popularity of squat lekythoi, lekanides and pyxides, which most probably contained the perfumed oil and unguents used by women”. The placement of Aphrodite on the exterior surface of the container was very intelligent “for products’ marketing”, because Aphrodite was associated with perfume, cosmetic and their countries of origin, and as goddess of beauty and love “would serve both as a reminder of the contents and as stimulus to their use”52.

Fig. 3a, b. The lid of an Attic red-figure pyxis (420-400 BC). Athens, National Archaeological Museum, no. 1243/CC1960. Credit line: National Archaeological Museum, Athens (phot. Ei. Miari). © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund.

Fig. 3a, b. The lid of an Attic red-figure pyxis (420-400 BC). Athens, National Archaeological Museum, no. 1243/CC1960. Credit line: National Archaeological Museum, Athens (phot. Ei. Miari). © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund.
  • 53 Paris, Louvre, no. MNB 2110: BAPD, 220506; Burn, ibid., no. M 16, p. 26-27, 29-30, pl. 16a,b,c; De (...)
  • 54 Athens, National Archaeological Museum, no. 1243/CC1960; BAPD, 220539; Roberts, 1978, p. 152, pl.  (...)

16We selected two depictions showing a cult ritual worshiping Aphrodite in the Gardens with use of percussion music: first a red-figure squat-lekythos in Louvre, decorated by Meidias (ca. 410 BC)53, and second the lid of a red-figure pyxis in Athens (fig. 3a, b), attributed to the Painter of Athens 1243 (420-400 BC)54. In the first example the central motif is Aphrodite seated on a klismos turned to the left; behind her is a small winged Eros and above her a wreath. They are surrounded by women who dance or play music of tympana and cymbals. The sole exception is the woman to the left who bents arranging the goddess’ clothes or grasping her knees. Behind her is visible a standing tympanistria, who holding a great decorated tympanon moves towards Aphrodite gently/quietly; her companions though perform fast and ecstatic dancing movements. Behind her is placed a cymbal-player moving to the left and another woman to the right and behind Eros three other worshippers dance ecstatically. The two at the edges wear fine folded and decorated chitons and himatia, the middle one only a sleeveless, simple chiton. Perhaps the women celebrate Aphrodite during a pannychis, in her sanctuary at Ilissos (?), as her seated posture indicates. The seated Aphrodite typus on these vases reflects the similar cult statue made by Alkamenes for this sanctuary. The anthemia between the dancers and the wreath above Aphrodite indicate also that the scene took place outside and symbolize Aphrodite’s nature and her association with vegetation and fertility.

17In the second example Aphrodite is depicted seated at the center, looking left and holding a scepter in her left hand. In front of her stands a female figure, probably a priestess, holding a tray or phiale. Between them are visible above a wreath and below a deer, that either is the sacrifice animal or it is included in the natural landscape as the plants and flowers showing Aphrodite’s aspect as a deity of nature and fertility. The other lid-side is decorated by two Erotes flying toward an altar; one plays a double flute and the other a tympanon. The vegetable ornaments, tendrils and branches, which are placed between the figures, symbolize perhaps the springtime, when these rituals were celebrated and the location, the sacred garden. Also around the pyxis-body is depicted a laurel branch, that is also connected with Aphrodite.

  • 55 See Delivorrias et al., 1984; Burn, 1987; Brøns, 2017, p. 213-219, figs. 61-64; cf. next notes (56 (...)
  • 56 Here some examples without dance and musical performances: a) Athens, National Archaeological Muse (...)
  • 57 See e.g.: a) British Museum, squat lekythos, no. E714, early 4th c. Here Aphrodite is flanked by a (...)

18Several red-figure squat lekythoi from ca. 400 through the early 4th century BC depict a female xoanon/idol standing on an open-air sanctuary55. The idol is identified mostly with Aphrodite Ourania in the Gardens, whether is also depicted an Eros and because this vase is a perfume container, associated with offerings to Aphrodite56. Some of the depicted rituals include dance and tympanon-players57.

  • 58 Paris, Louvre, no. CA 1890: BAPD, no. 220623; Burn, 1987, no. MM 108, p. 85, pl. 51c; Castaldo, 20 (...)
  • 59 We will find this garment and in other examples and in the volute-crater in Ferrara. About ependyt (...)

19Perhaps the next scene is also associated with an Aphrodite’s ritual, but in her absence. It decorates a red-figure lekythos in Louvre, attributed to a Painter in Meidias’ manner (450-400 BC)58. In the middle a winged Eros in profile to right playing a double-aulos accompanies the dancing of two women, who flanked him, wearing a short decorated chiton (ependytes), an attractive garment, dressed also in cult scenes either by gods, priests or initiators59. The left dancer is shaking crotala, while a great tympanon is placed in front of Eros. All iconographical elements (music, dance, priestess-garments, and landscape with floral motifs) support the hypothesis for a spring religious ritual, related to the nature’s renewal, as in the previous examples. Perhaps the dancers are hetairai who celebrate die Aphrodisia. Ceremonies of this festival took place in the sanctuaries of Aphrodite’s Pandemos or Hetaira.

5. Rituals and Festivals of Dionysos

  • 60 On Dionysos see Gaspari, Veneri, 1986, p. 414-420, 496-514; Simon, 1998, p. 233-253; Isler-Kerényi (...)

20Dionysos/Διόνυσος60 was one of the most popular gods in Athens, although he was not among the Olympians. His cult combined many elements: e.g. he was a god of vegetation and fertility, but also a chthonic deity, linked with the Underworld of the dead and the souls and the life after death.

  • 61 Chryssoulaki, 2008, p. 267-275, esp. p. 267; cf. Schmitt Pantell, 2013, p. 437-442.
  • 62 Deubner, 1932, p. 134-138; Simon, 1983, p. 101-102; Chryssoulaki, ibid., p. 269.
  • 63 Deubner, ibid., p. 138-142; Simon, ibid., p. 102-104; Bruit Zaidman, Schmitt Pantel, 1992, p. 108- (...)
  • 64 Deubner, ibid., p. 93-123; Simon, ibid., p. 92-99; cf. Ζschätzsch, ibid., p. 95; Chryssoulaki, ibi (...)
  • 65 Deubner, ibid., p. 123-134; Simon, ibid., p. 100-101; Ζschätzsch, ibid., p. 97; Chryssoulaki, ibid (...)
  • 66 Deubner, ibid., p. 142-151; Simon, ibid., p. 89-92;

21His festivals at Athens became official festivals of the city, equal in importance to, if not greater than, those of the goddess Athena, the polis’ patron61. The Rural or in the Fields Dionysia62, the City Dionysia63, the Anthesteria64, the Lenaia65 and the Oschophoria66 were the most famous among them.

  • 67 Pantermalis et al., 2013, p. 68, 70, figs. 70, 77; on the theater see: Gogos, 2008; Papastamati-vo (...)

22The most important Dionysos’ sanctuary in Athens was placed at the south slope of Acropolis and was closely associated with the theater67. There, at month Elafivolion (end March – beg. April) the Great or City’s Dionysia were celebrated. The first sanctuary was constructed by Peisistratos or their sοns ca. at the middle of the 6th century BC. Perhaps they imported the Dionysos’ cult and xoanon from Eleutheres of Boeotia to Athens. After the middle of the 4th century BC was constructed another temple south of the first with the god’s statue of gold and ivory, made by Alkamenes.

23In this paper we discuss more about Anthesteria/Ἀνθεστήρια and Lenaia/Λήναια, because they are associated with rituals on vase-paintings including percussion instruments.

  • 68 The second day of Anthesteria called Choes and the third Chytroi. “Choes refers to the oinochoai o (...)
  • 69 Cf. Valdés Guía, 2013, p. 108-109.
  • 70 Zafeiropoulou, 2008, p. 53, no. 12; Liveri, 2018, p. 40, not. 4, fig. 1.

24The Anthesteria, the last of the winter Dionysiac festivals, were celebrated for three days in the second week of Anthesterion, from the eleventh to the thirteenth. It was a vegetation feast. The central sanctuary of the Anthesteria was the Limnaion, the temple of Dionysos en Limnais, in the Agora, located south of the Acropolis. The festivities during the first day, called Pithoigia, included the opening of the wine jars and drinking/testing the new wine, singing and dancing, thanking the god68. The Lenaia were celebrated in the middle of Gamelion that is around the end of January, in honor of Dionysos-Lenaios. His sanctuary, the Lenaion69, is located in the center of Agora in Athens, near the Stoa Basileios/Royal stoa. A bronze cymbal (ca. 500-475 BC) dedicated by Lysilla to Athena, found on the Acropolis of Athens, is also associated by M. Zafeiropoulou with Lenaia70. She hypothesizes that perhaps this instrument was used by the worshipper Lysilla during a Lenaia ritual. However, it is cannot been confirmed.

  • 71 Ζschätzsch, 2002, p. 79-85, 98, pls. 8b- 9a,b.

25Dionysos is associated with music, dance and songs. He is a god mousikos. He loves to dance, to sing and to play musical instruments mostly winged ones (cithara, lyre, barbitos), but also auloi and crotala, rarely tympanon or bells71; with latter is visible only in vase-paintings from South Italy. He is mostly surrounded either by other gods (e.g. Ariadne, who sometimes plays a tympanon) or by followers (maenads, satyrs or sileni).

  • 72 Ζschätzsch, ibid., p. 88, 92-93; Castaldo, 2000, p. 96-97 (tympanon), 97-105 (cymbals); Manakidou, (...)
  • 73 For written sources cf. notes 1-2, 71-72 above; here only selective about the tympana use for Bacc (...)

26Dionysos’ worshippers used also percussion instruments in their festivities, tympana, crotala and cymbals72. This is confirmed by written sources and archaeological remains73. Numerous depictions represent Dionysiac scenes, including the god and his followers, maenads, sileni and satyrs (thiasos).

  • 74 Bundrick, 2005, p. 157, notes 84-85. About Lenai see: Deubner, 1932, p. 123-134; Simon, 1998, p. 2 (...)

27Here we present selected vase-paintings decorated with scenes, which could be identified as cult rituals in honor of Dionysos, accompanied by percussion music, mostly combined with double-auloi. They belong to a controversial vessels’ group, the so-called Lenaia-vases, representing rituals performed, during the feast’s Lenaia or Anthesteria, only by women-maenads, who are also called Lenai or Bacchai, aiming to provoke the god’s epiphany74.

Fig. 4a, b. Attic red-figure cylix (500-450 BC). Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, no. F 2290. © Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staaliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz (Phot. Johannes Laurentius).

Fig. 4a, b. Attic red-figure cylix (500-450 BC). Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, no. F 2290. © Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staaliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz (Phot. Johannes Laurentius).
  • 75 Berlin, Antikensammlung, no. F 2290: BAPD, no. 204730 with many references; Simon, 1976, p. 121-12 (...)
  • 76 On the mask-god/”Maskengott/ see: Gaspari, Veneri, 1986, p. 424-427, 504; Frontisi-Ducroux, 1991.
  • 77 Brøns, 2017, p. 221, fig. 67.
  • 78 Kunisch, 1997; Manakidou, 2017, p. 83-87, figs. 44-49.
  • 79 Manakidou, ibid., p. 86, fig. 45 (Basel, AS, no. Kä 410).

28One of the best examples is the red-figure cylix in Berlin, made by the potter Hieron and decorated by the painter Makron (500-450 BC)75. The cup’s interior shows Dionysos crowned by an ivy-wreath holding a thyrsos and a wine branch and opposite him a smaller satyr playing double-auloi. The cult scene is depicted on the vessels’ exterior surface (fig. 4a, b). It takes place outside, perhaps in the god’s sanctuary. In the middle are displayed the xoanon of Dionysos in profile and an altar; around them ten women dance ecstatically accompanied by the sounds of an double-aulos-player, standing near the altar, and a crotala-player on the other side, who emphasizes the dancing’s rhythm. The xoanon’s mask76 is bearded with long hair, crowned by an ivy-wreath, surrounded by ivy-branches and round offerings sweets (?), dressed with richly decorated garments77: a long inner garment, a chiton and a mantle above it, decorated by dolphins: the masks’ facial features are similar to Dionysos in the cup’s interior. The women/Lenai have loosened hair, except of the auletris, who wears a hair-cover. They wear fine and richly folded chitons and some of them hold either a thyrsos or a small deer or a skyphos. They perform vivid, uncoordinated/individual dancing-movements during the sacrifice, as the blood strains on the altar indicate. A great column-crater decorated with ivy-branches, perhaps full of wine, is placed under the handle in the beginning of the scene. This vase indicates the wine’s consumption during the ritual, supported by the great black-figure skyphos holding by the maenad in the middle of the back side. The chthonian nature of the early form of Dionysos’ cult is also evident. The painter Makron used similar Dionysiac themes (dancing maenads) to decorate a group of cylices78. However, only in some of them, are visible crotala-players in thiasoi of women-maenads, maenads and satyrs or seilinoi and in others in the presence of Dionysos79.

  • 80 Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli, no. 2419: BAPD, no. 215254; Deubner, 1932, p. 130, (...)
  • 81 About the Lenaia-vases see: Chryssoulaki, 2008, p. 272-275, figs. 3-5; cf. Isler-Kerényi, ibid., p (...)
  • 82 Miller, 1989, p. 316, pl. 51b; Brøns, 2017, p. 221.
  • 83 Kossatz-Deissmann, 1992, p. 340-341, no. 6.
  • 84 See all theories in Bundrick, 2005, p. 157-158.
  • 85 Simon,1983, p. 100-101.
  • 86 Manakidou, 2017, p. 56-57.

29The red-figure dinos in Naples, attributed to the Dinos’ Painter (420-410 BC), shows the continuity of the previous ritual80. It is the latest among the “Lenaia-vases”: it is a group of seventy vases, mainly stamnoi or dinoi decorated with similar Dionysiac rituals, thiasoi of women performing rituals around the xoanon of Dionysos81. Here we see the use of tympana combined with double-auloi; on the center of the vessels’ surface is visible the xoanon of a bearded Dionysos en face (as crowned mask-idol, “Maskengott”), standing on a column, flanked in its base by laurel branches. It wears a long chiton and over it a shorter, girdled and decorated ependytes82.The idol is decorated with ivy-branches and leaves, fruits and a wreath under its belt. Above each shoulder is a white circular ornament/disc, perhaps sweets offerings (plakous). In front of the idol is placed a table with a kantharos in the center, flanked by two stamnoi and various sweets or fruits above. Four women, two in each side, flank the xoanon and the table. All have long loosened hair, crowned by ivy-wreaths; they wear long, fine, folded sleeveless peplos with two black stripes at the side and a nebris above it; some of them are girdled. The woman left, near the table, with the name Dione/Διώνη, according an inscription, ladles wine into a skyphos. She appears calm and concentrated in her action. In contrary her three companions moved vividly towards the center, the two at the sides of the scene holding thyrsoi and the one on the table’s right, Mainas/ Μαινάς according the inscription, holds a tympanon, while turning her head to the right83. The ritual scene continuous on the other vessel’s side, where four women, holding thyrsoi or torches, move to the center playing music and dancing vividly and ecstatically. The left one, the group’s leader, is playing double-auloi, followed by Thaleia/Θάλεια holding a torch and a thyrsos, the Choreia/Χορεία a tympanon and the fourth participant with her hands covered by her himation a thyrsos. Some scholars identify her as the processions’ leader, but it is uncertain. All turn their head back, to the right; however, they have different hairstyles and costumes, including chiton, peplos, spotted deer skin, nebris, and coat/himation. The food that is arranged on the table suggests the sharing of a ritual meal with wine. This action obviously takes place outside. The women-participants of this ritual, including music and dance, are identified mostly as maenads, nymphs or simply female initiates/worshippers (Lenai)84. This scene is the most lively and impressive among the scenes on “Lenaia vases”. It is also controversial, whether in these scenes was worshipped Dionysos as Lenaios or Eleuthereus85. Perhaps the diffusion of his cult image as mask-idol is associated by the Peisistratos’ import of Dionysos’ cult von Eleththerai in Athens86.

  • 87 Napoli, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli, no. 82922: Gaspari, Veneri, 1986, p. 495, no. 863* (...)

30The representation of a Dionysiac cult-scene on the Apulian volute-crater from Ruvo in Napoli (ca. 400 BC), attributed to the birth of Dionysos Painter, is very interesting87: Dionysos is depicted twice and the action is accompanied by dances and sounds of tympana and cymbals. The scene takes place outside in a sanctuary; the decoration’s program is divided in two zones: in the center of the upper one is placed a young naked Dionysos seated on a rock covered with his himation, holding a thyrsos and crowned by an ivy-wreath. Left dances a maenad and besides her is a seated silen in kottavos/κότταβος-gesture. Right two maenads: a seated playing a great tympanon and another standing holding a thyrsos in her left and a phiale in her right to make a libation into the calyx-crater, which stands between them. Behind her is visible a thymiaterion. Below, in the center is an altar and behind it, left stands a maenad holding a knife and a goat, obviously to sacrifice it, honoring the standing Dionysos’statue (xoanon?), standing left, holding a thyrsos and a kantharos. The god wears a short richly decorated chiton and a polos on his head. This central motif is flanked left by two maenads dancing with tympanon and cymbals and right by another woman who approaches a table near the altar to put a disc with offerings besides the oinochoe.

  • 88 Ferrara, Museo Nazionale di Spina, no. 2897: BAPD, no. 213655; Gaspari, Veneri, 1986, p. 496, no.  (...)
  • 89 Matheson identifies the figure with a young man: Matheson, 1995, p. 278. It is difficult to distin (...)
  • 90 Cf. maenads’ dance holding snakes and accompanied by a female double-aulos player and a tympanistr (...)
  • 91 Miller, 1989, p. 326; Liveri, 2013, p. 1105; Goulaki-Voutira, 2012, p. 60, fig. IV.34: about epend (...)
  • 92 Connelly, 2007, p. 171.
  • 93 Bundrick, 2005, p. 159.

31In the next example on the famous Attic red-figure volute- crater in Ferrara, attributed to the Group of Polygnotos/Curti Painter (ca. 440-430 BC)88; the ritual is certainly performed in a sanctuary, as indicated by the seated statues of two gods, placed inside a building-construction (an aedicola with Doric columns), that is perhaps the temple: to the left a bearded man holding a phiale, crowned by two snakes; next to him is a goddess with a diadem in the hair holding a phiale in her left hand and a scepter in the right, while on the left shoulder stands a small lion. They wear sleeveless decorated chitons. In front of the divine statues are the inscriptions ΚΑΛΟΣ, ΚΑΛΗ. In front of the building stands an altar on which a fire burns for the sacrifice. Behind the altar approaches an old woman89 carrying on her head a liknon accompanied by a female auletris and two other female worshippers, a tympanon-player and another holding snakes, follow other male and female figures, playing music or dancing ecstatically holding snakes90: among the musicians of the back side we can distinguish a male and a female aulos-player, a tympanon-player and a young (male or female?) cymbals-player wearing a short decorated chiton, ependytes91, crowned by two snakes. It is difficult to distinguish whether this figure is male or female. Perhaps due to short hair it is male/a boy comparing with other small figures-participants in the same scene having longer hair. The male double aulos-player at the back of the procession wears a long, richly decorated, ungirdled, short-sleeved tunic (also an ependytes), typical for the priests. The placement of the liknophoros and the priest in the procession shows their importance for the ritual92. The depiction is much discussed and there are various interpretations. However, we agree with the most scholars that an orgiastic ritual is represented, celebrated by maenads-priestesses and other worshippers, male and female in various ages, in honor of Dionysos-Sabazius and Rhea-Cybele. Their vivid individual dances and wild behavior were accompanied by the sounds of three double-auloi, a cymbals-pair and two tympana. We cannot be certain, whether the vase-painter represents a real or an imaginative ritual93. It seems that combines various elements: chthonic (snakes), fertility’s (liknon) and orgiastic ones.

Fig. 5a, b. Attic red-figure lid of a lekanis (4th c. BC). Athens, New Acropolis Museum, no. 56NAK232. © New Acropolis Museum (Phot. Socrates Mavromatis).

Fig. 5a, b. Attic red-figure lid of a lekanis (4th c. BC). Athens, New Acropolis Museum, no. 56NAK232. © New Acropolis Museum (Phot. Socrates Mavromatis).
  • 94 Athens, New Acropolis Museum, no. NA 56NAK232: BAPD, no. 230500; Brouskari, 1974, p. 124, figs. 23 (...)

32Our last example is the red-figure lid of an Attic round lekanis in Athens (fig. 5a, b), attributed also to Apollonia Group (400-300 BC)94. It is decorated by a marvelous, very beautiful scene, which in my opinion combines Aphrodisiac and Dionysiac elements. The participants of a Dionysiac thiasos leading by Dionysos are arranged circularly on the lid’s surface. -We start the description from the center of a side: a seated on a klismos woman plays a cithara in the center of a side who reminds the seated Aphrodite or the bride in previous examples. To her right six women move towards a young, beardless Dionysos-Bacchos who is followed by three women dancing ecstatically. Seven small Erotes accompany some figures that emphasize the erotic aspect of the scene. Next to the cithara-player is visible a “mantle-dancer” with the under part of her face covered, followed by a woman bent over a calyx-crater, a motif that reminds similar one shown at Adonia; a tympanon-player dances also ecstatically, turned her head left with her hair loosed at the air, accompanied by a small Eros; the next female dancer holds crotala and turns her head back with vivid motions; the next two women are dancing holding each other’s arms (χείρ ἐπί καρπῷ), while between them is placed an altar and a small Eros, holding a lyre, leads them to the opposite coming Bacchos; the god is holding a thyrsos with his left arm and a small Eros with the right. Above the small Eros, between the first woman and the god is a vine tree full with grapes. Behind Bacchos three women dance ecstatically: the first holds a tympanon and turns her head to the right, while she moves to the left; the second woman holds crotala and her head is bent back, while the third of this group holds a tympanon with the left and a thyrsos with the right, followed by a small Eros. All figures are dressed very elegantly with different styles, elaborated haircut, heads crowned by ivy-wreaths and richly jewelry. Some details (in hair, jewelry, thyrsoi, tympana and garments) and the Erotes are represented in relief. In this wonderful scene are combined sounds of three tympana, two pairs of crotala, a cithara and a lyre. It is really a fascinating combination of musical instruments in an orgiastic and very beautiful dance performance in honor Aphrodite’s and Dionysos’.

33Summarizing we can make the following remarks:

34Percussion music of cymbals, crotala and tympana sounded in numerous cult rituals and festivals in Athens/Attica from the Archaic to the Classical times, as indicate their representations on contemporary vase-paintings. Crotala and tympana are depicted more often than cymbals. The aforementioned percussion instruments are associated with the cult of Eastern origin deities.

35They were used mostly in rituals including sacrifices, processions or other rites celebrated with songs, dances and mimic performances. They were played in combination with other musical instruments, such as auloi, less with stringed instruments, as cithara or lyre. Crotala emphasize the dance rhythm, while cymbals and tympana produce more noise.

36The purpose of their use by the worshippers was to please the deities and thus to invoke their favor to help them in their life. These percussion instruments were also used for the private pleasure of the participants in the rituals and festivals. They were sounded in rituals or festivals for deities associated with vegetation and fertility, protectors of marriage, human fertility and motherhood, but also of chthonic character, as guarantors of the cycle of life and the nature’s annual cycle. The ecstatic dances, which accompanied these rituals, are vivid and pleasant. These ceremonies offered a great opportunity for the Athenian women to participate in the city’s religious life, to go outside the oikos, to enjoy themselves and to participate in a common feast, if the festival was official. The women enjoyed music at private festivities, such as Adonia, celebrated in their houses, which due to their behavior, loud music and songs, provoked the male citizens.

37The depictions presented above, combined with written sources and archaeological remains/evidence help us reconstruct the soundscape of the percussion music in Athens from the Archaic to the Classical times during these rituals and festivals.

Haut de page

Bibliographie

Primary Sources

Anthologia Palatina or the Greek Anthology, 6, 165: Greek text: http://www.attalus.org/poetry/anth6.html (accessed 07.08.2020)

The Greek Anthology with an English Translation by W. R., Paton, vol. 1. London,1916; http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Anth.+Gr.+6.165&fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0472 (accessed 07.08. 2020)

Apollodorus: The Library, Volume I: Books 1-3.9 (Loeb Classical Library no. 121), 6th edition, translated by Sir James G., Frazer, 2 vols., Cambridge-London, 1921.

Apollodorus, Library and Epitome (English) (XML Header): http://0-perseus-uchicago-edu.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/perseus-cgi/citequery3.pl?dbname=GreekFeb2011&query=Apollod.%203.14.4&getid=1 (4.8.2020)

Aristophanes, Lysistrata: Loeb Classical Library 179, p. 320: https://0-www-loebclassics-com.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/view/aristophanes-lysistrata/2000/pb_LCL179.321.xml (accessed 05.08.2020)

Aristophanes. Aristophanes Comoediae, ed. F.W., Hall, W.M., Geldart, Greek, vol. 2. Oxford,1907. English ed. Jack Lindsay ; http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text.jsp?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01.0035 ; http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text.jsp?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01.0242 (accessed 07.08.2020)

Hesiod’s fragments: Merkelbach, R., West, M. L., 1967, (eds.), Fragmenta Hesiodea, Oxford.

Hesiod, Homeric Hymns, Epic Cycle, Homerica. Translated by Evelyn-White, H G. Loeb Classical Library Volume 57. London, 1914.

Euripides, Hellen, in: Euripides. Euripidis Fabulae, ed. G., Murray, vol. 3, Oxford, 1913. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Eur.+Hel.+1346&fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A 1999.01.0099 (11.08.2020)

Euripides, Bacchae. Iphigenia at Aulis. Rhesus, edited and translated by D., Kovacs, Euripides vol. VI, Loeb Classical Library no. 495, Cambridge, 2002.

Euripides. Cyclops. Alcestis. Medea, edited and translated by D., Kovacs, Loeb Classical Library no. 12, REV, Cambridge, 1994.

Nonnus, Dionysiaka: Nonnus of Panopolis. Dionysiaca, 3 Vols., W.H.D. Rouse, Cambridge-London,1940-1942.

Nonnus, Dionysiaka, 9, 116-117: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0485%3Abook%3D9 (7.8.2020)

Secondary References

Algrain, I., 2014, L’alabastre attique. Origine, forme et usages, Brüssel.

Alroth, B., 1992, Changing Modes in the Representation of Cult Images, in R. Hägg (ed.), The Iconography of Greek Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods. Proceedings of the First International Seminar on Ancient Greek Cult, organized by the Swedish Institute at Athens and the European Cultural Centre of Delphi, Delphi 16‒18 Nov. 1990, Kernos Supplement 1, Athènes-Liège, p. 9-46.

Atallah, W., 1966, Adonis dans la littérature et l’art grecs, Paris.

Backe-Dahmen, A. et al., 2010, Von Göttern und Menschen. Bilder auf griechischen Vasen, London-Tübingen-Berlin.

Badinou, P., 2003, La Laine et le Parfum. Épinetra et Alabastres. Forme, Iconographie et fonction. Recherche de céramique attique feminine, MA (Monographs on Antiquity II), Louvain-Dudley.

Bellia, A., 2012, Strumenti musicali e oggetti sonori nell’ Italia meridionale e in Sicilia (VI-III sec. a. C.), Funzioni, rituali e contesti, Lucca.

Benson, C., 1995, Mythische Frauengestalten als Bilder der Verunsicherung. Mänaden, in E. D. Reeder (ed.), Pandora, Mainz, p. 381-391.

Bernabé Pajares, A. et al. (eds.), 2013, Redefining Dionysos, Mythos Eikon Poiesis, bd. 5, Berlin-Boston.

Brøns, C., 2017, Gods and Garments. Textiles in Greek Sanctuaries in the 7th to the 1st Centuries BC, Oxbow, Ancient Textiles Series 28, Oxford-Philadelphia.

Brouskari, M., 1974, Μουσείον Ακροπόλεως. Περιγραφικός Κατάλογος, Athens.

Bruit Zaidman, L. and Schmitt Pantel, P., 1992, Religion in the Ancient Greek City, Cambridge (translated from French, La Religion grecque, by Paul Cartledge).

Bruit-Zaidman, L., 2008, Les parfums et l’encens dans les offrandes et les sacrifices, in A. Verbanck-Piérard et al. (eds.), Parfums de l’Antiquité, Mariemont, p. 181-189.

Bundrick, S. D., 2005, Music and Image in Classical Athens, New York.

Campenon, Chr., 1994, La céramique attique à figures rouges autour de 400 avant J.-C. Les principales forms, evolution et production, Paris.

Castaldo, D., 2000, Il Pantheon musicale. Iconografia nella ceramic attica tra VI e IV secolo, Ravenna.

Castaldo, D., 2009, The Sound of Krotala Maddening Women: Krotala and Percussion Instruments in Ancient Greek Pottery, in D. Yatromanolakis (ed.), An archaeology of representations: ancient Greek vase-painting and contemporary methodologies, Athens, p. 283-298 (ch.11).

Chryssoulaki, St., 2008, The Participation of Women in the Worship and Festivals of Dionysos, in N. Kaltsas and H. A. Shapiro (eds.), Worshiping Women, New York, p. 267-275.

Colangelo, E., 2018, “This Rhoptron I will Never Touch Again”, or When Women in Transition Consecrated Musical Instruments, in A. Bellia and S. D. Bundrick (eds.), Musical Instruments as Votive Gifts in the Ancient World, Telestes 4, Studi e ricerche di Archeologia Musicale nel Mediterraneo, Pisa-Roma, p. 61-70.

Connelly, J. B., 2007, Portrait of a Priestess. Women and Ritual in Ancient Greece, Princeton.

Delivorrias, A., 1978, Das Original der sitzenden “Aphrodite-Olympias”, AM, 93, p. 1-23.

Delivorrias, A. et al., 1984, s.v. Aphrodite, LIMC, II, p. 2-151.

Delivorrias, A., 2008, The Worship of Aphrodite in Athens and Attica, in N. Kaltsas and H. A. Shapiro (eds.), Worshiping Women, New York, p. 107-113.

Deubner, L., 1932, Attische Feste, Berlin.

Detienne, M., 2000, Die Adonis-Gärten. Gewürze und Düfte in der griechischen Mythologie, Darmstadt (translated from French by Gabriele and Walter Eder).

Franklin, J. C., 2016, Kinyras: The Divine Lyre, Hellenic Studies Series 70. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies: http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn3:hul.ebook:CHS_FranklinJ.Kinyras.2016.

Friese, W., 2009, Geliebter Gott oder göttlicher Geliebter?. Adoniskult im Schatten der Aphrodite, in M. Seifert (ed.), Aphrodite. Herrin des Krieges - Göttin der Liebe, Mainz, p. 91-110.

Frontisi-Ducroux, F., 1991, Le Dieu-masque. Une figure du Dionysos d’Athènes, Paris-Roma.

Gaspari, C. and Veneri, A., 1986, s.v. Dionysos, LIMC, III, 1986, p. 414-514.

Gogos, S., 2008, Das Dionysostheater von Athen. Architektonische Gestalt und Funktion, Wien.

Goff, B., 2004, Citizen Bacchae. Women’s ritual Practice in Ancient Greece, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London.

Goulaki-Voutira, A., 2012, Εικόνες μουσικής στην αρχαία ελληνική τέχνη, in A. Goulaki-Voutira (ed.), Ελληνικά Μουσικά ΄Οργανα. Αναζητήσεις σε εικαστικές και γραμματειακές μαρτυρίες (2000 π.Χ. – 2000 μ.Χ), Thessaloniki, p. 51-75.

Isler-Kerényi, C., 2007, Dionysos in Archaic Greece. An Understanding through Images, Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 160, Leiden-Boston.

Isler-Kerényi, C., 2015, Dionysos in Classical Athens. An Understanding through Images, Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 181, Leiden-Boston (translated by A. Berens).

Kaltsas, N. and Shapiro, H. A. (eds.), 2008, Worshiping Women. Ritual and Reality in Classical Athens, exhibition catalogue, Onassis Cultural Center in New York 2008-2009, New York.

Kossatz-Deissmann, A., 1992, s.v. Mainas, LIMC, VI, pl 340-341.

Krauskopf, I., 2005, s.v. Rauchopfer. Thumiaterien, ThesCRA, V, p. 212-223.

Krauskopf, I., 2011, s.v. Festivals and Contests, Dionysosfeste in Athen, ThesCRA, VII, 2011, p. 107-125.

Kunisch, N., 1997, Makron, Kerameus, bd. 10, Mainz-Rhein.

Liveri, A., 2001, The Use of Aromatic Plants and Herbs for the Manufacture of Perfumes and Cosmetics in the Greek Antiquity, in Cultural Department of the ETVA-Bank (ed.), Medicinal and aromatic Plants. Traditional Use and Possibilities of their Practical Application, Proceedings of the Symposium of the Cultural Department of the ETVA-Bank in Paralimni in Cyprus 21-25 March 1997, Athens, p. 56-82 (in Greek).

Liveri, A., 2013, Cymbals and Cymbals-players from Ancient Greek Sanctuaries, in E. N. Sampson et al. (eds.), Crossroads. Greece as an intercultural pole of musical thought and creativity, Conference Proceedings (Thessaloniki, 6-10 June 2011), Thessaloniki, p. 1087-1117 (in Greek).

Liveri, A. 2014, Music, Singing and Dancing at Wedding Rites in Megale Hellas. Representations and Interpretations of their Iconography in Local Vases, in A. Bellia (ed.), Musica, Culti e Riti nell’ Occidente Greco, Telestes 1, Studi e ricerche di Archeologia Musicale nel Mediterraneo, Pisa-Roma, p. 195-206.

Liveri, A., 2018, Musical Instruments and their Miniature Models as Votive Offerings to Female Deities in Sanctuaries of Ancient Greece, in A. Bellia and S. D. Bundrick (eds.), Musical Instruments as Votive Gifts in the Ancient World, Telestes 4, Studi e ricerche di Archeologia Musicale nel Mediterraneo, Pisa-Roma, p. 39-50.

Liveri, A., forthcoming 1, Soundscape in Public Festivals in Athens (Panathenaia and City Dionysia), in A. Bellia (ed.), Telestes.

Liveri, A., forthcoming 2, Alabastron: A vase perfume par excellence, in E. Lafli et al. (eds.), Unguentarium. A terracotta vessel form and other related vessels in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine Mediterranean, Proceedings of an International Symposium 17-18 May, 2018 in Izmir/Turkey, BAR International Series, Oxford.

Liveri, A., forthcoming 3, Xylophone or Psithyra, Aphrodite’s favourite instrument.

Mcniven, T. J., 2009, “Things to which we give service”: Interactions with Sacred Images on Athenian Pottery, in D. Yatromanolakis (ed.), An archaeology of representations: ancient Greek vase-painting and contemporary methodologies, Athens, p. 298-324 (ch. 12).

Massar, N., 2008, Les thymiatèria dans le monde grec: état des lieux, in A. Verbanck-Piérard et al. (eds.) (2008), Parfums de l’Antiquité, Mariemont, p. 191-205.

Matheson, S. B., 1995, Polygnotos and Vase Paintings in Classical Athens, Madison.

Metz, J., 2005, s.v. Kultinstrumente, ThesCRA, V, p. 305-312.

Miller, M., 1989, The Ependytes in Classical Athens, Hesperia, 58, p. 313-329.

Miller Ammerman, R., 2015, Tympanon and Syrinx: A Musical Metaphor within the System of Ritual Practice and Belief at Metaponto, 2016, in A. Bellia and Cl. Marconi (eds.), Musicians in Ancient Coroplastic Art. Iconography, Ritual Contexts, and Functions. Telestes 2, Pisa-Roma, p. 117-139.

Mungari, M., 2018, Isiac Sistra in Pompei: Ritual Objects, Status Markers, Soundtools?, in A. Bellia and S. D. Bundrick (eds.), Musical Instruments as Votive Gifts in the Ancient World, Telestes 4, Studi e ricerche di Archeologia Musicale nel Mediterraneo, Pisa-Roma, p. 81-88.

Neils, J., 2008, Adonia to Thesmophoria: Women and Athenian Festivals, in N. Kaltsas and H. A. Shapiro, (eds.), Worshiping Women, New York, p. 243-249.

Oakley, J. H., Sinos, R. H., 1993, The Wedding in Ancient Athens, Madison.

Oenbrink, W.,1997. Das Bild im Bilde, Frankfurt.

Pala, E., 2010, Aphrodite on the Akropolis. Evidence from Attic Pottery, in A. C. Smith and S. Pickup (eds.), Brill’s Companion to Aphrodite, Leiden-Boston, p. 195-216.

Pantermalis, D. et al., 2013, Μουσείο Ακρόπολης. Οδηγός. Athens.

Palaiokrassa, L., 2005, Schallgeräte, ThesCRA, V, p. 376-379 .

Papadopoulou, Z. D., 2004, Musical instruments in cult, ThesCRA, II, p. 348-355.

Papastamati-Von Moock, Chr., 2014, The Theatre of Dionysus Eleuthereus in Athens: New Data and Observations on its “Lycourgan” Phase, in E. Csapo et al. (eds.), Greek Theatre in the Fourth Century B.C., Berlin-Boston, p. 15-76.

Papastamati-Von Moock, Chr., 2015, The Wooden Theatre of Dionysos Eleuthereus in Athens : Old Issues, New Research, in R. Frederiksen et al. (eds.), The Architecture of the Ancient Greek Theatre, Acts of an International Conference (at the Danish Institute at Athens 27-30 January 2012), Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens, Athens, p. 39-79.

Pirenne-Delforge, V., 1988, Épithètes culturelles et interprétation philosophique: À propos d’Aphrodite Ourania et Pandémos à Athènes, AC, 57, p. 142-157.

Pirenne-Delforge, V., 1994, L’Aphrodite grecque. Contribution à l’étude de ses cultes et de sa personnalité dans le panthéon archaïque et classique, Kernos Supplément 4, Liège.

Pirenne-Delforge, V., 2007, ‘Something to Do with Aphrodite’: Ta Aphrodisia and the Sacred, in D. Ogden (ed.), A Companion to Greek Religion, London, p. 311-323.

Pirenne-Delforge, V., 2010, Flouring Aphrodite: An Overview, in A. C. Smith and S. Pickup (eds.), Brill’s Companion to Aphrodite, Leiden-Boston, p. 3-16, ch 1.

Reeder, E. D. (ed.), 1995, Pandora. Frauen im klassischen Griechenland, exhibition catalogue, Basel Antikenmuseum und Sammlung Ludwig 1996, Mainz.

Reitzammer, L., 2016, The Athenian Adonia in context: The Adonis Festival as Cultural Practice, Madison.

Roberts, R. S., 1978, The Attic Pyxis, Chicago.

Romano, C., 2016, The Adonis Complex: Resolving Frazer and Segal’s Interpretations of the Adonis Myth, Persephone 1, no. 1, p. 46-59.

Rosenzweig, R., 2007 [1968], Worshiping Aphrodite. Art and Cult in Classical Athens, Ann Arbor (4th ed.).

Roumpi, A., 2012, Γλωσσάριο των μουσικών οργάνων της ελληνικής αρχαιότητας, in A. Goulaki-Voutira (ed.), Ελληνικά Μουσικά ΄Οργανα. Αναζητήσεις σε εικαστικές και γραμματειακές μαρτυρίες (2000 π.Χ. – 2000 μ.Χ), Thessaloniki, p. 173-197 (ch. XIII).

Saura-Ziegelmeyer, A., 2015, Agiter le sistre pour la déesse: reconstituer la production sonore d’un idiophone, Pallas, 98, p. 215-236.

Saura-Ziegelmeyer, A., 2018, Inside and Outside the Tomb: The Isiac Sistrum as Testimony of Workshippers’ Beliefs, in A. Bellia and S. D. Bundrick (eds.), Musical Instruments as Votive Gifts in the Ancient World, Telestes 4, Studi e ricerche di Archeologia Musicale nel Mediterraneo, Pisa-Roma, p. 71-80.

Saura-Ziegelmeyer, A., 2019, Quelques réflexions sur l’analyse autoptique du sistre isiaque: trois exemples de types locaux à Pompéi, in I. Bertrand et al. (eds.), Mobiliers et sanctuaires dans les provinces romaines occidentales, Monographies Instrumentum 64, Montagnac, p. 385-400.

Schmitt Pantel, P., 2013, State Festivals and Celebrations, in H. Beck (ed.), A Companion to Ancient Greek Government, Malden-Oxford-Chichester, p. 432-447 (ch. 28).

Schneider-Hermann, G. 1976, Das Xylophon in der Vasenmalerei Süd-Italiens, in Boersma, J. S. et al.(eds.), Festoen. Festschrift A. N. Zadoks-Josephus Jitta, Scripta archaeologica Groningana 6, Groningen-Bussum, p. 517-526.

Servais-Soyez, B. 1981, s.v. Adonis, LIMC, I, p. 222-229.

Shapiro, H. A., 2004a, s.v., Dance/Adonis, ThesCRA, II, p. 318-319.

Shapiro, H. A., 2004b, s.v., Dance/Kybele and Sabazios, ThesCRA, II, p. 335.

Simon, E., 1976, Griechische Vasen, Munich.

Simon, E., 1983, Festivals of Attica. An Archaeological Commentary, Madison.

Simon, E., 1998, Die Götter der Griechen, Munich (4th ed.).

Smith, A. C. and Pickup, S. (eds.), 2010, Brill’s Companion to Aphrodite, Leiden-Boston.

Soyez, B., 1977, Byblos et la fête des Adonies, Leiden.

Stampolidis, N. Chr. and Tassoulas, Y. (eds.), 2009, Eros. From Hesiod’s Theogony to late Antiquity, exhibition catalogue, Museum of Cycladic Art 2009-2010, Athens.

Tiverios, M., 1996, Ελληνική Τέχνη. Αρχαία Αγγεία, Athens.

Valdés Guía, M., 2013, Redefining Dionysos in Athens from the Written Sources: The Lenaia, Iacchos and Attic Women, in A. Bernabé Pajares et al. (eds.), Redefining Dionysos, Berlin-Boston, p. 100-119.

Verbanck-Piérard, A. et al. (eds.), 2008, Parfums de l’Antiquité. La rose et l’encens en Mediterranée, exhibition catalogue, Musée royal de Mariemont 2008, Mariemont.

Verbanck-Piérard, A., 2008, Adonis et Phaon, ou la seduction rêvée des images du Peintre de Meidias, in A. Verbanck- Piérard et al. (eds.), ibid., Mariemont, p. 206-213.

Voelke, P, 1996, Beauté d’ Hélène et rituals féminins dans l’Hélène d’ Euripide, Kernos, 9, p. 281-296.

Weill, N., Adôniazousai ou les femmes sur les toit, BCH, XC, 1966, p. 664-698.

Wegner, M., 1949, Das Musikleben der Griechen, Berlin.

West, M. L., 1992, Ancient Greek Music, Oxford.

Zafeiropoulou, M. 2008, Cymbal, in N. Kaltsas and H. A. Shapiro (eds.), Worshiping Women, New York, p. 53.

Zschätzsch, A. 2002, Verwendung und Bedeutung griechischer Musikinstrumente in Mythos und Kult, Internationale Archäologie 73, Rhaden-Westf.

Zschätzsch, A., 2004, s.v. Göttliche, heroische, mythische Personen und die Musik, ThesCRA II, p. 382-390.

Haut de page

Notes

1 About percussion instruments see: Wegner, 1949, p. 62-68, figs. 15-18, pls. 28-29; West, 1992, p. 122-128, figs. 32-33; Papadopoulou, 2004, p. 348-353; Palaiokrassa, 2005, p. 376-379; Roumpi, 2012, p. 191-195; 197; cf./see additionally on tympanon: Miller Ammerman, 2016, p. 122-129; on crotala: Castaldo, 2009, p. 283-298; on cymbals: Bellia, 2012, p. 3-14; Liveri, 2013, p. 1087-1117; on sistrum: Saura-Ziegelmeyer, 2015, p. 215-236; Idem, 2018, p. 71-80; Idem, 2019, p. 385-400; Mungari, 2018, p. 81-88; on roptron: Colangelo, 2018, p. 62, 64-68.

2 The references are numerous. See selective: crotala and tympana related to Dionysos a) in Euripides, Cyclops, 204-205: “τι βακχιάζετ᾽; οὐχὶ Διόνυσος τάδε/ οὐ κρόταλα χαλκοῦ τυμπάνων τ᾽ ἀράγματα; b) in Euripides, Bacchae, 155-156: μέλπετε τὸν Διόνυσον/ βαρυβρόμων ὑπὸ τυμπάνων (sing Dionysus’s,/ praises to the deep-roaring drums); tympana used by women in the Sabazios’ cult in Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 387- 390, esp. 388: ἆρ᾽ἐξέλαμψε τῶν γυναικῶν ἡ τρυφὴ/ χὠ τυμπανισμὸς χοἰ πυκνοὶ Σαβάζιοι,/ ὅτ᾽ Ἀδωνιασμὸς οὗτος οὑπὶ τῶν τεγῶν,/ οὗ 'γώ ποτ᾽ ὢν ἤκουον ἐν τἠκκλησίᾳ (LCL); see more examples in the references mentioned in the previous note. Additionally, for holding or playing a percussion instrument by a deity see Ζschäzsch, 2002, passim; cf. note 1.

3 Deubner, 1932, p. 222 (generally from Orient); Soyez, 1977, p. 8-43 (Adonia in Byblos); Servais-Soyez, 1981, p. 222; Detienne, 2000, p. 145-147; Friese, 2009, p. 102-108; Reitzammer, 2016, p. 27-29.

4 Burn, 1987, p. 41, note 86 cf. and note 87 (Sappho’s fragments 140a and 168).

5 Liveri, 2001, p. 69, figs. 8-9; cf. Detienne, 2000, p. 77-79; about the perfumes in the Greek Antiquity see Liveri, ibid., p. 69, 71, 73-77; Badinou, 2003, p. 65-76; contributions in Verbanck-Piérard et.al., 2008; Algrain, 2014, p. 153-193; Liveri, forthcoming 2.

6 Apollodorus, Library, 3.14.4.

7 Apollodorus, Library, 3.14.4; Reitzammer, 2016, p. 12 (he mentions fr. 139. I found the reference in fr. 21).

8 Apollodorus, Library, 3.14.3; see all theories in Franklin, 2016, ch. 12; cf. Romano, 2016, p. 47-48; Loeb Classical Library 57; Merkelbach,West, 1967, fr. 21.

9 Angelos Delivorrias and Lucilla Burn following Benjamin D. Merrit: Delivorrias, 1978, p. 20-21; Burn, 1987, p. 28; Delivorrias, 2008, p. 109.

10 Delivorrias, 1978, p. 18; Simon, following Travlos: Simon, 1983, p. 40, fig. 4; Rosenzweig, 2007, p. 35-40, figs. 1, no. 4; 21; Pantermalis et al., 2013, p. 74, fig. 77.

11 Delivorrias, ibid.; Rosenzweig, ibid., p. 37, figs. 12, 22-26; cf. Pala, 2010, p. 195-216, figs. 10.1-10.5.

12 Deubner, 1932, p. 215.

13 Angelos Delivorrias identified a fragment of the original cult statue Aphrodite’s: Delivorrias, 1978, p. 18-22, pl. 6.1: cf. pls. 1-5 (roman copies); Rosenzweig, 2007, p. 38-39, fig. 27.

14 Delivorrias, ibid., p. 18-19; Burn, 1987, p. 28, not. 10; Rosenzweig, ibid., p. 36-37, figs. 23-24; Delivorrias, 2008, p. 109-110; Kaltsas, Shapiro, 2008, p. 120-121, no. 52 (N. Kaltsas); Pantermalis et al., 2013, p.78, fig. 83.

15 Delivorrias, 2008, p. 110.

16 The Painter of Athens 1454: Paris, Louvre CA 1679; Delivorrias, 1978, p. 11, pl. 13.1; Burn, 1987, p. 27-28; for the seated Aphrodite see and below about Aphrodite.

17 Deubner, 1932, p. 220-222; Atallah, 1966; Servais-Soyez, 1981, p. 222-223, 228-229; Delivorrias et al., 1984, p. 148-149; Detienne, 2000, p. 79-86; 113-135; Goff, 2004, p. 138-144; cf. p. 211-220; Neils, 2008, p. 245-246; Reitzammer, 2016, p. 12-29.

18 Weil, 1966, p. 695-698; cf. Soyez, 1977, p. 44-75 (date of Adonia in Byblos).

19 Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 387-398 (see text in note 2 above); Burn, 1987, p. 41, note 84.

20 Cf. Detienne, 2000, p. 113-144; Reitzammer, 2016, p. 15-20.

21 Reitzammer, ibid., p. 3: with more details in special chapters.

22 Oakley, Sinos, 1993, p. 38-42, figs. 115-129; Liveri, 2014, p. 200-201, fig. 5a-b.

23 About lamentations for Adonis as ritual poetics and the relationship with Aphrodite and Kinyras cf. Franklin, 2016, ch. 12, esp. notes 63-64; cf. ch. 19.

24 Reitzammer, 2016, p. 46-49; Goff, 2004, p. 231-247.

25 London, British Museum, no. E2 41, /or 1856,1001.16; BAPD, no. 230493; Servais-Soyez, 1981, p. 228-229, no. 48b*, pl. 170; Shapiro, 2004a, p. 318-319, no. 143, pl. 73; Rosenzweig, 2007, p. 65, fig. 47; Niels, 2008, p. 245-246, fig. 3; Reitzammer, ibid., p. 52, fig. 8.

26 St. Petersburg, State Hermitage Museum, no. 2024; BAPD, no. 230498; Krauskopf, 2005, p. 214, 221, pl. 35, no. 412; cf. a similar scene with two thymiateria, one small with a low foot/basis on an altar, similar to this holded by Eros, and a greater on a high foot placed on the ground, but without ladder on a red-figure hydria in New York, no. 413, pl. 36; Reitzammer, ibid., p. 52-53, fig. 7.

27 See a reconstruction in Gouache in Brussels, Musée Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire: Massar, 2008, p. 200-201, fig. 4; Verbanck-Piérard et al., 2008, p. 408-409, no. IV.D.9.

28 Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, no. V.I. 3248: BAPD, no. 230497 with bibliography; Servais-Soyez, 1981, p. 227-229, no. 48a*, pl. 170; Rosenzweig, 2007, p. 65, fig. 48; Backe-Dahmen et al., 2010, p. 112-113, no. 57; Reitzammer, 2016, p. 52-53, fig. 9; see a reconstruction of the image in gouache in Brussels, Musée Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire: Bruit-Zaidman 2008, p. 188-189, fig.4; Verbanck-Piérard et al., 2008, p. 408-409, no. IV.D.10.

29 Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen/Albertinum, no. Z V798: BAPD, no. 230495.

30 Liveri, 2014, p. 201, fig. 5a-b.

31 Athens, New Acropolis Museum, no. NA 1960-NAK 222: Kaltsas, Shapiro, 2008, p. 262-263, no. 121 (N. Saraga); Reitzammer, 2016, p. 30, 50, 52, fig. 14.

32 Florence, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, nos. 81947, 81948: On the first hydria there is not percussion music: Burn, 1987, p. 40-44, no. M2, pls. 27-29; Simon, 1976, p. 148-149, pls. 217 L, 217-218; For the second hydria see BAPD, 220493; Servais-Soyez, 1981, p. 224, no. 10*, pl. 161; Burn, 1987, no. M1, p. 40-44, pls. 22-25a; Verbanck-Piérard, 2008, p. 207-210, fig. 1; Verbanck-Piérard et al., 2008, p. 407, no. cat. IV. D.7: the writer following Burn identifies the figure on the hydria, no. 81947 with Phaon and not with Adonis (p. 210-213, fig. 2); Stampolidis, Tassoulas, 2009, p. 164-169, no. 133 (the hydria, no. 81948; text by M. Iozzo); Reitzammer, ibid., p. 43-45, fig. 1. About Aphrodite and Phaon see: Delivorrias et al., 1984, p.148.

33 Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 387-396. He has written also a comedy with the title Αδωνιάζουσαι, which is lost; Theocritus in the 3rd c. BC. (310-245 BC) has written an Idyll with the title Syrakousiai or Adoniasousai (Women at the Adonis festival).

34 London, British Museum, no. E 721: Reitzammer, 2016, p. 53, fig. 10.

35 Wegner, 1949, p. 66-67, fig. 18; West, 1992, p. 126-128, fig. 33; cf. representations in wedding rituals in Liveri, 2014, p. 198-201, figs. 3-5; Reitzammer ibid., 31, notes 14-15; Liveri, 2018, p. 44-45.

36 Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli, no. H 3256: Delivorrias et al., 1984, p. 134, no. 1406*, pl. 138; Pirenne-Delforge, 1994, p. 23; Reitzammer, ibid., p. 31; on xylophone cf. Schneider-Hermann, 1976, p. 517-526; Liveri, forthcoming 3.

37 About Aphrodite see: Delivorrias et al., 1984; Pirenne-Delforge, 1994; Simon, 1998, p. 202-221; Delivorrias, 2008, p. 107-112; cf. contributions in Smith, Pickup, 2010 (e. g. of Pirenne-Delforge and Pala); about Ancient Greek State festivals cf. also Schmitt Pantell, 2013, p. 432-447.

38 Burn, 1987, p. 31; Rosenzweig, 2007, p. 14-15, fig. 1-4 (Pandemos); Delivorrias, ibid., figs. 1, 2, 4-6 (famous Aphrodite’s statues or their fragments); Aphrodite’s sanctuaries in the Acropolis; area: Pantermalis et al., 2013, p. 74, 78, fig. 77.

39 Rosenzweig, ibid., p. 35-38, figs. 1, no. 4 (after Travlos), 21; Delivorrias, 2008, p. 109.

40 Rosenzweig, ibid., p. 31-33, fig. 17, no. 2 (after Travlos); Delivorrias, ibid., p. 108-109.

41 Rosenzweig, 2007, p. 40-44, figs. 28-29; Delivorrias, 2008, p. 110, fig. 3.

42 Delivorrias, ibid., p. 111.

43 Delivorrias, ibid. , p. 112

44 Delivorrias, ibid., p. 110-111, fig. 5 (a roman copy of an Aphrodite’s statue in the type of the Doria Pamphili, that proposed as the cult statue Aphrodite’s, but is not confirmed).

45 IG. II2, 2798; Rosenzweig, 2007, p. 26-28, fig.14; Delivorrias, 2008, p. 111-112.

46 The Athenian Hetairai celebrated also the Aphrodisia; on this festival see Pirenne-Delforge, 2007, p. 311-323.

47 Deubner, 1932, p. 215-216; Simon, 1983, p. 43-44 (Arrephoria, a festival for Athena and Aphrodite in the Gardens), p. 48-51 (Aphrodisia for Aphrodite Pandemos); cf. Rosenzweig, 2007, passim; Delivorrias, 2008, p. 107-109; cf. previous note.

48 Euripides, Helen, 1346-1353; Voelke, 1996, p. 284-290, esp. 289-295; Zschätzsch, 2002, p. 73; Castaldo, 2009, p. 293-294; cf. Liveri, 2018, p. 40, note 1.

49 Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 1-3; Voelke, 1996, p. 293, not. 52-53; Castaldo, ibid., p. 294; on her sanctuary no trace has survived at A. Kosmas: cf. Delivorrias, 2008, p. 112.

50 Ζschäzsch, 2002, p. 73-74, 76; Liveri, 2013, p. 1105-1106 (the goddess with tympana or cymbals).

51 Ζschäzsch, ibid., p. 73, 75, 76, pl. 8a; cf. notes 35-36 above about xylophone.

52 Burn,1987, p. 32; cf. for Aphrodite, perfumes and cosmetics Liveri, 2001, p. 63, 65; cf. note 5 above.

53 Paris, Louvre, no. MNB 2110: BAPD, 220506; Burn, ibid., no. M 16, p. 26-27, 29-30, pl. 16a,b,c; Delivorrias et al., 1984, p. 129, no. 1360*, pl. 134; Campenon, 1994, p. 89, pl. 16.1; Castaldo, 2000, p.103, fig. 96; cf. the representation of women dancing playing five tympana and one cymbals on a crater in Louvre, no. G 488, perhaps in Dionysiac contest: p. 103, fig. 94; Castaldo, 2009, p. 291.

54 Athens, National Archaeological Museum, no. 1243/CC1960; BAPD, 220539; Roberts, 1978, p. 152, pl. 88,1, fig. 17a; Kaltsas, Shapiro, 2008, p. 116-117, no. 50 (A. Gadolou).

55 See Delivorrias et al., 1984; Burn, 1987; Brøns, 2017, p. 213-219, figs. 61-64; cf. next notes (56-57).

56 Here some examples without dance and musical performances: a) Athens, National Archaeological Museum, no. 1283, ca. 380-370 BC: Brøns, ibid., p. 214 , fig. 62; b) Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, inv. no. 1966, 714 (MM 80), (a larger frontally depicted Aphrodite’s xoanon which resembles this one of Artemis Ephesia is between two high thymiateria and two standing nude Erotes. The goddess holds phialai in both hands that indicates a ritual): Delivorrias et al., 1984, p. 14, no. 44*, pl. 8; Alroth, 1992, p. 21, fig. 14; Burn, ibid., p. 26, fig. 13d; Brøns, ibid., p. 215, fig. 64; Perhaps the two next examples represent also Aphrodite’s statue: a) Athens, National Archaeological Museum, no. 110 (1538) (Aphrodite’s (?) statue between an Eros and a seated woman): Delivorrias et al., 1984, p. 14, no. 45; BAPD, no. 9228; b) St. Petersburg, State Hermitage Museum, no. ST1863a (Eros and statue of Aphrodite (?) between a youth and a woman, both seated): BAPD, no. 9078; Delivorrias et al., 1984, p. 14, no. 49; cf. three squat lekythoi represented Aphrodite’s idol flanked by heads of women: a-b) in Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum, nos. 34.74 and 38.278; c) in Volos, Archaeological Museum, no. 3358A: BAPD, nos. 22925-22927; Oenbrink, 1997, p. 436, pl. 24.

57 See e.g.: a) British Museum, squat lekythos, no. E714, early 4th c. Here Aphrodite is flanked by a seated female tympanon-player left and a standing Eros right: Delivorrias et al., 1984, p. 14, no. 46*, pl. 8; BAPD, no. 7821; Brøns, ibid., p. 213-215, fig. 61; b) Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlung, no. 2264 (a larger Aphrodite’s xoanon flanked by a standing tympanon-player left and a female dancer right): Delivorrias et al., 1984, p. 14, no. 52*, pl. 8; Alroth, ibid., p. 21, fig. 15; Oenbrick, 1997, p. 434, pl. 22, top left; Brøns, ibid., p. 215, fig. 63.

58 Paris, Louvre, no. CA 1890: BAPD, no. 220623; Burn, 1987, no. MM 108, p. 85, pl. 51c; Castaldo, 2000, p. 77, fig. 55; Castaldo, 2009, p. 291.

59 We will find this garment and in other examples and in the volute-crater in Ferrara. About ependytes see: Burn, ibid., p. 85-86; Miller, 1989, p. 313-329: on its use p. 327; Brøns, 2017, p. 309-316.

60 On Dionysos see Gaspari, Veneri, 1986, p. 414-420, 496-514; Simon, 1998, p. 233-253; Isler-Kerényi, 2007; Eadem, 2015; cf. contributions in Bernabé Payares et al., 2013.

61 Chryssoulaki, 2008, p. 267-275, esp. p. 267; cf. Schmitt Pantell, 2013, p. 437-442.

62 Deubner, 1932, p. 134-138; Simon, 1983, p. 101-102; Chryssoulaki, ibid., p. 269.

63 Deubner, ibid., p. 138-142; Simon, ibid., p. 102-104; Bruit Zaidman, Schmitt Pantel, 1992, p. 108-110; Ζschätzsch, 2002, p. 95-97; Chryssoulaki, ibid., p. 272.

64 Deubner, ibid., p. 93-123; Simon, ibid., p. 92-99; cf. Ζschätzsch, ibid., p. 95; Chryssoulaki, ibid., p. 270-272; Krauskopf, 2011, p. 113-117.

65 Deubner, ibid., p. 123-134; Simon, ibid., p. 100-101; Ζschätzsch, ibid., p. 97; Chryssoulaki, ibid., p. 269; cf. Valdés Guía, 2013, p. 100-119.

66 Deubner, ibid., p. 142-151; Simon, ibid., p. 89-92;

67 Pantermalis et al., 2013, p. 68, 70, figs. 70, 77; on the theater see: Gogos, 2008; Papastamati-von Moock, 2014, p. 15-76; Eadem, 2016, p. 39-79.

68 The second day of Anthesteria called Choes and the third Chytroi. “Choes refers to the oinochoai or choes from which the wine was poured into the drinking vessels; Chytroi are the cooking pot in which several kinds of grain were boiled together for Hermes Chthonios (also called Psychopompos), who accompanied the dead”: Simon, 1983, p. 93.

69 Cf. Valdés Guía, 2013, p. 108-109.

70 Zafeiropoulou, 2008, p. 53, no. 12; Liveri, 2018, p. 40, not. 4, fig. 1.

71 Ζschätzsch, 2002, p. 79-85, 98, pls. 8b- 9a,b.

72 Ζschätzsch, ibid., p. 88, 92-93; Castaldo, 2000, p. 96-97 (tympanon), 97-105 (cymbals); Manakidou, 2017.

73 For written sources cf. notes 1-2, 71-72 above; here only selective about the tympana use for Bacchus: Palaiokrassa, 2005, p. 377, nos. 1409, 1413; a) Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 1‒3: “ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τις ἐς Βακχεῖον αὐτὰς ἐκάλεσεν,/ἢ 'ς Πανὸς ἢ 'πὶ Κωλιάδ᾽ ἢ 'ς Γενετυλλίδος,/ οὐδ᾽ ἂν διελθεῖν ἦν ἂν ὑπὸ τῶν τυμπάνων.” (“they were trysting for a Bacchanal,/ A feast of Pan or Colias or Genetyllis,/ The tambourines would block the rowdy streets.”); b) “Euanthe dedicated her whirling rhombos, her corybantic roptra/cymbals, her tympanon her green thyrsus and her basket to Bacchus”: Anthologia Palatina 6, 165:
“στρεπτὸν Βασσαρικοῦ ῥόμβον θιάσοιο μύωπα,

καὶ σκύλος ἀμφιδόρου στικτὸν ἀχαιίνεω,

καὶ κορυβαντείων ἰαχήματα χάλκεα ῥόπτρων,

καὶ θύρσου χλοερὸν κωνοφόρου κάμακα,

καὶ κούφοιο βαρὺν τυπάνου βρόμον, ἠδὲ φορηθὲν

πολλάκι μιτροδέτου λῖκνον ὕπερθε κόμης,

Εὐάνθη Βάκχῳ, τὴν ἔντρομον ἁνίκα θύρσοις

ἄτρομον εἰς προπόσεις χεῖρα μετημφίασεν.” [p. 384]

“Euanthe, when she transferred her hand from the unsteady service of the thyrsus to the steady service of the wine-cup, dedicated to Bacchus her whirling tambourine that stirs the rout of the Bacchants to fury, this dappled spoil of a flayed fawn, her clashing brass corybantic cymbals, her green thyrsus surmounted by a pine-cone, her light, but deeply-booming drum, and the winnowing-basket she often carried raised above her snooded hair.” c) Nonnus mentions the use of bronze roptron or cymbals by the bacchant Mystis during nocturnal rites including dances and other events for Bacchus/Dionysus: (Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 9, 111-124; cf. Papadopoulou, 2004, p. 351, nos. 45. 53; cf.: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0485%3Abook%3D9 (7.8.2020); about the music in City Dionysia see Liveri, forthcoming 1. For archaeological remains see the examples in the next note.

74 Bundrick, 2005, p. 157, notes 84-85. About Lenai see: Deubner, 1932, p. 123-134; Simon, 1998, p. 237-241; Chryssoulaki, 2008, p. 269-270; Krauskopf, 2011, p. 109-112. (It is really very difficult to decide for a feast. However, comparing the bibliographical references I think that these vases are rather associated with Lenaia than with Anthesteria. I follow the scholars (e.g. Deubner, Parke, Simon) who identify these scenes with Lenaia festivities. Isler-Kerényi, following Frontisi-Ducroux, accepts that the representations of these stamnoi show domestic rituals: “do not refer to one of the official festivals of Athens, but, to domestic rituals in honor of the god, for which we have independent evidence.”: Isler-Kerényi, 2015, p. 128.

75 Berlin, Antikensammlung, no. F 2290: BAPD, no. 204730 with many references; Simon, 1976, p. 121-122, figs. 168-170; Benson, 1995, p. 383-385, no. 123; Kunisch, 1997, p. 109, 197-198, pls. 116-117, no. 345; Simon, 1998, p. 237, fig. 264; Zschätzsch, 2004, p. 384, 388, pl. 89, no. 330; Chryssoulaki, 2008, p. 273-274, fig. 5; Backe-Dahmen et al., 2010, p. 20-21, no. 8; Krauskopf, 2011, p. 108-109, pl. 13.1; Isler-Kerényi, 2015, p. 125, fig. 69; Manakidou, 2017, p. 57, fig. 32; cf. similar theme on skyphoi (1st h. 5th c. BC), p. 42-43, figs. 16-17.

76 On the mask-god/”Maskengott/ see: Gaspari, Veneri, 1986, p. 424-427, 504; Frontisi-Ducroux, 1991.

77 Brøns, 2017, p. 221, fig. 67.

78 Kunisch, 1997; Manakidou, 2017, p. 83-87, figs. 44-49.

79 Manakidou, ibid., p. 86, fig. 45 (Basel, AS, no. Kä 410).

80 Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli, no. 2419: BAPD, no. 215254; Deubner, 1932, p. 130, pl. 20.1-2; Gaspari, Veneri, 1986, p. 426, no. 33*, pl. 298: cf. variations of the scene, without percussion’s instruments, in nos. 30-32; Benson, 1995, p. 385-387, no. 124; Matheson, 1995, p. 156, pl. 136, 278, 381, no. D2; Tiverios, 1996, p. 327-328, figs. 169-172; Simon, 1976, p. 145, pls. 212-215; Simon, 1998, p. 237-241, fig. 265; Bundrick, 2005, p. 158, not. 88; Mcniven, 2009, p. 312, fig. 4; Isler-Kerényi, 2015, p. 130, 184-185, figs. 71.6; 98.

81 About the Lenaia-vases see: Chryssoulaki, 2008, p. 272-275, figs. 3-5; cf. Isler-Kerényi, ibid., p. 125-135; here note 74 above.

82 Miller, 1989, p. 316, pl. 51b; Brøns, 2017, p. 221.

83 Kossatz-Deissmann, 1992, p. 340-341, no. 6.

84 See all theories in Bundrick, 2005, p. 157-158.

85 Simon,1983, p. 100-101.

86 Manakidou, 2017, p. 56-57.

87 Napoli, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli, no. 82922: Gaspari, Veneri, 1986, p. 495, no. 863*, pl. 405; BAPD, no. 9036832; Alroth, 1992, 28, fig. 22; Metz, 2005, p. 312, pl. 56, no. 1027; Brøns, 2017, p. 204, fig. 52.

88 Ferrara, Museo Nazionale di Spina, no. 2897: BAPD, no. 213655; Gaspari, Veneri, 1986, p. 496, no. 869; Matheson, 1995, p. 129-130, 278-279, 379, pls. 116A, B, C, no. CUR 7; Castaldo, 2000, p. 100, fig. 95; Shapiro, 2004b, p. 335, no. 323; Bundrick, 2005, p. 158-159, fig. 94; Connelly, 2007, p. 171, fig. 6.4; Isler-Kerényi, 2015, p. 159-161, fig. 89.

89 Matheson identifies the figure with a young man: Matheson, 1995, p. 278. It is difficult to distinguish. I think rather the figure represents an old woman.

90 Cf. maenads’ dance holding snakes and accompanied by a female double-aulos player and a tympanistria on a pyxis with white ground, attributed to the Sotheby painter, in the Walters Art Gallery, no. 48.2019: Benson, 1995, p. 390-392, no. 127.

91 Miller, 1989, p. 326; Liveri, 2013, p. 1105; Goulaki-Voutira, 2012, p. 60, fig. IV.34: about ependytes see above note 59.

92 Connelly, 2007, p. 171.

93 Bundrick, 2005, p. 159.

94 Athens, New Acropolis Museum, no. NA 56NAK232: BAPD, no. 230500; Brouskari, 1974, p. 124, figs. 230-231; Pantermalis et al., 2013, p. 44-45, figs. 33-34.

Haut de page

Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1a et b. Attic red-figure squat lekythos (b. 4th c. BC). Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, no. V. I. 3248. © Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz (Phot. Johannes Laurentius).
URL http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/pallas/docannexe/image/19830/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 1,5M
Titre Fig. 2a, b, c. Attic red-figure skyphos or kotyle (mid. 4th c. BC). Athens, New Acropolis Museum, no. NA 1960-NAK 222. © New Acropolis Museum (Phot. Socrates Mavromatis).
URL http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/pallas/docannexe/image/19830/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 1,1M
Titre Fig. 3a, b. The lid of an Attic red-figure pyxis (420-400 BC). Athens, National Archaeological Museum, no. 1243/CC1960. Credit line: National Archaeological Museum, Athens (phot. Ei. Miari). © Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports/Archaeological Receipts Fund.
URL http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/pallas/docannexe/image/19830/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 1011k
Titre Fig. 4a, b. Attic red-figure cylix (500-450 BC). Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, no. F 2290. © Berlin, Antikensammlung, Staaliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz (Phot. Johannes Laurentius).
URL http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/pallas/docannexe/image/19830/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 714k
Titre Fig. 5a, b. Attic red-figure lid of a lekanis (4th c. BC). Athens, New Acropolis Museum, no. 56NAK232. © New Acropolis Museum (Phot. Socrates Mavromatis).
URL http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/pallas/docannexe/image/19830/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 1,3M
Haut de page

Pour citer cet article

Référence papier

Angeliki Liveri, « Percussion Music in Athenian Religious Rituals and Festivals »Pallas, 115 | 2021, 67-92.

Référence électronique

Angeliki Liveri, « Percussion Music in Athenian Religious Rituals and Festivals »Pallas [En ligne], 115 | 2021, mis en ligne le 23 août 2022, consulté le 27 mai 2024. URL : http://0-journals-openedition-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/pallas/19830 ; DOI : https://0-doi-org.catalogue.libraries.london.ac.uk/10.4000/pallas.19830

Haut de page

Auteur

Angeliki Liveri

Ministère de l’Éducation et des Affaires religieuses, Athènes

Haut de page

Droits d’auteur

CC-BY-NC-ND-4.0

Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.

Haut de page
Rechercher dans OpenEdition Search

Vous allez être redirigé vers OpenEdition Search